(Pontificia Universidad Salesiana - Roma, 16-20 de enero de 1989)
Edición en español dirigida por
José Manuel PRELLEZO GARCÍA
LAS - ROMA
EDITORIAL CCS - MADRID
El volumen recopila los documentos y comunicaciones presentados en la "1ª Conferencia Internacional de San Giovanni Bosco", celebrada en Roma del 16 al 20 de enero de 1989. También se publica en italiano e inglés.
Con estas líneas no pretendo realizar un examen crítico de tales colaboraciones, ni presentar el tema, el desarrollo y los logros del Congreso. La participación de conocidos historiadores y eruditos del pensamiento de Don Bosco y el alcance de los temas enfrentados ya garantizan el interés y la importancia de esta publicación. De hecho, el "Primer Congreso Internacional de Estudios sobre San Juan Bosco" se distinguió "por la clara superación de cada enfoque hagiográfico y por el alto nivel científico de la mayoría de los documentos y comunicaciones".
Estas líneas simplemente quieren señalar las principales características de la edición castellana, para facilitar su lectura y consulta.
El libro reproduce sustancialmente los trabajos presentados en las sesiones generales. Los autores, en un segundo momento, han podido completar el texto de sus colaboraciones y la documentación necesaria. Solo en algunos casos, que se indican de vez en cuando, la breve nota bibliográfica agregada es el trabajo de la persona a cargo de la edición (nde).
Sin embargo, la estructura del volumen no respeta estrictamente el orden en que se leyeron los diversos temas ante los congresistas. Teniendo en cuenta las características específicas de las colaboraciones, la Comisión Científica prefirió dividir la publicación en cuatro bloques temáticos homogéneos: I. Don Bosco en historiografía; II. Don Bosco en la Iglesia y en la sociedad; III. Don Bosco y la educación; TELEVISIÓN. Don Bosco y la cultura popular.
El libro completa las "conclusiones" del Congreso y algunas "comunicaciones gratuitas", leídas en el grupo de idioma español. Debido a requisitos editoriales y de espacio, no ha sido posible publicar todas las colaboraciones, orales o escritas, presentadas en los tres grupos lingüísticos organizados (español, italiano, inglés). Después de un atento examen, los miembros de la Comisión Científica se vieron obligados a seleccionar solo una pequeña muestra de dichas "comunicaciones gratuitas", según las diferentes áreas lingüísticas, recopiladas en cada una de las diferentes ediciones. El lector interesado en conocer las "comunicaciones gratuitas" presentadas en el grupo de idioma italiano o inglés debe, por lo tanto, consultar las ediciones respectivas.
G. MARTINA, 111 Congreso Internacional de sus estudios S. Giovanni Bosco, en "Revista de Historia de la Iglesia en Italia" 43 (1989) 274. Cf. R. AUBERT, Congrés, en "Revue d'Histoire Écdésiastique" 84 (1989) 1, 275-276.
La presente edición en español se ha preparado a partir de los manuscritos originales, siguiendo los criterios que se indican brevemente a continuación.
El texto preparado por los respectivos autores ha sido rigurosamente respetado. De estos queda la total responsabilidad de lo que escriben. Las intervenciones en los originales, por parte del responsable de la edición, han sido fundamentalmente de carácter "técnico": completar, siempre que sea posible, los datos bibliográficos; Unificar la presentación del aparato crítico. corregir ciertos errores materiales, que los autores, inadvertidamente, no corrigieron. Cuando cualquiera de estas correcciones pudo haber significado un cambio de dirección o matiz de cierta entidad, la opinión del propio autor se ha tenido en cuenta.
Si consideramos los diferentes temas y, sobre todo, la diversidad de los enfoques y las fuentes documentales utilizadas, es fácil comprender que no siempre ha sido fácil aplicar criterios rigurosamente uniformes. La coherencia indispensable y la corrección metodológica se han combinado con el respeto por las preferencias de los autores y las características de los diferentes estilos y contribuciones.
En la edición castellana he intentado no perder de vista las exigencias del entorno cultural español y latinoamericano.2 Para la traducción, ha sido posible contar con la valiosa colaboración de Alberto García-Verdugo y Graciliano González. Las sugerencias de Santiago Arribas, Jesús M. García y Rafael Vicent, quienes han leído varias páginas del borrador, también han sido muy útiles. Juan Manuel Espinosa y Nicolás Merino han corregido las pruebas de impresión, corrigiendo inadvertencias e introduciendo mejoras formales estimables. A todos, mi cordial agradecimiento.
Roma, 24 de junio de 1989
J. MPG
2 En el aparato crítico, se ha preferido reproducir las citas literales en el idioma en que el autor de la colaboración lo hizo. Excepto en el caso de los santos de familia al lector de la lengua castellana, la expresión original de los nombres propios de los autores y de las personas mencionadas anteriormente se ha conservado normalmente. La denominación de algunas instituciones conocidas también se ha mantenido (Mendicitá istruita, Mujo, Convitto ecclesiastico de Torino), que se menciona repetidamente en el volumen. Las obras que fueron escritas y leídas en español en las sesiones generales serán indicadas, una a la vez. El documento de É Poulat y las comunicaciones de F. Desramaut, G. Avanzini y J. Schepens se presentaron en francés. Los otros, en italiano.
Siglas y abreviaturas de las obras más citadas 9
Organización del Congreso 11
Saludos a los congresistas (E. Viganó) 13
Introducción (R. Giannatelli) 15
Primera parte: DON BOSCO EN LA HISTORIOGRAFÍA
Balance de las formas de conocimiento y estudios sobre el regalo Bosco (P. Stella) * 21
Cómo trabajaron los autores de las «Memorias biográficas» (F. Desramaut) 37
La correspondencia como fuente de conocimiento y estudio sobre Don Bosco.
Proyecto de edición crítica (F. Motto) 67
La situación y el uso del Archivo Central Salesiano (R. Farina) 81
Segunda parte: DON BOSCO EN LA IGLESIA Y EN LA SOCIEDAD
Don Bosco y la Iglesia en el mundo de su tiempo (E. Poulat ) * 93
La experiencia y el sentido de la Iglesia en la obra de Don Bosco (JM Laboa) * 109
El conflicto entre Don Bosco y el Arzobispo de Turín Lorenzo Gastaldi (1871-1883)
(G. Tuninetti) 135
Iglesia y mundo en la «Storia Ecclesiastica »Por Don Bosco (F. Molinari) 145
En las raíces de la espiritualidad de Don Bosco (M. Marcocchi) 159
Don Bosco y las asociaciones católicas en España (R. Alberdi) 179
Don Bosco y Maria Dominga Mazzarello: histórico-espiritual relación (A. Deleidi) 207 El Instituto de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora en relación con Don Bosco (ME Posada) 219
Don Bosco y la sociedad civil (G. Bracco) 231
Don Bosco y el mundo del trabajo (S. Tramontin) 237
Tercera parte: DON BOSCO Y EDUCACIÓN.
La opción para los jóvenes y la propuesta educativa de Don Bosco (L. Pazzaglia) * 259
La pedagogía de San Juan Bosco en su siglo (G. Avanzini) 291
Don Bosco y el Oratorio (1841-1855) (G. Chiosso) 299
Don Bosco y la escuela humanista (B. Bellerate) 317
* El asterisco indica los documentos del Congreso.
Don Bosco y las escuelas profesionales. Enfoque histórico (1870-1887) (JM Prellezo García) 333
Integración de la escuela y las actividades escolares en la perspectiva de Don Bosco (C. Scurati) 357 La
penitencia y la Eucaristía en la educación según Don Bosco (J. Schepens) 373
Don Bosco y la formación de vocaciones eclesiásticas y religiosas (F. Jiménez) 395
Cuarta parte: DON BOSCO Y LA CULTURA POPULAR
Don Bosco en la historia de la cultura popular en Italia (F. Traniello) * 413
Don Bosco y el teatro popular (S. Pivato) 429
Don Bosco y la prensa (F. Malgeri) 441
Don Bosco y música (G. Sforza) 451
Originalidad de las misiones patagónicas en Don Bosco (J. Borrego) 457
Quinta parte: COMUNICACIONES LIBRES
EN EL GRUPO DE LENGUA CASTELLANA
El origen de la literatura salesiana en España durante la vida de San Juan Bosco (MF Núñez Muñoz) 475
Don Bosco, pedagogo de la alegría (B. Delgado) 505
Un modelo humanista de la educación cristiana (A. Sopeña) 515
Sexta parte: SESIÓN DE CLAUSURA
Presentación (Tarjeta AM Javierre Ortas) 525
Don Bosco y modernidad (P. Scoppola) 527
Perspectivas e iniciativas de investigación sobre Don Bosco (P. Braido) 537
Índice de nombres de personas 547
Índice general 561
ABREVIATOS Y ABREVIATURAS del obras más citadas
Actas de ACG del Consejo General de la Congregación Salesiana (después de 1984)
Actas del Capítulo (Consejo) Superior de la Congregación.
Salesiano (antes de 1984)
AGFMA Archivo General de las FMA (Roma)
Annali E. CEIUA, Anales de la Sociedad Salesiana, Turín, SEI 1941-1945.
Archivo Salesiano Central ASC (Roma)
Archivos secretos del Vaticano de ASV
Bosco, Writings on G. Bosco, Writings on the Preventive System in Education of the
Sistema de Prevención Juvenil, sacerdote de P. Braido, Brescia, La Scuola 1965.
Bosco, Scritti G. Bosco, Escritos pedagógicos y espirituales, un tratamiento de J. Borrego, P.
Pedogogics Braido, A. Ferreira, F. Lema, JM Prellezo, Roma, LAS 1987
BRAIDO, Don Bosco P. BRAMO (ed.), Don Bosco en la Iglesia al servicio de la humanidad.
en la Iglesia Estudios e testimonios, Roma, LAS 1987
Historia G. CAPEM (ed.), Crónica del Instituto de la Iglesia de María
Ausiliatricia, 5 volúmenes, Roma, Instituto FMA 1974-1978.
Y Epistolario de S. Giovanni Bosco, 4to. Vol., Por cura de E. Ceda, Turín, SEI 1955-1959.
FMA Hijas de María Auxiliadora (Hijas de María Auxiliadora)
Instituto Salesiano de Historia (Instituto Salesiano de Historia) (Roma)
LC «Lecturas católicas»
MB GB LEMOYNE, Memorias biográficas Don Giovanni Bosco, ..,
vol. I-VI, San Benigno Canavese, Imprenta y Biblioteca Salesiana 1898-1907; GB LEMOYNE, registro biográfico del venerable don Giovanni Bosco, vol. VII, Turín, Biblioteca Salesiana Editrice 1909; (Vol. VIII-IX: Turín, Punta SAE), "Good Press" 1912-1917); GB LEMOYNE - A. AMADEI, Memoria biográfica de San Juan Bosco, vol. X, Turín, SEI 1939; E. CERIA, Memorias biográficas del Beato Don Bosco, vol. XI-XV, Turín, SEI 1930-1934; ID., Memorias biográficas de San Juan Bosco, vol. XVI-XIX, Turín, SEI 1935-1939
MO G. Bosco, Memorias del Oratorio de San Francisco de Sales de
1815 a 1855, al sacerdote de E. Ceda, Torino 1946:
nde nota del responsable de la edición
OE G. Bosco, edición de ópera. Serie Prima: Libri e opuscoli, Roma, LAS
1976-1977
RSS «Ricerche Storiche Salesiane»
SDB Salesianos de Don Bosco
SE G. Bosco, Storia ecclesiastica ad uso delle scuole ..., Torino, Tip.
Speirani e Ferrero 1845
STELLA, Don Bosco P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia della religiosità cattolica, vol.I:
III DI Vita e opere, Roma, LAS 1979 (1ª edición, 1968); vol. II: Mentalitá
religiosa e spiritualitá, Roma, LAS 1981 (1ª ed. 1969); vol. III: Canonización (1888-1934), Roma, LAS 1988
ORGANIZACIÓN DEL CONGRESO
Comisión Promotora
GIANNATELLI Roberto, Rector de la Pontificia Universidad Salesiana (Roma)
MI: 0AL 'Mario y BERTONE Tarcisio, Vice Cancilleres de UPS
PILCA Juan, Decano de la Facultad de Teología de la UPS
PE-1E1 Michele, Decana de la Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación de la UPS
COLOMBO Antonia, Decana de la Pontificia Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación «Au
xilium» (Roma)
BRAMO Pietro, Director del Instituto Histórico Salesiano (Roma)
Comisión Científica
MIDALI Mario, Vicerrector del UPS (Presidente)
ALBERDI Ramón, Centro Salesiano de Estudios Teológicos (Barcelona)
BORREGO Jesús, Instituto Histórico Salesiano (Roma)
DELEIDI Anita, Pontificia Facultad «Auxilium» (Roma)
DESRAMAUT Francis, Universidad Católica de Lyon
FARINA Marcela, Pontificia Facultad «Auxilium» (Roma)
Morro Francesco, Instituto Salesiano de Historia (
PRELLEZO GARCIA) José Manuel, Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación de UPS
SCHEPENS Jacques, « Centrum voor Kerkerlijke Studies »(Leuven)
STELLA Pietro, Universidad« La Sapienza »(Roma)
Comité organizador
BERTONE Tarcisio, Vicerrector de UPS (Presidente)
SCHEPENS Jacques, Secretario del Congreso
ARDITO Sabino, Facultad de Derecho de UPS
CHENIS Carlo, Facultad de Filosofía de UPS
COFFELE Gianfranco, Facultad de Teología de UPS
DAL COVOLO Enrico, Facultad de Letras Cristiana y Clásica de UPS
FIZZOTTI Eugenio, Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación de UPS
PUTHOTA Benjamin, Administrador de UPS
BISOGNI Silvana, Secretaria del Rector de UPS
Presidentes de las Sesiones Generales
SCOPPOLA Pietro, Universidad «La Sapienza», Roma (16 de enero)
AUBERT Roger, Universidad Católica, Louvain-La-Neuve (17 de enero)
Tarjeta POUPARD. Pablo, presidente del Consejo pontificio para la cultura (18 de enero).
MARTINA Giacomo, Pontificia Universidad Gregoriana, Roma (18 de enero)
TRANIELLO Francesco, Universidad de Turín (19 de enero)
GALINO Angeles, Universidad Complutense, Madrid (19 de enero)
Tarjeta JAVIERRE ORTAS. Antonio, bibliotecario y archivista del SIR (20 de enero)
Colaboradores
ALBERDI Ramón, Centro Salesiano de Estudios Teológicos (Barcelona)
AVANZJNI Guy, Universidad "Lumiére" (Lyon)
BELLERATE Bruno, Universidad "La Sapienza" (Roma)
BORREGO Jesús, Instituto Histórico Salesiano (Roma)
BRACCO Giuseppe, Universidad de Turín
BRAMO Pietro, Instituto Salesiano de Historia y Universidad Pontificia Salesiana (Roma)
CHIOSSO Giorgío, Universidad de Lecce
DELEIDI Anita, Facultad Pontificia «Auxilium» (Roma)
DELGADO Buenaventura, Universidad de Barcelona
DESRAMAUT Francís, Universidad Católica de Lyon
FARINA Raffaele, Universidad Pontificia Salesiana (Roma)
JIMÉNEZ Fausto, Centro Salesiano de Estudios Teológicos (Madrid)
LABOA Juan María, Universidad de Comillas (Madrid)
MALGERI Francesco, Universidad «La Sapienza» (Roma)
MARCOUCA Massimo, Universidad Católica de Milán
MOLINARI Franco, Universidad Católica de Milán
MOTTO Francesco, Instituto Histórico Salesiano (Roma)
NÚÑEZ María Fe, Universidad de la Laguna (Canarias)
PAZZAGLIA Luciano, Universidad Católica de Milán
P1VATO Stefano, Universidad de Trieste
PosAna María Esther, Facultad Pontificia «Auxilium» (Roma)
POULAT Émile, «École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales» (París)
PREJ.F.70 José Manuel, Pontificia Universidad Salesiana (Roma)
SCHEPENS Jacques, «Centrum voor Kerkelijke Studies» (Leuven)
SCOPPOLA Pietro, Universidad «La Sapienza» (Roma)
SCURATI Cesare, Universidad Católica de Milán
SFORZA Giulio, Universidad «La Sapienza» (Roma)
SOPEÑA Andrés, Pontificia Universidad de Salamanca
STELLA Pietro, Universidad «La Sapienza» (Roma)
TRAMONTEN Silvio, Facultad de Teología de Milán
TRANIELLO Francesco, Universidad de Turín
TUNINETIT Giuseppe, Facultad de Teología de Turín
Excelencias Eminencias
Estimado Rector y Autoridades Académicas.
Distinguidos Congresistas:
Es un placer y un honor para mí dirigir mi saludo más atento y mi gratitud por su presencia, deseando un éxito total a esta iniciativa especial de la universidad.
Este es el Primer Congreso Internacional de estudios sobre la figura multifacética de San Juan Bosco: es un hecho singular en la variada gama de iniciativas que han caracterizado la celebración del centenario de su muerte.
El Congreso, organizado por la Universidad Pontificia Salesiana, está abierto al mundo académico internacional. Su objetivo es profundizar, en el ámbito de la investigación histórica con rigor científico, la personalidad y la marca de Don Bosco en las vicisitudes del siglo pasado.
Se propone centrarse en los estudios y otras formas de conocimiento al respecto, destacando, al mismo tiempo, las razones de la relevancia de su mensaje para la sociedad contemporánea.
La importancia de esta iniciativa y su resultado es clara para quienes, como yo, tienen el ministerio de alentar a una gran Familia comprometida a cuidar y desarrollar su patrimonio pedagógico-pastoral.
He podido participar en la primera fila en muchas celebraciones de diferentes contenidos y en todo el mundo. Don Bosco ha superado no solo los límites de su siglo, sino también los de su Familia Apostólica. Ha sido durante mucho tiempo un santo de la Iglesia universal, aceptado como un maestro eminente de la educación cristiana y el origen de una espiritualidad peculiar, viva y actual después de más de un siglo.
Su figura y su trabajo han despertado y continúan despertando gran interés en vastos sectores de la vida social, desde el mundo de la educación y la escuela hasta el trabajo y el ocio; Del área de la cultura popular a la de la economía y la política. Y, de la misma manera, de una manera práctica de releer el Evangelio a la peculiar institución de formas de vida consagrada.
Hay un aspecto en el que la producción científica, especialmente la teológica, es, hasta hoy, todavía limitada: el aspecto eclesial de su papel como fundador. Es un aspecto que, me parece, no entra directamente en los objetivos de este Congreso.
Es un aspecto delicado y complejo, muy sentido por mí, y en el que me encuentro vitalmente involucrado.
Un investigador del tema ha escrito correctamente: "El estudio de los Fundadores no es fácil, aunque tenemos varios métodos de investigación científica disponibles, porque los fundadores se resisten a cualquier explicación humanitaria histórica, sociológica y psicológica. Cuando nos acercamos a ellos, chocamos con algo". eso se nos escapa, e incluso cuando creemos que los conocemos bien, cada vez que los estudiamos, descubrimos algo nuevo. ¿Cómo puedes explicar este misterio, esta riqueza inagotable? Simplemente con el hecho de que cuando nos encontramos con un Fundador, vemos que es Dios quien actúa a través de él. Por lo
tanto, una perspectiva importante que también puede influir en el significado de las diversas investigaciones, pero a la que las otras ciencias pueden aportar luces preciosas, permanece abierta.
Es, por lo tanto, muy importante, no solo para sus discípulos, sino también para el vasto mundo de la cultura, tener estudios sobre Don Bosco y su trabajo realizados con criterios científicos rigurosos, bases indispensables para una presentación de su talla histórica y de su El mensaje caminó sólidamente en datos objetivos, y más, mejor, de ópticas distorsionadas, evaluaciones parciales y descripciones aproximadas.
Espero firmemente que el Congreso pueda ofrecer en este sentido valiosas contribuciones que se agreguen a otros estudios que ahora están disponibles, en parte, para los investigadores.
¡Gracias!
Egidio VIGANÓ
Gran Canciller
de la Pontificia Universidad Salesiana
I T. GRZESZCZYK, 11 charism dei fondatori, Colima «Sanctitas in caritate», Roma 1974, p. once.
Como Rector de la Pontificia Universidad Salesiana, ofrezco mis saludos a los participantes en el Primer Congreso Internacional de Estudios sobre San Juan Bosco. Y en nombre de la Comisión Promotora, me gustaría expresar nuestro agradecimiento a todos aquellos que, de diferentes maneras, lo han hecho posible para ellos: oradores, organizadores, patrocinadores y todos ustedes, miembros del Congreso, que han respondido a nuestra invitacion
La vasta y variada comunidad universitaria de UPS, con sus cinco facultades de Teología, Ciencias de la Educación, Filosofía, Derecho Canónico y Cartas, sus mil estudiantes de 65 naciones, los 120 profesores y asistentes, le da la bienvenida con especial interés y están encantados de Le ofrecemos su hospitalidad que, aunque simple y austera, quiere ser franca y cordial, de acuerdo con la herencia recibida de Don Bosco, Protector e Inspirador de nuestra Universidad, definido por su Gran Canciller como "Universidad de Bosco para jóvenes". .
La participación de UPS en el evento del Centenario de la muerte de San Juan Bosco podría parecer un hecho que se da por sentado. Y, de hecho, desde noviembre de 1983, el Senado académico se comprometió a definir el programa de la Universidad para 1988. En la sesión del 3 de diciembre de 1986, votó una resolución que establecía los compromisos de la comunidad universitaria en siete puntos. Los recuerdo brevemente:
1. Dedicar un número especial de la revista "Salesianum" a la conmemoración del Centenario. Este número de la revista se publicó en enero de 1988 con el título: Pensiero and prassi di Don Bosco nel 1 Centenario della morte (31 Gennaio 1888-1988)
2. Convocatoria de un Congreso Internacional de Estudios sobre Juan Bosco en enero de 1989;
3. Promover cursos académicos sobre Don Bosco y Salesianidad, incluso con la fórmula del Profesor visitante;
4. Organice un concurso para estimular y recompensar la investigación de los estudiantes sobre temas relacionados con Don Bosco;
5. Publicar un volumen que presente las razones por las que se propone a Don Bosco como "Doctor de la Iglesia para la educación cristiana";
6. Organice una peregrinación de la comunidad de UPS (profesores y estudiantes) a los lugares de Don Bosco;
7. Proyectar la nueva "Biblioteca Don Bosco" de la Universidad e iniciar la recolección de los fondos necesarios para su realización. (Agradezco al Gran Canciller que siempre ha apoyado nuestra propuesta y que bendecirá la primera piedra de la "Biblioteca Don Bosco" el 25 de enero).
Entre las diversas propuestas del Centenario, la del Congreso Internacional ha sido la más laboriosa en su génesis y definición. Al principio, se pensó en una convención amplia y actualizada sobre el tema "educador de Don Bosco". Para este fin trabajé, desde la primavera de 1985, en un grupo mixto de profesores de UPS y la Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación "Auxilium" de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora. Se proyectó una investigación que, a partir de la demanda educativa de las nuevas generaciones, volvió a la memoria histórica de la "experiencia preventiva de Don Bosco" y, si es posible, a la tradición posterior a Don Bosco, para encontrar razones válidas y actuales. Para la educación en nuestro tiempo.
Esta hipótesis se abandonó de inmediato y se dio preferencia a la idea de un Congreso científico que no se limitara al aspecto pedagógico, sino que fuera capaz de enfrentarse a la figura y obra rica y compleja de Don Bosco.
El estudio del "educador de Don Bosco" se llevaría a cabo por la Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación con dos iniciativas notables:
El Simposio de Pedagogía Salesiana: "Prassi Educativo-pastorale e scienze dell'educazione" (Roma, septiembre de 1987) .1
Y el seminario interdeológico, promovido por la revista "Orientamenti pedagogici": «L'esperienza pedagogica di Don Bosco: ereditá, contesti, risonanze, sviluppi» (Venecia, «Fondazione Cini», 3-5 de octubre de 1988) .2
Además, la Facultad de Law Canonical promovería una convención sobre "I diritti del minore" según todo lo que el Santo Educador actuó en este campo (del 30 de octubre al 2 de noviembre de 1988).
Fue en mayo de 1987 cuando el Senado académico de la UPS llegó a especificar definitivamente el propósito y la naturaleza del Congreso: el Congreso, que se celebraría al final del centenario de Don Bosco, debía abordar el mundo internacional y el objetivo. de pedir una consideración más amplia por parte del mundo científico hacia la figura y el trabajo de San Juan Bosco.
El Congreso debía caracterizarse por una doble atención: proponer como un balance de cien años de estudios y modos de conocimiento sobre Don Bosco y abrir, si es posible, una nueva fase de estudios sobre el Santo, más ricos en su estructura y Más crítico en su metodología.
El Senado Académico también propuso compartir la responsabilidad del Congreso con el Instituto Histórico Salesiano y la Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación "Auxilium" de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora.
JE VECCHI - JM PRELEZZ0 (eds.), Prassi educativa pastorale and scienze dell'educazione, Roma, Editrice SDB 1988.
2 C. NANNI (ed.), Don Bosco y su experiencia pedagógica, Roma, LAS 1989.
En este breve período de un año y medio de preparación, la Comisión Científica, hablando con los oradores a quienes se propusieron conferencias y comunicaciones básicas, definió la articulación del Congreso:
- el primer día se dedica a evaluar el equilibrio de los formularios de conocimientos y estudios sobre don bosco, propuesto por el prof. P. Stella e integrado por las comunicaciones de F. Desramaut, F. Motto y E. Farina;
- El segundo día trata sobre la relación entre Don Bosco y la sociedad civil, presentada por el prof. G. Bracco y S. Tramontin. Debo disculpar la ausencia del prof. G. Miccoli, quien, por razones familiares graves, tuvo que renunciar a presentar su conferencia, aunque pretende publicarla en breve. Ante esta situación, que surgió muy recientemente, la Comisión Científica solicitó al prof. B. Bellerate y JM Prellezo para anticipar sus comunicaciones sobre Don Bosco y la escuela humanística y profesional;
- En el tercer día del Congreso, se estudia la relación entre Don Bosco y la comunidad eclesial con dos presentaciones: una más caracterizada por un toque histórico-sociológico (por É. Poulat), la otra, más atenta a la educación y la pastoral. Experiencia promovida por Don Bosco en el ámbito eclesial (JM Laboa). Deseo indicar que la comunicación del prof. G. Alberigo, que no puede asistir, será reemplazado por la comunicación del prof. M. Marcocchi sobre el tema: «Las fuentes de la espiritualidad de Don Bosco»;
- El día 19, jueves, se centrará en el tema de «La opción para los jóvenes y la propuesta educativa de Don Bosco», expuesto por el prof. L. Pazzaglia y enriquecido con numerosas comunicaciones. Sobre aspectos particulares de la experiencia educativa de don bosco;
- El último día, viernes 20, considerará otros aspectos de la personalidad de Don Bosco, como los de Don Bosco, educador de la gente (presentado en la Conferencia Fundamental del Prof. F. Traniello), comunicaciones sociales (este tema ¿Se referirá a la comunicación de F. Malgeri), hombre y sacerdote abierto al mundo (J. Borrego ilustrará la originalidad de las misiones de Don Bosco)?
Las conclusiones del congreso están encomendadas al prof. P. Scoppola, de la Universidad «La Sapienza», en Roma, y P. Braido, director del Instituto Histórico Salesiano.
En el marco del Congreso, la lección doctoral de la tarjeta tendrá un significado especial. Carlo Ma. Martini, arzobispo de Milán, sobre el tema: "II Vangelo, Don Bosco, i giovani".
Ya estamos en la ola después de Don Bosco y la "historia de los efectos".
Para concluir, quisiera recordarles que la participación de los miembros del Congreso está planeada de la siguiente manera:
- intervenciones breves en el aula con aclaraciones, contribuciones, incluso en la clave del debate;
- participación en las secciones por idioma (se solicita a las partes interesadas que estén de acuerdo con los tres animadores de las secciones);
- Entrega de comunicaciones escritas, para su publicación en el Acta (los originales deben entregarse al Presidente de la Comisión Científica, Prof. Mario Midali).
Presentado, finalmente, a las personas con quienes los congresistas tendrán un mayor contacto en estos días del Congreso:
- el Presidente de la Comisión Científica, Vicerrector, Mario Midali;
- el presidente del comité organizador, vicerrector, Tarcisio Bertone; - el secretario del congreso, Jacques Schepens;
- Los jefes de la Secretaría Ejecutiva, Enrico Dal Covolo y la Sra. Silvana Bisogni.
Doy ahora la presidencia de esta primera sesión del Congreso al prof. Pietro Scoppola.
Roberto GIANNATELLI
Pietro SELLA
«El" caso Don Bosco ": Francesco Traniello ha escrito recientemente, objeto en el pasado de imágenes a menudo estereotipadas y paradójicas, se está convirtiendo en un campo notable de aplicaciones o verificación de nuevas líneas de investigación».
Autor de importantes estudios sobre Antonio Rosmini y especialista en historia del movimiento católico, Traniello ha podido expresarse en estos términos, porque tenía en mente los temas y la calidad de los estudios publicados en el volumen dirigido por él y titulado. : Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare (1987). Los autores de los diversos ensayos, la mayoría de ellos no salesianos, utilizaron los materiales y estudios publicados en estas últimas décadas por los propios salesianos.
Pero, junto con las impresiones optimistas y estimulantes de Traniello, otras han aparecido a lo largo de este año: más cautelosas, si no precisamente contrarias, fundadas más o menos críticamente en lo que se ha observado en la tabla de manifestaciones de la celebración del centenario de Muerte de don bosco. '
Debemos preguntarnos si no es prematuro comprometernos con pronósticos más definitivos incluso antes de que finalice el centenario, y antes de que se disuelva el halo emocional que, nos guste o no, también se ha asentado en el Congreso • de estudios que preparamos tener. Se sugiere una serie de precauciones, ante todo, mediante el examen de las interconexiones que se pueden vislumbrar entre las formas de conocimiento, aún prevalecientes y bien establecidas, y la producción científica que, especialmente los salesianos, han logrado traer desde el interior. sus instituciones.
1 F. TRANIELLO, Don Bosco y el problema de la modernidad, en: Don Bosco y le sfide della modernita (Quaderni del Centro Studi «C. Trabucco», 11), Bacon, Stabilimento Poligrafico Editoriale «C. Fanton »1988, p. 41. El título general del cuaderno evoca el de J. RÉMY, Le défi de la modernité: la estrategia de la hiérarchie catholique en Belgique au XIXe y XXe sikles et l'idée de chrétienté, en «Social Compass» 34 (1987) 151 -173. El número entero de «Compás social» contiene varias contribuciones bajo el título común: «Las éticas y la modernidad en Europa occidental».
2 Cf. F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, Tocino, SEI 1987, y la revisión hecha por miqmo L. Tamburini, en "Studi Piemontesi" 17 (1988) 1, 247-249.
Uno de los campos de reflexión que siempre se ha cultivado en las instituciones salesianas es el del sistema educativo puesto en práctica y expresado en teoría por el santo fundador. A partir de las breves y tímidas notas de Don Francesco Cerruti sobre las "ideas" pedagógicas de Don Bosco (1883) 3 y de otras elaboraciones más o menos teóricas, en el clima del proceso de beatificación (1890-1929), se hicieron presentaciones que enfatizó los principios pedagógicos fundamentales establecidos por el propio Don Bosco en una conferencia que dio en Niza en 1877 ("este sistema se basa totalmente en la religión, la razón y, sobre todo, en la bondad"); se ha pasado a discursos y consideraciones que ponen el acento en la especificidad religiosa del sistema educativo,
Entre las dos guerras, con el régimen fascista en el poder, los salesianos y ciertos grupos católicos obtuvieron que Don Bosco estaba entre los clásicos de la pedagogía en los programas de las escuelas de enseñanza. A los ojos de los promotores de esta iniciativa y en los mismos discursos de Pío XI, Don Bosco apareció como un gigante que sobresalía por encima de los educadores católicos del siglo MCK, como promotor de una educación completa, tanto más estimable cuanto más opuestos. al que propuso una educación basada en la preparación física y el mito de la fuerza como medio de conquista: cosas que llevaron a predecir el camino hacia un violento choque de pueblos y una nueva e inmensa conflagración mundial1.6
A pesar de la oposición y la crítica, la inclusión de Don Bosco en el Olimpo de los pedagogos fue posible gracias al clima ambiguo de compromiso político y énfasis religioso en el campo de la llamada civilización que proclamó la retórica fascista. Alimentados con reservas críticas y también envenenados por las devastadoras críticas hechas por destacados pedagogos laicos (Ernesto Codignola y otros), el debate sobre la figura y el pensamiento pedagógico de Don Bosco obligó a los educadores católicos, y especialmente a los salesianos, a definir mejor en qué sentido. se podría considerar a Don Bosco, así como un educador respetable, un pedagogo digno de ese nombre.
• F. CERRUTI, Le idee di D. Bosco sull'educazione e sull'insegnamento and the missione attuale della scuola. Carta debida, San Benigno Canavese, Punta. La Biblioteca Salesiana de 1886.
• Inaugurazione of the patronage S. Pietro in Nizza a Mare. Scopo of the best husband dal sacer
dote Giovanni Bosco with appendice of the preventive system nella educazione della gioventú, Torino, Tip. e Salesian Library 1877; cf. critical edition of P. BRAIDO, in: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 125-230.
• On indications about the spiritual and religious dimension, cf. JM PRELLEZO, The stu
gave della pedagogía nella congregazione salesiana: alcuni momenti rilevanti (1874-1941), in: JE VECCHI - JM PRELLEZO (eds.), Prassi educational pastorale e scienze dell'educazione, Rome, Editrice SDB 1988, p. 61-71; ID., Studio e nflessione pedagogica nella congregazione salesiana (1874-1941). Note per la storia, in RSS 7 (1988) 35-88.
6 Cf. P. STELLA, The canonization of Don Bosco with fascism and universalism, in: TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 359-382; ID., Don Bosco III.
In the scope of this type of studies, the most significant work can be considered the book by Pietro Braido: The Preventive System of Don Bosco (1955) .7 The ideas and institutions of the Piedmontese priest appear in his approach; The conclusion that Don Bosco's works and ideas can appropriately be defined as a "system", whose peculiarities and originality are clearly seen through their comparison with the works and ideas of pedagogues and others, springs persuasively from his analysis. educators with whom Don Bosco himself was in direct contact. The volume of Braido, already classic, is like the summit of a whole cycle of studies, oriented, more than to the analysis of the development of the initiatives and the intuitions of Don Bosco, to the examination of its logical articulation and to the definition of its validity pedagogical But it can be added that Braido's book can be considered as an act of bravery (performed and may be that he also suffered), and as an act of confidence on the part of the then Rector Major, Don Renato Ziggiotti. The work on the "preventive system" came a few years after the death of Don Pietro Ricaldone (1870-1951), the superior who, with great capacity for government, had led the Salesian congregation and had guided its growth in the not easy period between the two wars. Don P. Braido was already teaching about the educational system of Don Bosco during those years in the Salesian Pontifical Athenaeum, in the Faculty of Philosophy. Don P. Ricaldone admired the vision of the future demonstrated when founding the Athenaeum; but his jealous attitude was also known before the supreme role of the magisterium in the congregation.
Meanwhile, the Athenaeum was introduced with a preeminent role in the network of houses of Salesian formation, which had been made necessary by the expansion phase that was being lived, and erected in various parts of the world, among other reasons, by the encouragement received of the, then, Sacred Congregation of Studies.
Precisely in the students, and especially in those of Piedmont, certain questions began to become more insistent on the authority of the hagiographical literary writer on Don Bosco and on the forms of knowledge that were derived from them. The restlessness of the younger generations tended to become distrustful of Don Bosco's biographical memoirs: the monumental work begun in his writing by Don Giambattista Lemoyne while Bosco lived and published little by little in nineteen volumes from 1898 to 1939. A gift Eugenio Cenia, author of the last nine volumes, was asked a series of questions that fully presented the problem of the value that should be attributed to the Memoirs: "It is said - they asked - that Don GB Lemoyne was not a historian, but a novelist of history. In biographical memoirs there are many facts that do not resist criticism. The same volumes written by Don E. Cenia are not fully historical, but praiseworthy and laudatory ".8
P. BRAMO, The preventive system of Don Bosco. Prefazione di E. Celia, Torino, PAS 1955 (2nd ed. Zürich, PAS-Verlag 1964).
The non-trivial problem of the credibility that had to be given to documents and testimonies that were for the Salesian congregation the literary foundation on which the major superiors and the general chapters (but also the popes themselves in their speeches) supported the structure of his teaching. For the non-Salesian culture, especially the secular one, it was perhaps marginal problems; but for the Salesians, on the other hand, questions were at stake, if not essential, at least of great importance in the vital plane of the congregation itself.
The first attempt at scientific response came from France. Fr Francis Desramaut, professor of ecclesiastical history at the Salesian center for theological studies in Lyon, elaborated and defended his dissertation as a thesis on the first volume of Biographical Memoirs at the Théologiques de Lyon Facultés Théologiques de Lyon. The work involved a highly documented reconstruction of the moral and intellectual figure of Don GB Lemoyne, seen as basic in a type of use of oral and written sources. Don F. Desramaut dissipated, first of all; definitively, the comment that Don Lemoyne had carelessly or naively destroyed the original documentation used by him to write the first redaction of the biographical memoirs: all the material existed and continues to exist, in its maximum part, in the Salesian Central Archive. He confirmed, in addition, the persuasion that Don Lemoyne had been an honest and scrupulous interpreter of the testimonies of others, transcribing them almost always or using them as an element of his literary warp. It was an important conclusion; but the documented work of Don Desramaut was still only a first step. It exceeded the concrete possibilities of the French scholar a meticulous investigation in Italy of other documentary sources, outside the Salesian scope, to confront them with those used by Don Lemoyne. As satisfactory as the writing about Lemoyne's honesty was, it remained to investigate all the attitude that had led him to weave forms of narration from which a certain supernaturality sprang up, according to schemes we might call medieval, in the first and even more in the following volumes of the Biographical Memoirs. In the small circle of Salesian historians, the merits and limits of Don Desramaut's work were noted: from purely philological-literary research it was convenient to move on to hypotheses of interpretation and to historical research models that would ensure a global reinterpretation of both documentary sources and the historical figure of Don Bosco. From the analysis of each piece adjusted in the writing of the Biographical Memoirs, it was appropriate to move on to the mentality with which they were placed and from which the sources that Don Lemoyne used came from the Memorie dell'Oratorio, which Don Bosco had written late. - not precisely with historical or chronicler and documentary criteria -,
8 Lithographed letter of 14 pages with the date: «Torillo 9.11I.1953»; cf. in this regard: P. STELLA, Le ricerche don Bosco nel venticinquennio 1960-1985: spinning, problemi, pros-pettive, in: P. BRALDO (ed.), Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 373-396.
9 Les Memorie I by Giovanni Battista Lemoyne. Étude d'un livre fondamental sur la jeunesse de saint Jean Bosco, Lyon, Imprimérie de Louis-Jean de Gap 1962. There is the Castilian translation of the MB (Madrid, Central Catechistic Salesiana 1981-1989). In this volume the original Italian edition (nde) is cited.
Already in 1965, when publishing fragments of the Memorie dell'Oratorio in an anthology of Don Bosco's writings on the preventive system, Don Braido warned of the need to be cautious in his reading, since in it, with a selective narrative, full of emphasis, familiarly happy in his episodes, he tried to affirm in the Salesians the conviction that his congregation, loved and protected by God, possessed an educational method capable of attracting sympathy and help to hundreds and thousands of young people.m Don Braido suggested in which affirmed that the Memorie dell'Oratorio posed no small problems to those who were looking for other messages in them.
In the precursor climate of the Second Vatican Council it was discussed in Italy, for example, if it was not opportune to corner the Giovane provveduto, the booklet of Don Bosco that had served for more than a century to frame the practices of piety in the Salesian institutions. It had been translated into French, and into Spanish (The Young Christian) at the suggestion of Don Bosco. Later it was translated to some languages of Asia. And it had ended up being the normative code of the devotional and liturgical life of the oratories, of the colleges and even of cult groups organized from the first encounters with the Onas Indians of southern Argentina or with the tribes of Bororos in the heart of Mato Grosso. "
I" Bosco, Scritti sul preventive system, p. 3s.
"Cf. on purpose, F. DESRAMAUT (ed.), The vita di preghiera of the Salesian religious, Lyon 10-11 September 1968 (Colloqui sulla vita salesiana, 1), Leumann (Lathe), Elle Di Ci 1969.
At stake was the interpretation that had been given to the motto launched by Don Ricaldone in one of his classic circular letters of the year of the canonization (Christmas bonus of the Rector Major for 1935): Fedeltá to Don Bosco santo.12 Se-trata, en the effect of questioning responsibly about the dangers of an immobilism attached to the repetition of the past with the risk of detaching from the pluralist society in which the youthful world entered frankly. The motto of 1934-35 had to be completed according to the needs of an update: «fidelity to Don Bosco santo and his risks». But it was not difficult to argue in favor of renewal:
Against the immobility and the crystallized repetition of gestures and sayings that seemed to produce almost "ex opere operato" wonderful educational effects, in light of the historical-philological analysis and beyond it, two important facts appeared. First of all, it was easy to see that the world of nineteenth-century thought and even the theological scaffolding, which had been of Don Bosco as well, were in fact surmountable or surpassed. Don Bosco himself, in the years of maturity and the greatest expansion of his work (which he propagated asking for help to all), had marginalized, without any problem for him, the rigid and somewhat elementary Antivalden controversy of the years 50. The salesians, in turn, and without traumas,
But they were realities of a world that was not ours, such as the organization of young people in vertical and paternalistic structures, and with social separation of the sexes. The opening of the Salesian oratories to the young, as they came spontaneously, boys and girls, was a solution that, by intuition and practical sense, the Salesians and the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians gave, precisely in the line of intuition and practical sense of their founder. "
12 The official edition is in: ACS (1936), 1-195, with the title: Strenna of 1935. Fedeltá to Don Bosco santo.It was printed shortly thereafter in a separate volume: Strenna del Rettor maggiore per il 1935. Fedelta to Don Bosco santo, Torino, SEI 1936.
13 The demands for renewal are included in the volume of collaboration (P. BRAIDO, L. CALONGHI and others), Don Bosco educatore, oggi, Rome, PAS 1960 (2nd ed., Revised and enlarged, Zürich, PAS-Verlag 1963).
Second, it was evident and clearly demonstrable in Don Bosco, more than immobility, his ability to adapt to changing situations: from the beginning of the Oratory for youth called poor and abandoned to the organization of colleges and expeditions of Salesians to Latin America.
Especially a radically renewed rereading of some elements more characteristic and suggestive of the hagiography of Don Bosco was deduced: the set of prophetic dreams, predictions of death and resounding miracles (like the resurrection for some time of the young "Carlo" in 1849) , that is to say, of facts and narrations that wove in a remarkable and spectacular way the biographical Memories as Don Lemoyne and Don Cenia were elaborating their writing.
These and other interpretative hypotheses were the thread of two volumes appeared in 1968 and 1969 with the title: Don Bósco nella storia della religiositá cattolica. "When the first volume appeared, the problem of the relationship between scientific research and tutelage of the healthy tradition of Don Bosco At the meeting of the provincial superiors of Europe, the Middle East, Central Africa, the United States and Australia that was held in Como in April 1968, the representatives of the German area expressed their concern about the new "modernist and incautious" research that was being done on Don Bosco in the Salesian Athenaeum.15 But the then Rector Major, Don Luigi Ricceri,and his advice allowed the historical study to continue and in some way contributed to the reflection and updating that was already being requested in the application phase of Vatican II.
In this sense, positive results were achieved with the creation, in 1973, of a "Centro Studi Don Bosco" in the Athenaeum, which had been recognized by the Holy See as «Universita Pontifical Salesiana». And later, in 1977, with the founding of the "Salesian Storico Institute" in Rome, in the General House. Since then, the contributions of study on Don Bosco and his works have multiplied with results of good scientific level, both in the UPS and in other parts of the Salesian world.
Fruit, in part, of openness to certain research techniques and certain historiographical sites oriented to the study of religious presence in the social fabric, and also, in part, to the questions raised in the Salesian Congregation about commitment to poverty areas in the world, it was the volume Don Bosco nella storia economica e sociale (1815-1870) (1980) .16 In it Don Bosco is placed - in the transition from the privileged and welfare tables of the Restoration to those of the liberal society - among those who tend to find forms of economic support and collective acceptance in their own initiatives, which are not essentially those of paternalistic real estate income; presents himself to Don Bosco, in a word, as an independent entrepreneur in the educational and philanthropic field within the schemes of the economy and the liberal society. The volume clearly shows a certain lack of mastery of statistical techniques and a somewhat hesitant competition in the field of specific historiography of economics and economic doctrines. However, as a whole, it is the result of a first-hand survey and opens interesting clues to studies in the field of the peasant world and its strategies.
"Don Bosco nella storia della religiositá cattolica, Vol. 1: Vita e opere, Zürich, PAS-Verlag 1968, Vol. II: Mentalitá religiosa e spiritualitá, Ibid., 1969 (2 'ed. Rome, LAS 1979-1981). degli ispettori salesiani, Europe, Middle East, Central Africa, Stati Unia, Australia, Atti (Como, 16-23 aprile 1968), Torino, Lit. E. Gili 1968, p.20.
16 Rome, LAS 1980.
The circle of Salesian scholars, for the most part of humanistic, philosophical and theological formation, is quite unprepared and devoid of this type of research. For this reason, in recent years there are outstanding studies that, for the most part, are more satisfactorily situated in the field of philological research or in that of ethico-political and pedagogical historiography.
It would take us very far the analytical and precise relationship of everything that the Salesians have published about Don Bosco in recent years.
As an example, among many contributions, those of Don Francesco Motto on the role of Don Bosco in the appointment of bishops in Italy after 1865 deserve mention; and on the steps he took, after the law of the guarantees of 1871, for the concession of the royal exequatur to the bishops on temporal goods in their dioceses. "Fruit of a passionate search in the Vatican Secret Archive and in other Italian archives public or private, these essays by Don Motto highlight the figure of Don Bosco in a somewhat emphatic picture, since, apparently, Don Bosco did not intervene in anything or almost nothing in the conversations for the appointment of bishops in venues that went from Lombardy and the Veneto to the Neapolitan provinces and Apulia.
The involvement of Don Bosco in the proceedings concerning bishops of Piedmont and Liguria can be considered in particular a fact of great importance for the development of the educational works promoted by him. Before then, in fact, the name of Don Bosco appears sporadically in non-Piedmontese Catholic publications among the benefactor and jealous priests who worked here and there in Italy. While the procedures for the exequatur were being developed, his name jumped to the scene in an unexpected way, like that of a character who had privileged entrance in the governmental environments and before the Holy See. It seems that in those years Don Bosco himself matured the awareness of a personal vocation, not only oriented towards Piedmont, but towards wider spaces in society and in the Church.
7 F. Motto, The mediation of Don Bosco for the Holy See and governorate for the concessione degli exequatur al vescovi d'Italia (1872-1874) (Piccola Biblioteca dell'Istituto Storico Salésiano, 7), Rome, LAS 1987.
If one pays attention to what Don Braido has recently emphasized, it could be said that the articles and tracts that began to appear in France and in Italy in the 1970s about Don Bosco and his miraculous educational system seem to have induced Don Bosco to try an outline of theorization of what, rightly or wrongly, he called the "preventive system in the education of the youth": with formulas that he himself and his most informed children (and this is a precision of Mr. José M. Prellezo) they varied without many formalizations and even exceeded. '
Along with the studies of Fr. F. Motto and the contributions of Fr. P. Braido and Fr. JM Prellezo, we should highlight the doctoral dissertation of Fr Jacques Schepens on the sacraments of penance and the Eucharist in the writings of Don Bosco. ' Also in this case it is a very thorough exploration of sources, edited or not, in the picture of the step from rigorism to benignism. What might have been more desired was, perhaps, a greater attention to the activities and religious ideology of Don Bosco; that is, a greater attention to the mentality and behavior of both the youthful world and the wider collectivities into which the message and work of Don Bosco penetrated. In this sense, it would have been opportune to investigate other sources, besides those used.2 ° The rite of confession, for example,
Research such as those of Fr. F. Mono and Fr. J. Schepens deepen or at least broaden the knowledge of aspects and moments of the life of Don Bosco located in his time. Other recent researches discover the open field to the development of the Salesian work after the death of the founder, more or less in connection with the image that he had cultivated. It is interesting in this aspect, both some points that Don Pietro Braido made when publishing the edition of Don Lemoyne's letters, as well as the suggestions that Don José M. Prellezo has advanced investigating the attitude of the first Salesians before the presentation that he made Bosco of his educational system.21
JM PRELLEZO, The preventive system riletto dai primi salesiani, in: C. NANNI (ed.), Don Bosco and his pedagogic esperienza: ereditá, contesi, sviluppi, risonanze. Atti of the 5th Seminar of «Orientationi Pedagogici» Venezia-Cini 3-5 ottobre 1988, Rome, LAS 1989, p. 40-61.
t9 J. SCHEPENS, L'activité littéraire de don Bosco au sujet de la penitence et de l'eucharistie, in "Salesianum" 50 (1988) 9-50.
20 On the meaning of confession and on the behavior of young people, see, for example, the testimony of Giovanni Roda, called to testify as an ex officio witness in the apostolic process for the beatification of Domingo Savio in October 1916 : Sacra Rituum Congregatio e.mo ac rev.mo domino cardinali Vincentio Vannutelli relatore. Asten. et Taurinen. Beatifikationis et canonizationis servi Dei Dominici Savio adolescentis laici alumni oratorii salesiani. Positio super virtutibus, Romae, Typ. Guerra et Mirri (1930): Summarium super dubio: An constet de virtutibus * theologalibus fide, spe et charitate ..., p. 5. Bring the episode in a more schematic form M. MOLINERIS, Nuova vita di Domenico Savio, Cone Don Bosco, Ist. Salesian 1974, p. 134. Reference is also made to him in the study of A. CAVIGLIA, Savio Domenico and Don Bosco, in: Operate e scritti editi e inediti di Don Bosco, vol. IV, Torillo, SEI 1943, p. 146
Don Lemoyne, who became a Salesian and became a priest, tended - note Don Braido - to choose with special preference what appeared as prodigious, miraculous, supernatural manifestation of divine intervention; if on the one hand he tended to be a precise chronicler of the movements and sayings of the one who had conquered him as a spiritual son, on the other, Lemoyne was always attentive to writing what Don Bosco was exposing, like dreams and talks that he often made of night at the numerous collectivity of Valdocco. What Don Bosco counted as a parable or a dream that he had had during the night or day, as the listeners would interpret it, was for Don Lemoyne without more the faithful exposition of celestial revelations.
Don Cerruti was also moderately among those who considered Don Bosco's dreams as supernatural events. But his attention went with preference to the concrete and effective organization of education in the Oratory and in the other Salesian houses. Among the most faithful collaborators of Don Bosco is one of the most insistent that the foundations of the educational system be truly translated into reasonableness and rationality among educators and young people, in balanced and essential religiosity, in charity understood in fact as daily delivery and intelligent to the role of educators. In the statements for the processes of beatification of Don Bosco and after his former colleague of studies Domingo Savio, Don Cerruti places more emphasis on the virtues demonstrated in the life of the two servants of God than in the spectacularity of prodigious manifestations understood as an index of supernatural gifts. Don Bosco put Don Cerruti among the leaders of the Salesian work: as director of the municipal school of Alassio, superior of the Ligurian province and later as a general school counselor. Don Lemoyne, after management positions, ended up having the most consistent with his personality as secretary of the higher chapter, with ample time to write plays or in the "Letture Cattoliche", occasional poetry and history of the congregation . as director of the municipal school of Alassio, superior of the Ligurian province and later as general school counselor. Don Lemoyne, after management positions, ended up having the most consistent with his personality as secretary of the higher chapter, with ample time to write plays or in the "Letture Cattoliche", occasional poetry and history of the congregation . as director of the municipal school of Alassio, superior of the Ligurian province and later as general school counselor. Don Lemoyne, after management positions, ended up having the most consistent with his personality as secretary of the higher chapter, with ample time to write plays or in the "Letture Cattoliche", occasional poetry and history of the congregation .
Don Lemoyne's spiritual tendencies are due to the prominence acquired in the biographical memoirs of miracles and dreams, the latter delineated, each and every one, as celestial revelations of hidden things, present or future. He owes (although originally to Don Bosco) the oral tradition and the written tradition that eventually took root in the Salesians of the late nineteenth century and beyond, the idea, a little millenarian and apocalyptic, that its expansion in the world, its establishment in certain locations was the fulfillment of a future that Don Bosco had already seen in his dreams; seen - the Capuchin cardinal Vives and Tutó wrote at the beginning of this century, an enthusiastic speaker of the cause of beatification - "as in a cinematograph" .22 Don Cerruti, on the other hand, manifests a more discreet but not less enthusiastic attitude,
21 P. BRAIDO - R. ARENAL, Don Giovanni Battista Lemoyne attraverso 20 lettere to Don Michele Rua, in RSS 7 (1988) 89-170; by JM PRELLF70 cf. the articles cited above note 5.
Recent historical studies by Salesians are directed towards a re-reading of Don Bosco's experience from first-hand sources, beyond the diaphragm of biographical memoirs; They do not forget, however, that the nineteen monumental volumes of the Memoirs constitute an obligatory reference term, given the importance they have had and still have in the literary, visual and oral transmission of the image of Don Bosco.
In the range of watersheds that we have presented summarily and with forced gaps, are - in addition to the above - interesting works of Salesians from various parts of the world: Don Cayetano Bruno, Don Ramón Alberdi, Don Jesús Guerra, Don Jesús Borrego, Don Natale Cerrato, Mr. Reinhold Weinschenk, Mr. Antonio Ferreira da Silva; and among the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians: Sr. Giselda Capetti, Sr. Cecilia Romero, Sr. María Esther Posada, Sr. Piera Cavagliá, Sr. Anita Deleidi. And others and others.
More or less in relation to historical studies, or at least to his side, there are others that are oriented to a deeper and somewhat timeless reading of Don Bosco's personality, based on philosophical, psychological and psychoanalytic premises; Among these, we can distinguish: an extensive essay by Don Sabino Palumbieri, articles by Don Bruno Bellerate, by Don Pio Scilligo and by Don Xavier Thévenot.23
If we reread what we have said about the study production of the Salesians and the forms of knowledge in which the Salesians are situated, if we also want to go deeper into their analysis, I think that it is concluded that the trials of study done up to now are as a whole the answer to questions that exist between the Salesians and the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians (that is, the most important nucleus of the area of worship and memory of Don Bosco).
The findings of Francesco Traniello, from which we have left, are undoubtedly the result of his sensitivity as a scholar; but I would say that we should consider them generous and optimistic, if we take into account the still weak implication of the Salesians in the face of the questions of the scientific world, broader, surely interested or interested in the "Don Bosco case", as useful terrain for verification and analysis.
22 Cf. BS 41 (1917) 182 and STELLA, Don Bosco .W., P. 146
23 By the way, cf. the last years of «Salesianum», «Orientamenti Pedagogici», «Rivista di Scienze dell'Educazione», «Ricerche Storiche Salesiane» (RSS).
In a Salesian scholar it is clear that he has adopted models of knowledge and search techniques today in normal use (or, frequently, object of discussion): the study of the mentality and religiosity according to common modules in the school of the "Annuals" or in others, the recourse to cultural anthropology, the use of methods and models typical of economic and social history. Or, also, psychoanalytic, philosophical and pedagogical premises (the study, for example, of the preventive system based on the models of Lacan, the personality of Don Bosco investigated from personal philosophies or interpretative theories of Freud or di Lévi -Strauss)
But at this moment we have to ask ourselves if it is not just individual and sporadic attempts; and not yet consolidated choral work projects. We are all the more cautious the more we reflect on the difficulties that the "Salesian Storico Institute" still encounters in order to guarantee itself a nursery for young recruits. The "Centro Studi Don Bosco", in turn, in the UPS, manages to develop in some way its didactic task; but it does not arrive - and is an index of its fragility - to complete the anasthetic reprint of Don Bosco's writings begun in 1977-78 with the series of books and pamphlets. There are certainly technical problems; but, above all, whoever achieves or commits to remake the transmission belt among scientific designers (who have remained as generals without an army) is missing, technical executors and editors. Meanwhile, even in the course of this year, affective knowledge continues to drink with enthusiasm in the golden legend of the Memoirs; He frequently returns (in the film recently appeared, in books, in lectures and exhortations) the hagiographic legend printed in the minds of all. Overcome, like an imposing wave of foam, the few rock masses that historical research has managed to place here and there in these last thirty years. It shows the distance not completely overcome between Salesian popular culture - which is consumed as it was in the past when it was on the gap between young people - and scientific research. He frequently returns (in the film recently appeared, in books, in lectures and exhortations) the hagiographic legend printed in the minds of all. Overcome, like an imposing wave of foam, the few rock masses that historical research has managed to place here and there in these last thirty years. It shows the distance not completely overcome between Salesian popular culture - which is consumed as it was in the past when it was on the gap between young people - and scientific research. He frequently returns (in the film recently appeared, in books, in lectures and exhortations) the hagiographic legend printed in the minds of all. Overcome, like an imposing wave of foam, the few rock masses that historical research has managed to place here and there in these last thirty years. It shows the distance not completely overcome between Salesian popular culture - which is consumed as it was in the past when it was on the gap between young people - and scientific research.
In this state of affairs, one can not expect from scholars outside the Salesian sphere anything more than essays on certain points, general frameworks, particular or partial attempts at approximation. Such are, for example, the essay by Francesco Traniello on the Storia d'Italia written by the saint, that of Giacomo Dacquino on the psychology of Don Bosco, of Stefano Pivato on the popular press _and the theater, by Maria Luisa Trebiliani on the woman in the mentality and educational experience of Don Bosco. Or, equally, the interesting proposals of Piero Bairati on the "Salesian culture" and the industrial society between the 800 and the fascist age 24
Sergio Quinzio in a 1986 essay has returned to the theme of the place of Don Bosco in the history of the Catholic spirituality and in that of Catholicism socia1.25
Franco Bolgiani, in his speech in 1987 at a congress on the theme "Christians and culture in Turin", stopped over the "Salesian" in the broader picture of the most deeply rooted and most characteristic predominant cultures. Above all it would be that which was linked to the affirmation of the State of the Savoy from the middle of the century until the national unification, and which Bolgiani calls, to understand us, "military culture." It replaced it, especially after the industrial automobile take-off, as predominant and encompassing, the "industrial culture", with the "Fiat", as a major temple and as a reference for a way of thinking and living of the Turinese community. However, the secular culture of high and medium level, acquired its own space and its own and dignified autonomy, with a solid pillar in the university world and with effective dissemination poles in more active and more prosperous avant-garde publications. The Catholic culture was, according to Bolgiani, as a whole weak, repetitive and conformist from the Tridentine period to the «Risorgimento»; later, weakened and closed in on itself, it ended up moving to the level of the subculture. Within it, Bolgiani continues, one can understand how a kind of Salesian culture could flourish in the ecclesiastical and Catholic sphere; that is, a culture that originated and developed in the field of play and youth instruction, free time and sacred time of social strata almost always of rural origin, without pretensions of scientific soundness. A culture that today should come to light, but that was in summary irrelevant in the eyes of the secular culture of positivist or idealist, liberal or social, Gramscian or neo-luminist matrix; a culture that was fatally exposed to being used for its own ends by the dominant industrial culture. The "Christians and culture in Turin" congress was held in the Salesian center of Caboto 27, the headquarters of the Faculty of Theology of the UPS (Turin branch). Among those who listened to Bolgiani were, in addition to the professors and students of the UPS, secular priests and laity alumni of oratories and of Salesian colleges. There were very energetic reactions. Among them the "onorevole" Armando Sabatini (born in 1908) took the floor, that he had been a member of the National Liberation Committee established in the "Fiat" after September 8, 1943 and also a deputy in Parliament, a former member of the Caboto Street Oratory - as the youngest "onorevole" Carlo Donat Cattin (born in 1919) - before and after the fall of fascism. According to Sabatini, the picture drawn by Bolgiani was without more inadequate. Both he and other alumni were not recognized in the "culture" outlined by the speaker. The Oratory, in him as in others, had nourished religious faith. The debates on philosophical and social issues that had two professors of the Salesian Athenaeum, such as Don Gemmellaro and Don Mattai, had been, in his opinion, solid and rich, appreciated for their speculative and ideological structure by philosophers of idealistic and spiritualist inspiration such as Augusto Guzzo . But the Oratorian experiences remembered by Sabatini were circumscribed episodes. Or should we consider them as the index of a cultural reality that in its development was more complex, more articulated and less closed than what could be inferred from the necessarily schematic and intentionally provocative exposition of Professor Bolgiani? 26 Bolgiani did not speak, for example , from the Salesian Fr Paolo Ubaldi, who was the first professor of ancient Latin and Greek Christian literature at an Italian university (the "Cattolica" in Milan) from 1924 to 1934, founder of the "Corona Patrum Salesiana" edited by the SEI (the Salesian editorial of Turin), distinguished master, and as such venerated by Michele Pellegrino, the cardinal of the council and of the post-conciliar period in the archdiocese of Turin.27 Neither did Bolgiani point out that it was the SEI one of the first publishers in Italy to publish works by Jacques Maritain.28 His painting is undoubtedly exaggerated, perhaps cruel and drawn with a selective lens. However, it leads us to reflect on the characteristics of the ecclesiastical framework and the Catholic world in which the Salesians worked, carried away by the style of their charismatic and holy founder.
24 G. DACQUINO, Psychology of Don Bosco, Torino, SEI 1988; the other essays are in the collaborative work directed by TRANLELLO (see above, note 2).
n. S. QUIN710, Domande sulla santitá. Don Bosco, Cafasso, Cottolengo, Torino, Gruppo Abele 1986.
Pietro Scoppola, in the terms that allowed him a particularly important celebratory speech as he was speaking in Turin at the opening of the centenary year, showed his competence as a historian of the contemporary world and specialist in the political results of modernism in Italy to face the Don Bosco's theme "social saint" in the related and wider one of Don Bosco «modern saint». In the plot of the Scoppola exhibition, we can see some varied judgments about the theology and the mental schemas of Don Bosco, about his apologetic and spiritual writings: all elements that can be placed, as a whole, in zones of traditional Catholic conservative resistance, but in which we must not reject or lose sight of the conscience, which Don Bosco proves to be deeply rooted, of the Christian reality, perceived in its essence and its history. Conscience that the saint had and expressed in ways that he was refining and relativizing in the more mature years and in the framework of experiences profoundly different from those of his first priestly and educational experiments in Turin. So one could say a bit paradoxically (but one can doubtless argue about this) that Don Bosco's modernity must be sought in the connection between this essential Christianity, and almost only at a catechetical level that relativizes the rest (and that, however, it is always expressed in non-"modern" formulas) and the organizational options it took in the world of youth and technology.29 Conscience that the saint had and expressed in ways that he was refining and relativizing in the more mature years and in the framework of experiences profoundly different from those of his first priestly and educational experiments in Turin. So one could say a bit paradoxically (but one can doubtless argue about this) that Don Bosco's modernity must be sought in the connection between this essential Christianity, and almost only at a catechetical level that relativizes the rest (and that, however, it is always expressed in non-"modern" formulas) and the organizational options it took in the world of youth and technology.29 Conscience that the saint had and expressed in ways that he was refining and relativizing in the more mature years and in the framework of experiences profoundly different from those of his first priestly and educational experiments in Turin. So one could say a bit paradoxically (but one can doubtless argue about this) that Don Bosco's modernity must be sought in the connection between this essential Christianity, and almost only at a catechetical level that relativizes the rest (and that, however, it is always expressed in non-"modern" formulas) and the organizational options it took in the world of youth and technology.29
26 F. BOLGIANI, Proposte di lettura del retroterra storico, in: Cristiani e cultura a Torino. Atti del convegno Toritio 3-5 april 1987, Milano, Franco Angeli 1988, p. 34-53.
M. PELLEGRINO, A cinquantennio di studi patristici in Italy, in "La Scuola cattolica" 80 (1952) 424-452 (especially, pages 430 and 450).
29 J. MAErrAIN, Introduzione generale alla filosofía, trad. di A. Cojazzi, Torino, SEI 1922 (successive editions: 1926, 1934, 1938, 1946).
Norberto Bobbio's seemingly cutting-edge occurrences come to mind: "reformism" and "modern" are two words to be banished; as vague and ambiguous as they are in ordinary language, especially in the jargon of politicians.3 Bobbio reacted to a historical essay by Giovanni Aliberti on the modernization of the Mezzogiorno in the years of the Napoleonic reforms. Aliberti replied that the terms "reforms" and "reformism" can not be eliminated from the historical language in which, as regards the eighteenth century, they have a specific meaning that is well understood by those who study and write books. Still less can the term "modern" be used, used to define historical epochs and the structural transformations that occur in them. This was in substance what Bobbio precisely intended: an appropriate use, not oscillating and ambiguous, of instruments of knowledge and language; also a correct use of interpretive models.
As far as Don Bosco is concerned, it is precisely what is found, for example, in a conference full of irony that another Catholic historian, Maurilio Guasco, gave in Florence this centenary year.32
in the sense that they lead, to really situate the modernity of Don Bosco in his endeavor in the youthful world. Whence follows the opportunity and the need to explore this world more integrally, investigating the psychic and social movements of that time.
29 Fr. SCOPPOLA, Don Bosco nella storia civile, in: Don Bosco e le sfide della modernitá, p. 7-20. The theme of "modernity" of Don Bosco is also touched by P. Bairati in his essay: Salesian Culture and Societa Induslale, in: TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 351-355; but it is easy to understand that these are debatable readings. To that end, they come to mind, in addition to the articles of "Social Compass" 1987 already cited: W. RENHARD, Gegenreformation als Modernisierung. Prolegomena zu einer Theorie des Konfessionellen Zeitalter, in "Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte" 68 (1977) 226-252; J. HERF, II reazionario modernism. Technology, culture and politics nella Germanio di Weimar e del Terzo Reich, Bologna, 11 Mulino 1988; JA SCHMIECHEN, The Victorians, the Historian and the Idea .of Modernism,
3 ° Cf. the newspaper of Turin «La Stampa» (February 8, 1987).
5 'G. AMERA Sociopolitical system ed organizzazione dello Stato nel Mezzogiorno napoleonico, in «Ricerche di Storia Sociale e Religiosa» 17 (1988) 33, 25-43.
32 M. GUASCO, Don Bosco nella stork religiosa del suo tempo, in: Don Bosco e le sfide della modernitá, p. 21-38.
As I have had occasion to point out and emphasize (and, on the other hand, those who cultivate the demographic and social history know), youth, which appears as a class by itself, is already an element of modernity in the 19th century and XX.34
Meanwhile, Don Bosco can be considered a modern saint, for being one of the few who had the luck, within the religious and political structures, to organize as his own an offer of works and activities in accordance with the psychic movements, with the aspirations of insertion in life, with the utopias that young people fed in environments that were previously impregnated with religiosity of practices and that afterwards were increasingly "modern", in the sense that they were increasingly marked by the sign of geographic and social mobility in political structures no longer confessional.
In a wide view on a broad horizon that pretended to define broadly the Christian presence in history from the age of Constantine to what some tend to call neoconstantiniana, Don Bosco maybe placed in Catholicism that is committed to a social project ("make good Christians and honest citizens"), in an era that goes from the initiatives of the "Catholic Friendship" to the years that prepare the Rerum novarum. In that place it is distinguished by its delivery to young people from the popular classes that are beginning to appear. His final utopia was the dream that the education of the young, carried out in accordance with the system he practiced, would fill the world of Salesian Cooperators, that is, of an increasingly wide range of good Christians and honest citizens.
These are some small fragments of hypothesis that surely can be analyzed throughout our Congress with a reflection that is offered more attentively and orchestrated to several voices.
"Cf. especially the minutes of the study seminar that took place in Venice, from October 3 to 5, 1988, cited above, in note 18.
STELLA, The canonization of Don Bosco with fascism and universalism, p. 368ss; ID., Don Bosco, La, p. 278; The study and study of his Don Bosco e sul suo pensiero pedagogico-educativo: problemi e prospettive, in: VECCHI - PRELIE70 (eds.), Prassi educativa pastorale scienze dell'educazione, p. 26
•
Francis DESRAMAUT
The nineteen volumes of Don Bosco's Biographical Memoirs, published over 40 years, precisely between 1898 and 1939, were signed in succession by three Salesian priests during the first half of our 20th century: Giovanni Battista Lemoyne in volumes I -IX, Eugenio Cenia in volumes XI-XIX and Angelo Amadei in volume X.1 The attentive study of its whole (about sixteen thousand pages), which the title of this communication seems to announce, would require an indeterminate number of volumes. In 1987, the critical examination of an account of Volume IX with a total of 80 lines, moreover complex, made me write a 24-page article for the magazine "Ricerche Storiche Salesiane" .2 This Salesian bible will be able to occupy generations of commentators in future centuries, if they find pleasure in doing so. Indeed, the problems posed are sometimes as arduous as those of the synoptic gospels. Personally I will limit myself here to make some general observations about the authors, their documents and their use of them.
The Memoirs were at the beginning, and in a way they continued to be until the end, the work of Giovanni Battista Lemoyne (1839-1916) .3 He went with Don Bosco to Turin in 1864, after his priestly ordination. He was immediately passionately attracted by his teacher and became his private secretary in Valdocco (Turin) from 1883 to 1888. He undertook in 1884 the writing and composition of the document that will later be the Biographical Memoirs. In 1885 this document was entitled Document per scrivere la storia di D. Giovanni Bosco, dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales e della Congregazione Salesiana, general title of a collection of 45 records containing printed forms pasted in columns and referring to all of Bosco's life, year by year, from his birth in 1815 until his death in 1888.
The volume of the Index, work of Don Ernesto Foglio, was published in 1948.
7 (1987) 81-104.
A very interesting study about this character is made in the article by P. BRAIDO - R. ARENAL LLATA, Don Giovanni Battista Lemoyne attraverso 20 lettere to Don Michele Rua, in RSS 7 (1988) 87-170.
Don Lemoyne was a writer: he was "biographer, agiographer, narratore, dramatist, poet", if we look at an enumeration that can be easily documented; he was a conscientious writer, a pleasant and amusing narrator of the "Letture Cattoliche" of that time, an author of moving theatrical dramas, a "courageous poet", according to Don Bosco's formula referring to him, a holy priest ... to his skills as a historian, the study of his method of work in the writing of biographical memoirs will reveal it to us immediately. From 1898, his first seven volumes of the Memoirs will come out at a rapid pace (1898-1909). His most important work was followed by a good biography of Don Bosco in two volumes.5 Before dying he was able to compose only two other volumes of the Memoirs and thus reach only the 70th year of the life of Don Bosco.
On the death of Don Lemoyne (1916), Angelo Amadei (1863-1945), who had been director for eight years of the «Salesian Bollettino», was commissioned to continue and complete the Biographical Memoirs. Don Amadei was a jealous apostle, very faithful to his confessional in the Basilica of Mary Help of Christians, which attracted all kinds of penitents, a true "venator animarum", as he wrote of him, 6 that he felt very comfortable in the celebrations festive and in writing edifying articles. He is also responsible for considerable work: a biography of Don Bosco; in which, in 1929, he tried to make the witnesses speak of his life: a work that he successively expanded into two volumes.8 It is an extensive biography of Don Rua, Don Bosco's first successor, entitled: II Servo di Dio Michele Rua .9 However, Don Amadei was not the follower of Don Lemoyne and this for several more or less identifiable reasons: his slowness and thoroughness in the work, according to some (the author of the article entitled Amadei Angelo in the Salesiani biographical Dizionario); the multiplicity of his commitments, according to a letter of his, read by the one who writes in the Salesian archives of Turin; the controversies about the sanctity of Don Bosco in the subjects of which he had to speak from 1871, if we stick to what the introduction of Volume X of the Memoirs says, which came out last in 1939 ... read by whoever writes this in the Salesian archives of Turin; the controversies about the sanctity of Don Bosco in the subjects of which he had to speak from 1871, if we stick to what the introduction of Volume X of the Memoirs says, which came out last in 1939 ... read by whoever writes this in the Salesian archives of Turin; the controversies about the sanctity of Don Bosco in the subjects of which he had to speak from 1871, if we stick to what the introduction of Volume X of the Memoirs says, which came out last in 1939 ...
4 Cf. Ibid., P. 100
5 Vita del Venerabile Servo di Dio Giovanni Bosco fondatore della Pia Società Salesiana, dell'Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice e dei Cooperatori Salesiani, 2 vol., Torino, Libreria Editrice Internazionale 1911-1913.
6 Cf. E. VALENTINI, Amadei Angelo, in: Dizionario biografico dei salesiani, Turin, Ufficio Stampa Salesiano 1969, p. 17
7 Cf. A. AMADEI, Don Bosco and il suo apostolato, Torino, SEI 1929.
8 Cf. A. AMADEI, Don Bosco and il suo apostolato, 2 vol., Torino, SEI 1940.
9 Cf. A. AMADEI, 11 Servo di Dio Michele Rua, 3 vol., Torino, SEI 1931-1934.
In the year of the beatification of Don Bosco (1929), the Salesian public noted, between surprised and scandalized, that the great story of the new Blessed had not left the waiting situation in which he had been since the death of Don Lemoyne. FA Blessed Don Bosco had been maimed in 18 years of life. The complaints were general. Only the then Rector Major, Don Rinaldi, remained silent, as don Cenia once told me. Finally, in the summer of 1929, Don Rinaldi sent from Rome to Turin Don Eugenio Cenia, a veteran writer, who remedied the situation. ' Don Eugenio Cenia (1870-1957) was a professor of classical letters. And he had been director of «Gymnasium», a didactic newspaper for secondary schools. In the course of his long career, he had published mostly comments by Greek and Latin authors: Lysias and Xenophon on the one hand, Cicero, St. Jerome, Caesar, Virgil and Livy Tito on the other. At the age of 60, this distinguished man of letters, a calm and fine person, began a second life. Between 1930 and his death in 1957, he devoted himself exclusively to Salesian history. Volumes XI to XIX of the Biographical Memoirs, which refer to the Aryan years 1875-1888 of Don Bosco, with a complement that covers his glorification, came out with laudable rapidity between 1930 and 1939. This admirable worker, once he took it Don Bosco liked to write, then wrote several biographies of the saint's disciples (Maria Mazzarello, Don Rua, Don Beltrami, Don Rinaldi), as well as precious news about the "Salesian capitulars" and about the Salesian coadjutors, a booklet well done on the Salesian cooperators and, finally, four thick volumes of Annali della Società Salesiana (covering the years 18411921) and the Epistolary of Don Bosco, whose last volume he could not see published because death overtook him. In the years of the canonization, while continuing the edition of the Memoirs, he had also composed a biography of Don Bosco in a volume of luxury, "which perhaps is the best life for the dissemination of Don Bosco written in this century." Don Cenia He was a basic humanist in the genuine sense of expression, he had the cult of measurement, so his phrases, of Ciceronian rhythm, were clear and fluid, he had a taste for simple and beautiful things and he described them with never-before-mentioned words. He was not at all a servant of erudition, and the literary form he gave to volumes XI-XIX of the biographical memoirs changed them positively.
1 ° On Don Ceria, cf. E. VALENTINI, Don Eugenio Ceda, Torino, SEI 1957; Ceria Eugenio, in: Dizionario biografico dei salesiani, p. 79-81.
"San Giovanni Bosco nella vita e nelle opere, illustrated by GB Gallizzi, Torino, SEI 1938.
The title of the first volume of the Memoirs (destined to become later that of the complete work, with the only variants introduced as the cause of beatification and canonization of Don Bosco progresses) is the following: Memorie biografiche di Giovanni Bosco, raccolte dal sac Salesian Giovanni Battista Lemoyne, vol. 1.12 It revealed a certain modesty.3 As Don Bosco had composed, not a true history of his work, but of the Memorie dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales, that is, of the Memorie per ser-vire alla Storia dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales, Don Lemoyne, if we look only at the title of the first volume, he began to write about the founder of the Salesians, no longer a biography in the technical sense of the term, but a Memorie biografiche, that is to say, Memorie per servire alla biography of the Turin saint. But let's leave the facade to enter the monument. The true intention of its author and the genre of his work appear in the first sentences of the preface. The author writes in them: "Coll'affetto di fratello amatissimo I present to Cari Salesiani the biography of nostro venerato Father in Gesù Christ Don Giovanni Bosco." "We were thus better informed: with its thick volume on the youth of Juan Bosco, I wanted to offer to the Salesians the premises of a biography of Don Bosco.
The speed with which Don Cenia finished the Memoirs between 1930 and 1939 is explained only if attention is paid to the immense preparatory work of Don Lemoyne and the unreserved trust that Don Cenia had in him. GB Lemoyne gave the Memoirs his sources, his general architecture and, also for the ten volumes he could not write, the form of the story, at least to a certain extent. In this essay on the method of work of the three authors of the Biographical Memoirs, I will dwell preferably on Lemoyne, even if he is the author of only the first nine volumes of the collection.
The search, the understanding and, finally, the use of the documents, are the three stages of a work in which the historian of Don Bosco will reveal his professional quality. Don Lemoyne wanted to gather all the documents suitable to enrich, however little, his story about Don Bosco and his work. Although broad, it was nothing else, in the compiler's mind, than a "story" about Don Bosco. He took into account, therefore, only (or slightly less) the narrative elements. The construction plans, the photographs, the accounting books, the school records ..., which required special treatment, were almost always ignored. His preferences were always towards texts already written by immediate testimonies and, first of all, those of Don Bosco.
. Edic. extra-commercial: San Benigno Canavese, Scuola Tipografica, Salesian Bookstore 1898.
"You can see, on this question, my book: Les Memorie 1 by Giovanni Battista Lemoyne, Étude d'un ouvrage fondamental sur la jeunesse de saint Jean Bosco, Lyon, Maison d'études Saint-Jean-Bosco 1962, pp. 84-86 .
"MB I p.VIL
As director of the school of Lanzo (1865-1877), Don Lemoyne had collected with the greatest care the "Good Night", the platiquitas and letters of Don Bosco to his young people. When he became his secretary in Turin, in December 1883, helped by another passionate Don Bosco, who was also a determined archivist, Don Gioachino Berto (1847-1914), he collected everything he could find from him. He asked and sifted through the witnesses of his past life. The stories about the mother of Don Bosco, Margarita Occhiena, of whom he published life in 1886, interested him a lot. He had to clarify the content of agendas, notebooks, note books not sufficiently readable. And often, after an elaboration designed to make the story easy to follow, he began to classify his materials, with fragments almost always cut according to the chronology of Don Bosco, and to order them in the records of the Documenti per scrivere, which thus became an immense quarry for the use of the historian of the great man. The making of these records began in 1885, at a time when the collection of documentation was only in its infancy. In other words, the heuristic and the drafting work - indeed, the Documenti constituted a first redaction - were at the same pace for Don Lemoyne. As they came to his knowledge, he included the new pieces in his records. However, from the Don Bosco process, it was decided to move on to a new stage: witness statements, fragmentary as the chronicle, they became part of the files prepared more directly with a view to the writing of the various volumes of the Biographical Memoirs. Don Lemoyne, in fact, asked himself as diligently as possible about the testimonies produced in the informative canonization process carried out in Turin in the 90s. Contrary to what a note contained in his general introduction would make clear, he used the depositions of that process already in the first volume of his Memoirs, appeared in 1898 and which referred to the years of youth of our saint.
Every day we realize better than the Biographical Memories are an immense collection of mosaics of biographical documents, cut into pieces and introduced in a web of articles distributed in chapters and in more or less homogeneous books. Its history should therefore suppose the analysis of the mass of documents that accumulated then on Don Bosco, especially by Don Lemoyne. At this time of the study, I can not do more than list the main pieces and add some word about their interpretation.
They were written by Don Bosco himself: the Memorie dell'Oratorio that refer to the years 1815-1855, the spiritual testament, the circular or personal letters; the biographies published on Comollo, Savio, Magone, Besucco, Cafasso; the manuscript or printed accounts of the life of his work; the registers, the trip to Rome in 1858, the consecration of the Church of Mary Help of Christians, the «meraviglie» or «grazie» attributed to Mary venerated in Valdocco ...; the regulations and the constitutions of his local work (of Turin) and soon world-wide (the Salesian congregation, the union of the Salesian Cooperators ...).
The minor notes or the schemes interested Don Berto, who passed them on to Don Lemoyne.
After Don Bosco came those who had listened to him or at least his contemporaries, who had written things seen or heard of him. Probably it is convenient to start this series with the Storia dell'Oratorio, that Giovanni. Bonetti (1838-1891) published in installments in the "Salesian Bollettino" during Don Bosco's lifetime and which later became a thick volume entitled: Cinque lustri dell'Oratorio salesiano fondato dal Sac. Don Giovanni Bosco.'6 The deliveries of the "Bollettino" of the last years of Don Bosco on the Passeggiate autunnali will be added to the Storia. The minutes of the meetings of the Salesian directors, of the "higher chapter" and of the general chapters of 1877 to 1886 were also included in the documentation collected by Mr. Lemoyne. But he gave more importance to the diaries or notebooks of memories and the observations of the following testimonies: Domenico Ruffino (1840-1865), Giovanni Bonetti (of which we have just spoken), Antonio Sala (1836-1895), Gioachino Berto (cited before), Giulio Barberis (1847-1927), Francesco Cerruti (1844-1917), Giovanni Garino (1845-1908), Giuseppe Lazzero (1837-1910), Francesco Provera (1836-1874), Carlo Maria Viglietti (1864-1915) ), Pietro Enria (1841-1898), Giovanni Battista Francesia (1838-1930), Secondo Marchisio (1857-1914) ... In this list it is also worth mentioning Don Lemoyne, who, against a tenacious legend, did not undid himself at all systematically from your personal notes. Don Rua had composed a beautiful Libro dell 'esperienza, a Necrologio ..., and he had also written frequent notes on small pieces of paper.
'5 Cf. Memorie dal 1841 al 1884-5-6, which F. Motto has published in RSS 4 (1985) 73-130.
16 Cf. G. BoNETA Cinque lustri dell'Oratorio salesiano fondato dal Sac. Don Giovanni Bosco, Torino, Tip. Salesian 1892. It must be noted that Don Lemoyne collected in the Documenti the columns of the "Salesian Bollettino" and not the pages of the Cinque lustri, which, apparently, were not used, as such, in the composition of the MB.
Obviously it is not the case to make generous and valid judgments for all these witnesses, and even less for each of the episodes told by them and for all the phrases of Don Bosco transmitted by them, as if their proximity to the hero of the story had that to guarantee in an absolute way the objectivity, lucidity, accuracy ... of your notes. You have to "understand" these documents. The literary genre of the chronicles should be of interest to the commentator. The immediate report will be distinguished, from the more or less distant memory; the record, of the subsequent testimony; direct testimony, indirect testimony; the dream, of the dream parable; the same testimony, of his comment, authorized or not, and also the original formulation, of the elaborated formulation. Here the examples pile up to hundreds, maybe thousands. they were direct testimonies, although, on the other hand, very subsequent to the aforementioned facts and, therefore, exposed to all the fantastic reconstructions of the memory. But the same witnesses could also write stories that circulated in the environment, which others might have denied if they had come to know them. It was "cose che si raccontano," as Ruffino wrote at the beginning of some anecdotes about Don Bosco. A notebook by Giovanni Bonetti (20 sheets, of which there are only 10 written) contains six surprising episodes, all of unknown origin: "Mirabile conversione di atheist"; 19 "II giovanotto risvegliato da morte"; "« 11 cane grigio ";twenty-one But the same witnesses could also write stories that circulated in the environment, which others might have denied if they had come to know them. It was "cose che si raccontano," as Ruffino wrote at the beginning of some anecdotes about Don Bosco. A notebook by Giovanni Bonetti (20 sheets, of which there are only 10 written) contains six surprising episodes, all of unknown origin: "Mirabile conversione di atheist"; 19 "II giovanotto risvegliato da morte"; "« 11 cane grigio ";twenty-one But the same witnesses could also write stories that circulated in the environment, which others might have denied if they had come to know them. It was "cose che si raccontano," as Ruffino wrote at the beginning of some anecdotes about Don Bosco. A notebook by Giovanni Bonetti (20 sheets, of which there are only 10 written) contains six surprising episodes, all of unknown origin: "Mirabile conversione di atheist"; 19 "II giovanotto risvegliato da morte"; "« 11 cane grigio ";twenty-one
"Le castagne"; 22 "Moltiplicazione delle ostie." "These are anecdotes that, authentic or not, were published only long after they had been registered." It would be good not to give them more credit than comic books deserve to prevent prejudice or prejudice. dominant ideologies in the various human groups.
"Cf. MB V, 9.
18 Indeed, Don Lemoyne did not keep it in mind when he composed his Documents *, therefore
until 1891; and internal criticism supports such late dating. "Cf. MB IV, 156.
20 Cf. MB lIL 495.
21 Cf. MB IV, 416.
22 Cf. MB 111, 576.
23 Cf. MB III, 441.
Analogous observations could be made about the depositions gathered during the canonization process of Bosco and that went to the Biographical Memoirs. As a whole they were very beautiful and very interesting. Demonstrated by Turin diocesan priests, Salesian priests, Salesian coadjutor and laymen: Giovanni Bertagna, Gioachino Berto, Secondo Marchisio, Giovanni Giacomelli, Felice Reviglio, Giacomo Manolino, Giuseppe Turco, Giovanni Filipello, Giorgio Moglia, Giacinto Ballesio, Angelo Savio, Francesco Dalmazzo, Giovanni Branda, Pietro Enria, Leonardo Murialdo, Giovanni Cagliero, Francesco Cerruti, Giovanni Battista Piano, Giuseppe Rossi, Giovanni Villa, Giovanni Battista Francesia, Luigi Piscetta, Giulio Barberis, Giovanni Battista Lemoyne, Giovanni Bisio, Michele Rua, Giovanni Turchi, Ascanio Savio , Giovanni Battista Anfossi, Domenico Bongioanni, Giuseppe Corno, Antonio Berrone and thirteen other people, men and women, specially called to clarify problems concerning miracles. Don Pietro Stella has tried to classify these witnesses to start weighing their testimonies. From an ideal point of view, it would be necessary to follow the meanders of each element of these depositions, going back to their sources of information and to the same mentality of the interested persons. It must be known that the most absolute affirmations about the ascesis of Don Bosco come to us - except for better information - from Don Berto, who was a scrupulous and more or less obsessed man. The same Berto and his brother in religion Giulio Barberis made long statements in the process from the Documenti of Don Lemoyne, They could consult and copy at pleasure in Valdocco. Sometimes they used them in a servile way. That is why the approaches, even the errors of their sources, reappeared, more augmented than corrected, in their depositions. They did it undoubtedly with the best good faith in the world. But it will be accepted that several testimonies of the process of Don Bosco could have behind them an already long history, whose knowledge is indispensable for those who want to understand them. Another warning rather of a general nature: the so-called "definitive" form of the chronicles and the minutes, made by the author of the Memoirs, is not always, or often, the one that came out of the writer's hand. As regards the chronicles, The most interesting case seems to me to be that of Carlo Maria Viglietti in his account of the last years of Don Bosco (1884-1888). Distributed in several notebooks, reviewed and copied several times, this story presents the commentator with a lot of special problems. It is discovered that the primitive chronicle is the safest. However, there are passages added later that are not without interest for the knowledge of Don Bosco. Regarding the minutes: usually the designated secretary takes note of what he hears or understands as the session unfolds. But then he has to compose an officially acceptable text. Added additions, modifications, deletions. Do this work usually alone, sometimes in the council. The forms taken from the minutes of the first session of the General Chapter of the Salesians of 1877, entrusted to Fr. Giulio Barberis, are - in my opinion - rich in teaching for the historian and, therefore, for the biography of Don Bosco. Indeed, the primitive version is full of crossed out phrases and additions, which must be read carefully because they allow us to know the development of the debate. It is true that several features of the mentality of the correctors (and of Don Bosco the first of them all) can be sought with preference: in this case, the retouching, which is not purely formal, deserves, too, a careful examination.
These reflections were not made by Don Lemoyne, compiler, nor by his successors Don Amadei and Don Cenia. It was enough for Don Lemoyne that the witness was "honest", a quality he valued according to moral criteria. He picked up his version in its most complete form, he glossed it, aligning all the details on the same plane, dividing, joining parallel passages, all the information that he did not yet know and distributing them according to a general warp of the work, which was rigorously , and as much as possible, chronological. For Don Lemoyne - and it will be recalled here that the Documenti written according to this principle cover the whole life of the saint and also affect the volumes of Don Amadei and Don Cenia - the best story of Don Bosco would be the one that gathered the greatest number of information about Don Bosco attested by the witnesses. Nothing seemed to him disposable, even if it was only a phrase or a word. This cult of quantity seems to me to denounce in him "substantialist" convictions that, together with others, are a sign of the "pre-scientific" mentality of our historian.24 "By an almost natural tendency - wrote Gaston Bachelard in the chapter of the Obstacle substantialiste the pre-scientific spirit piles on an object all the knowledge in which that object plays a role, without dealing with the hierarchy of empirical roles. It links different qualities directly to the substance, both a superficial quality and a profound quality, a manifest quality as a hidden quality. " He worries about "obvious external experience, but he runs away from criticism deep in his heart". "
Maybe some examples are not useless. When narrating his youth, Don Bosco, for reasons that are obscure to us, he never alluded to his estare et l'ordonnance de la matiére. "
24 I take, on this argument, the ideas and the terminology of G. BACHELARD, La formation de l'esprit scientifique. Contribution to a psychoanalyse of the connaissance objective, 13 "ed. (1" ed. 1938), Paris 1986, p. 131-133.
2 Ibid., P. 99
"See Les Memorie I by Giovanni Battista Lemoyne, pp. 213-266, the chapter on" Lectancia as a laborer on the Moglia farm in Moncucco, where he must have spent about 18 months (in 1828-29), when he was 13 At the age of 14. Now, the Salesian Secondo Marchisio during the summer of 1888 and afterwards the lawyers of the informative process in the 90s asked the people of the farm, starting with Dorotea Moglia, Giovanni Moglia, Giorgio Moglia even those who had been There was a lot of talk, and a trait of the adolescent Bosco had impressed these people: Juan had refused to remain alone with a girl from the Moglia, and this despite Dorotea's orders.To narrate this episode, Don Lemoyne was at less before seven pericopes, without counting other two that generalized the rejection? ' He considered that, in that case, one of the witnesses gave rejection a different form from the others and, therefore, separated from them.28 The answer was thus unfolded in the Biographical Memoirs. The boy said to Dorotea, according to most of the testimonies: "Datemi dei ragazzi, e ne go-yerno fin che chelete, ma bambine non debbo governarne"; and according to the particular testimony: "Io non sono destinato a questo! rispondeva pacatamente Giovanni ».29 This mechanism of inclusion also doubled Juanito's conversation with Don Calosso in November 1829 along the road from Buttigliera to the farm of I Becchi. The episode is known. Don Calosso, amazed by the ease of a boy he did not know yet, asked him to repeat the homily of the jubilee preacher. Juan did it. Don Lemoyne had three sources in this regard: a fragment of the Memorie dell'Oratorio by Don Bosco, a fragment of a chronicle by Domenico Ruffino and a fragment of the Annali by Giovanni Bonetti, parallel, on the other hand, to that of Ruffino. Each of these stories knew a single conversation repeated by the child. But their expressions do not coincide perfectly with each other: that of Ruffino-Bonetti had a form of his own that was not that of the Memorie Oratorio. In addition, in the Memorie the boy spoke "per piú di mezz'ora", while Ruffino made him repeat the sermon only for ten minutes. Faced with this problem, the "substantialist", avaricious even of the smallest services, believing that with it serves the truth, he does not doubt: he conserves everything. Don Lemoyne did not doubt that Don Bosco could have repeated 12 years away (in 1861 for Bonetti-Ruffino and in 1873 for the Memorie dell'Oratorio), with a different formula the sermon of his childhood, of which he remembered only that there was been on the latest. Did he speak, therefore, "per piñ di mezz'ora" on one of the sermons, and then for ten minutes on another, with a total of about three quarters of an hour?
27 Rossi testified: "Le madri di famiglia gli affídarono the custody of the bambino parrot and ilgiovane Bosco the faceva mold volentieri ad eccezione delle bambine" (G. Rossi, Processo ordinario ordina della Curia di Tormo, fol. 2511). Were there so many "madri di famiglia" in the Moglia?
28 This statement made, I believe, by Giorgio Moglia, was published by Don Lemoyne in Documenti XLIII, p. 3.
29 Cf. MB I, 199.
30 Cf. MB I, 177-178.
The two cures are the same for the paralytic lady on the occasion of the consecration of the Church of Mary Help of Christians in Turin in 1868. They were born in the same way in Salesian history. The first derives from a story of Don Bosco to Don Lemoyne in 1884, 31 the second, three pages later in the Memoirs IX, according to a compilation printed the year of the event.32 Other doublets, less easy to discover, are, however , almost equally true: the episode of the boys who were soaked during an excursion and were welcomed by the «cavaliere Gonella», referred to in volume VI of the MB, according to the biography of Magone written by Don Bosco, and repeated in the volume VII of the MB in another year - according to an anecdote collected in 1884;
On this point it seems that the historian of Don Bosco confused two planes: that of life or that of lived history and that of the story of life or history and also of the document that witnesses that history. It is based on the hypothesis of its normal coincidence: one plane reflects the other. It is assumed that the mediations of the documents are transparent and their messages obvious. The understanding of the document, in its peculiar formality, never poses (or almost never) problems. Now, "it is not so easy to understand a document, to know what it is, what it says, what it means" 35 Don Bosco's hagiographer forgets that historical exposition (that is, his documents) form a body with people or people. groups of people who spoke or wrote at a certain time, chose their own perspectives, neglected details, they forged others to make themselves understood (to communicate, we would say today), at the moment they imagined in good faith, they colored the whole with their feelings and desires. The one who is a little familiar with history, glimpses the consequences of a method that economizes on systematic "comprehension" of the texts used. In effect, the text is a product. It has the weight of a manufactured object. It can never be used as a transparent glass, which "looks" over the real or the story that counts. Applied to the Bible, this "naif" method confuses didactic fragments and historical stories, legends and realities, popular anecdotes and official letters, etc. As for us, let's choose a random example: the story of the barber of the village of Castelnuovo. Don Bosco refused one day to let himself be shaved by a woman, at least it seems that way. The episode, today amusing for the commentators of his life, is an anecdote that Giovanni Bonetti introduces in this way in one of his notebooks: "otto giorni or sono - we are in February of 1862 - due to the suo paese, D. Savio and il Suddiacono Cagliero my raccontarono questo of Signor D. Bosco. A giorno D. Bosco was venuto to Castelnuovo. Avendo bisogno di farsi fare the beard [...]. He saw him if he raised, he presided over his cappello and greet him, saying: "Non permetteró giammai a dorna come to take my movie" .36 It is an enjoyable story, as the people of the town told it. As for the scene itself and the words it actually spoke ..., it is good to think twice - or more - before deciding whether the answer of Don Bosco, whose formulation will always elude us, was a sign of his "castitá selvaggia" »... The author of the Memoirs makes us believe in a kind of recent report: "D. Savio Angelo and Msgr. Cagliero ci raccontarono come egli, he returned to Castelnuovo e avendo bisogno di farsi radere el barba, near a bottega ... ", etc. By doing this, it economizes in fact in correct "understanding" of the document and therefore in its meaning.
3 'See the notebook of GB LEMOYNE, Ricordi di gabinetto, February 22, 1884; collected in: MB IX, 257.
32 Cf. G. Bosco, Rimembranze di una solennitá in onore di Maria Ausiliatrice, Torino 1868,
p. 49-50; Collected in: MB IX, 260-261.
33 MB VI, 54, according to GB LEMOYNE, Ricordi di gabinetto, February 22, 1884. The duplicate is
very safe here, although not absolutely true.
34 Se trata de la curación del hijo de Bouillé, contada según el Anden Magistrat en: Docu
menti XXV, p. 127; narración avalada por Charlotte Bethford, que figura en: MB XVI, 131-133. Se trata de la curación de un muchacho, del que no se dice el nombre, en una exposición de María Ortega a don Rabagliati, Documenti XLIV, p. 460, de donde pasó a MB XVI, 224-225. H.-I. MARROU, De la connaissance historique, Paris, Editions du Seuil 1954, p. 101.
The consequences of this omission can be serious. Don Lemoyne (and after him Don Ceria) should have undertaken to "understand" thoroughly the two accounts of "bilocation" of Don Bosco, the first in 1878 and then in 1883. While at that time he was in Turin, the Memories they make it appear in flesh and bone on October 14, 1878 in Saint-Rambert d'Albon, in France; according to a letter dated April 13, 1891, from Mrs. Ada Clément; and on the night between 5 and 6 February 1886 in Sarriá, next to Barcelona, following the Salesian priest Giovanni Branda.37 The first testimony is a supposition without serious foundation. As for the second, it is only a sign of a "vision", not of a "bilocation" properly speaking. In the exercise of his mission, the judge knows that each testimony must be weighed. Unfortunately, the hagiographer of the pre-scientific era, attached to tradition, has been careful not to do so, especially if the reputation of his saint was in danger of being obfuscated in some way. The hagiographer who has become familiar with the human sciences and with the "scientific" method is obliged to critically evaluate the testimonies and, more generally, to "understand" the documents. If not, some magic wand strikes are easily exposed to the risk of making wonderful "spiritual castles" appear in the air. more generally, to "understand" the documents. If not, some magic wand strikes are easily exposed to the risk of making wonderful "spiritual castles" appear in the air. more generally, to "understand" the documents. If not, some magic wand strikes are easily exposed to the risk of making wonderful "spiritual castles" appear in the air.
"G. BONETA Annali, quaderno II, pp. 36s The trait reappears in: MB V, 161-162.
37 The fact of Saint-Rarnbert, according to Documenti XLIII, p. 335-336, corroborated by a letter from Mrs. Clément's daughter, Lyon 18 April 1932, in: MB XVI, 680-684; the fact of Sarriá, according to Documenti XXXI, p. 86-89, in: MB XVIII, 35-39.
It is not the case to look for excuses for this defective and criticizable way of proceeding of the authors of the Memoirs, and the first of all Don Lemoyne. It is not true to say that "they were men of his time." Speaking also only of hagiography - and not of history in general, which made great progress in modern times - the Bolandists had already worked 250 years before Don Lemoyne published his first volume of Biographical Memoirs. They studied the hagiographic documents according to methods increasingly refined by historical criticism. In the 17th and 18th centuries, the historians of Port-Royal had contributed to transform hagiography into true history. Le Nain de Tillemont, when lecturing on the saints in their Mémoires to serve l'histoire ecclésiastique des six premiers siécles, 38 had done it as a historian. The Memoirs to serve the vie ... of various characters of that time - whose titles announced, on the other hand, curiously the one chosen by Don Lemoyne to celebrate Don Bosco - were of good quality. The low general scientific level found in the pious biographies of current use in the eighteenth century and, even more so, in the nineteenth century, whose concern for building overlapped that of telling and explaining the truth, is incontestable. But, look where, the return to rigorous hagiography coincided with the end of the last century and, therefore, with the birth of the Memoirs, at a time when Louis Duchesne (1843-1922) and Hippolyte Delehaye (1859- 1941) attacked violently in the "Bulletin Critique" and in their specialized works the "hagiographic legends". The excellent initiation of the Bolandist Charles De Smedt, Principes de la critique historique, had been published in 1883. Others, along with them, were building on that line. In 1895, the authors of the Les Saints collection, published in Paris under the direction of Henry Joly, were convinced that their booklets should be rigorously historical. In many cases they were truly accomplished works. Delehaye himself published his Saint Jean Berchmans.39 However, in our case, this "scientific" current which, incidentally, was far from being imposed in our time and in the same French environments, such current, I say, it did not reach the Italian clergy. And the antimodernism of the early twentieth century even doubted its orthodoxy. Don Lemoyne had formed in Genoa around 1860. Now,
vente stranieri, fl livello della cultura ecclesiastica nell'ambiente dí tale secolo é assai mediocre. Ricerche pió recenti hanno precisato senza smentirle queste impressioni d'insieme [...]. Il livello degli studi, cui gravi insuffidenze erano state denunciate da Rosmini nelle anque piaghe della santa Chiesa,
nonostante qualche progresso, assai basso; i professori non sono, nell'insieme, selezionati secondo le paro competenceze. Except for alcune eccezioni, gli studi positivi sono trascurati ... "4 The positive studies were neglected, and our Salesian historians participated in the" pre-scientific "spirit of their nation's cultural environment, which, in the search for some data, did not it imposes the effort of valuing and contrasting its "experiences". It is necessary, then, to overcome a stage and enter the "scientific" era once and for all.4 Thus, progress has been made in physics and in biology; but also in history. In effect, the historian is, in his way, a man of experimentation. It has its collection of concepts. It raises questions. It makes hypotheses, contrasts them, verifies them and defines them from the documentation. The concepts are its instruments; the documents, the place of his «experiences», in which and with which he asks about the past of men.42
"Cf. LE NAIN DE TILLEMONT, Mémoires pour serve ..., Paris, Robustel 1693-1712.
33 Cf. H. DELEHAYE, Saint Jean Berchmans, Paris, Lecoffre 1921. See the article by P. POURRAT, Biographies spirituelles, in: Dictionnaire de spiritualité, vol. I, Paris 1937, coll. 1715-1719, the paragraph on «l'évolution de la biographie spirituelle à l'époque moderne»; and R. AIGRAIN, L'hagiographie. Ses sources, ses méthodes, are histoire, Paris, Bloud et Gay 1953, passim.
Don Lemoyne believed that he had laid the foundations of a totally "rational" work. "Non la fantasia, ma íl cuore, guidato dalla fredda ragione, dopo lunghe disquisizioni, corrispondenze, confronti dettó queste pagine. Le narrazioni, i dialoghi, ogni cosa che ho creduto degna di memoria, non sono che the fedele esposizíone letterale di quanto i testi esposero ».43 Unfortunately, he confused" rational "perfection and" substantial "accumulation, that is, accumulation of testimonies documentaries or expressive elements - not analyzed and systematically understood - of past history. His work ran the risk of being an enormous witness of history or of "pre-scientific" hagiography.
It will be rightly said that what mattered to these authors of the first generation was to gather documents and make them readable. Our three biographers got it at least apparently, since they composed 19 volumes that the public they were destined to read without getting tired after its publication. They were translated into three languages (English, Dutch, Spanish). Its volume is, at least, an index of the abundance of documents poured into this kind of primitive Salesian historical encyclopedia ... It is imposed here to pay tribute to Don Lemoyne, editor of private and circular letters, newspaper article collector or of small printed in his Documenti per scrivere ... He rendered a service without price to the story of Don Bosco. In turn, as is frequent after Don Lemoyne, Don Amadei and Don Cenia published in the volumes X-XIX a remarkable number of original pieces. The annexes that contain printed documents in small character in the volumes of Don Cenia, increasingly abundant as the life of Don Bosco was pouring from his pen, are already of great help to those who have consulted. (A very rare species, it is true, among those who disclose and comment on Don Bosco, who prefer the fluid story). The "documenti" reproduced with care (I have been able to verify it) in the Documenti of Don Lemoyne and in the annexes of Don Amadei and Don Cenia, respond to the expectations of Don Bosco's historians. Thus, for the story of Don Bosco's long journey to France in the spring of 1883, there is first-hand information and, therefore,
4 ° P. SCOPPOLA, Italie. Période contemporaine, in: Dictionnaire de spiritualité, vol. VII, 2nd partie, Paris 1971, coll. 2296-2297.
4 'This observation, like several others reproduced here, is taken from G. BACHELARD, La formation de l'esprit scientifique, cited in note 24.
42 Cf. the excellent book, already cited, by MARROU, De la connaissance historique, p. 146-168, the paragraph on "l'usage du concept".
43 MB I, p. IX.
But the rest remains, of what the best is inextricably mixed with the least good or rejectable, with the application of redactional procedures that perhaps begins to glimpse. Our authors adhered to a conception of the historical story produced, which I also qualify as pre-scientific. According to this conception, the documents were nothing but the tracing of a lived history and its specific form was indifferent. It was enough to organize them and present them in a coherent way. Only the originality (the singularity) of the detail interested the hagiographer. Without a doubt, I would have written - so I thought - the best story with the maximum of pieces aligned, arranged and inserted in a story that, thanks to them, would be extremely rich. We find again the avaricious "substantialism" of the pre-scientific spirit.
The neglect of the peculiar form, frequent towards the genre and always towards the "meaning" of the document, appears again in the same composition of the text of the Memoirs that, as will be remembered, began with the Documenti. To illuminate the reader, it is probably worth noting that this "compilation" work began, in terms of pieces such as the "dreams" of Don Bosco, even before the Documenti ... because of Don Lemoyne's interest (and also, I think, of Don Berto). The important thing, when composing the story, was to reflect the "reality" that emerged from the set of details of the facts, as it was believed, but wrongly. (The high precision, especially of the numbers, is, Gaston Bachelard tells us, other features of the pre-scientific mentality.) The man endowed with a scientific spirit has the modesty of the probable and the approximate, especially in historical field ...). Therefore, a testimony duly attributed to a character designated by his name can be enriched with parallel information; a discourse given as one night may be corrected and interpolated with the help, not only of complementary memories about the speeches, but also with features that refer to events (sometimes dreamlike) presented in them, and assume forms of extraordinary proportions, which They would have astonished people not warned. Or, if the genre of the testimonies is relatively unimportant, a story will be constructed in the first person and, if necessary, put on the lips or in Don Bosco's pen to color or dramatize a chapter or a paragraph. From the moment that the details are exact, and that they are all, the choice of a literary subgenre (quote from the text, personal testimony, "words" from the witness cited, speech in form ...) matters very little. It's just a matter of aesthetics, thinks our biographer.
To seduce your reader, he will gladly speak to his hero in the first person. For this reason, it will usually be enough to reproduce Don Bosco's texts or speeches taken by his disciples. Don Lemoyne was not content with "appointments" that, for short, we would call "authentic" (and that they were not always). To his writings and homogeneous stories he added, without prior notice, direct or indirect interventions of Don Bosco and that belonged to other moments of his life, as well as other people. He thus managed, without wanting to, to make Don Bosco assume an absolutely strange language on his lips and in his pen, of a simple and direct man. In the Biographical Memoirs, the story of the first Mass of Don Bosco, on Sunday, June 6, 1841, in the church of St. Francis of Assisi in Turin, is told unequivocally: «Nel noto suo manoscritto D. Bosco scrive ancora quanto segue ...» .44 Don Lemoyne was referring without doubt to the Memorie dell'Oratorio, in which we read: «... ed ho celebrato la mía prima messa nella chiesa di S. Francesco d'Assisi, dove was capo dí confessor D. Cafasso. I was anxiously aspettato in my motherland, dove da molti anni non si piú celebrata messa nuova; I preferred to celebrate it in Torillo, Senza Rumore, and Queso Posia Chiamarlo il phi bel giorno della mia vita. Nel Memento di quella memoranda messa ho procurato di fare divota menzione di tutti i miei professori, beneficiator spirituali e temporali, and then of the compose D. Calosso, che ho semper cordato como grande ed insigne benefattore. ".45 This little story of a day among the elders in the history of a saint appears petty and, in any case, insufficient to Don Lemoyne, who had more things to say on purpose. To the nine lines of the Memorie dell'Oratorio correspond, in quotation marks, more than 20 lines in the biographical memories.46 After having followed eight lines of the manuscript that we possess, with small variants, in addition (the addition of the name of Don Cafasso. ..), our Memories suddenly depart, to return after six other lines and, finally, to return again and finally to the end of the subject. The reconstruction of Don Lemoyne results in this way: "... La mia prima Messa l'ho celebrates nella chiesa di S. Francesco d'Assisi, dove era capo di conferenza D. Giuseppe Cafasso, my distinguished beneattore e direttore. I was anxiously aspettato in my motherland, ove da varii anni non if it was celebrated Messa nuova; I prefer to celebrate it in Torillo senza rumore, all'altare del S. Angelo Custode, posto in questa chiesa dal lato del Vangelo. In questo giorno la Chiesa universale celebrates the festa della SS. Trinitá, l'archidiocesi di Torino quella del miracolo del SS. Sacramento, the chiesa di S. Francesco d'Assisi the festa della Madonna delle Grazie, chevi onorata da tempo antichissimo, and quello posso chiamarlo il piu bel giorno della mia vita. Nel memento gave me the memorandum Messa ho procurato di fare devote menzione di tutti i miei professori, beneficiator spirituali e temporali, and following the compianto D. Calosso, che ho semper ricordato eat grande ed insigne benefattore. E 'pia credenza che il Signore grant infallibilmente quena grazia, che il nuovo priest gil domanda celebrating cousin Messa; io chiesi ardently l'efficacia della parola, per poter fare del has alle anime. My father che signore abbia ascoltato la mia umile preghiera ».
44 MB I, 519. MO 115. 46 MB I, 519.
The autograph fragment has been extended in two main periods, first in the Documenti and later in the Biographical Memoirs of 1898. It was lengthened from the Documenti II, that is, in 1885. The text of the Memorie dell'Oratorio: ". .. e ho celebrato la mia prima messa "is reproduced there until the phrase that refers to Don Calosso, that is, as a totality of the story of that day. The pericope on the grace of the effectiveness of the word - which is not without interest for the knowledge of the psychology of Don Bosco - then enters the scene. It reads: "... e ho celebrato la mia prima messa nella chiesa di S. Francesco d'Assisi dove era capo di conferenza D. Cafasso. He was anxiously [...] of the compianto D. Calosso che ho semper ricordato eat grande ed insigne beneficattore. É pia credenza che fi Signore grant infallibilmente quella grazia che il nuovo priest gli domanda celebrating the prima messa. Io chiesi ardently l'efficacia della parola. My father che signore abbia ascoltato mia umile preghiera. Lunedl ... "47 This addition, probably derived from a written testimony, which may appear some day, began to distort the original story of Don Bosco. The alteration worsened after the death of the latter. Don Lemoyne inserted in the first clean lines of the Documenti some formulas taken from the handwritten memory that we call Testamento spirituale de Don Bosco. He owes the turn: «La mia prima Messa l'ho celebrates», as well as, to designate Don Cafasso, the words: «Giuseppe» and «mio insigne benefattore e direttore». 48 He also took from the deposition made in the process by Don Ascanio Savio the circumstantial clause: "per poter fare del bene alle anime", subsection as a commentary on the sentence to obtain effectiveness of the word.49 Finally, on the various parties of June 6, 1841, he put in the text of Don Bosco the information that a liturgist had given him on December 11, 1891, on behalf of the rector of the church of St. Francis of Assisi, of Turin, Don Luigi Dadesso: «Ho fato le ricerche che the SV Ill.ma desiderava nei registri di questa Chiesa ed ho trovato che il MRD Bosco Giovanni celebrated appunto the prima sua messa i16 giugno 1841 and celebrated it all'altare del Santo Angelo Custode posto in questa chiesa dal lato of the vangelo ». Lorenzo Romano followed, apparently as his own thing: «And in questo giorno the Chiesa universale celebrates the festa of the SS. Sacramento, the Chiesa di S. Francesco d'Assisi the festa della Madonna delle Grazie onorata in delta Chiesa gives antichissimo tempo ... »5 ° This is the origin of the following scholarly lines of our Memoirs:« ... all ' altare del S. Angelo Custode, posto in questa chiesa dal lato del Vangelo. In questo giorno la Chiesa universale celebrates the festa della SS. Trinitá, l'archidiocesi di Torino quena del Miracolo del SS. Sacramento, the chiesa di S. Francesco d'Assisi the festa della Madonna delle Grazie, quivi onorata da tempo antichissimo ». His presence surprises in a letter from Don Bosco. The method of work of Don Lemoyne explains it. Indifferent to the nature (or "form") of documentary mediations: letters, direct testimonies, indirect testimonies, writings, referred "words", written speeches, speeches listened to or "referred", etc., he chose without any rigor the particular forms of his exposition. The details of the substance - the only important thing in his eyes - could be included in a commentary, in a speech or in quotation marks. The pretended appointment of Don Bosco's "noto manoscritto" on his first Mass in Saint Francis of Assisi is an amalgam of heteroclite fragments (although of good quality), which instruct on the fact, but deceive on the hero, on his style, his memories and their exact feelings ... Let us not imagine a lost or unknown manuscript of Don Bosco about the period, as almost all the readers of the Biographical Memories almost instinctively do. This text impudently attributed to the hand of Don Bosco was in fact a composition of Don Lemoyne 5 times they are faithful and are never safe. As the fact in question appeared in several parallel accounts, the document "quoted" had been retouched and interpolated.
47 Documenti II, p. 6
48 Cf. the aforementioned edition of Mono, Memorie da11841, p. twenty; and MB I, 519.
He applied this procedure dozens or, perhaps, hundreds of times in the set of his Biographical Memoirs. Quotations, even those of Don Bosco, are only rare
"The addition is certainly due to Ascanio Savio, ad 13um, to whom the other part of the text, not cited, of MB I, 519 is also due. It reads:« Posso only attestare, che egli, come disse, in occasione della sua ordinazione tra le grazie aveva domandato il dono della parola per far del bene alle anime.A mio giudizio egli ottenne abbondamente la grazia »... (Ascanio Savio, Processo ordinario della curia di Torino, ad 13um, fol. 4552).
5th Letter of Lorenzo Romano to GB Lemoyne, Torino, December 11, 1891, transcribed in: Document: * XLIII, p. 9
51 The last biographer who has allowed himself to be led by this apocryphal appointment is the prudent S. CASELLE, Giovanni Bosco, Chieri, 1831-1841 ... Torino, Acclaim 1988, p. 208
It is necessary to insist on this aspect of Don Lemoyne's work and, at the same time, of the other two authors of the Memoirs, who could base themselves on his already elaborated Document. Your appointments are more or less unusable as such. The commentator will have to stop over those who could offer a particular (and false) idea of the characters staged. The story of the Sagra di S. Michele told by Don Bosco to his excursion boys with extreme precision, unexpected even in a narrator endowed with good humor, is another case that is strongly demonstrative, because it is very easy to identify the original text.
We read in volume IV of the Memoirs, in the account of a walk of 1850, these lines put on the lips of Bosco who speaks to his boys:
«Percio disse paroro: Sanctuary of S. Michele delle Chiuse detto commonly La Sagra di S. Michele, perché consecrate ad onore di quest'Arcangelo, é una delle piú celebri Abbazie dei Benedettini in Piemonte. Da semplice romitaggio che was verso l'anno 990, fabbricato ad ispirazione di S. Michele gives a certo Giovanni da Ravenna, uomo di santa vita, che era col ritirato, fu mutato pochi anni dopo da Ugone di Montboisier detto lo Scucito, gentiluomo dell 'Alvernia, in maestosa chiesa di stile gothic, with a large Anneso Convent per l'abitazione dei monaci ... ». The story continues for more than one page: Hugo de Montboisier entrusted the construction works to «Atverto or Av-yerto», abbot of Lusathe, in France. When the works were completed, he brought Benedictine monks to the new monastery; they chose Atverto as abbot. In the abbey, up to 300 monks became very soon. In 1383, when the primitive discipline decayed, it became an abbey commendacy under the protectorate of the Counts of Savoy until the French invasion at the beginning of the century. The narrator ends his erudite exhibition with the history of the Valley of Susa and the victory of Charlemagne over the King of the Lombards ... 52 And here the quotes are closed. Several readers and commentators, even veterans, were ecstatic at the erudition of Don Bosco! They fell into the trap of our biographer, who thought he could apply his dramatist procedures here. it became a commendatory abbey under the protectorate of the Counts of Savoy until the French invasion of the beginning of the century The narrator ends his erudite exhibition with the history of the Valley of Susa and the victory of Charlemagne over the king of the Lombards ... 52 And here the quotes are closed. Several readers and commentators, even veterans, were ecstatic at the erudition of Don Bosco! They fell into the trap of our biographer, who thought he could apply his dramatist procedures here. it became a commendatory abbey under the protectorate of the Counts of Savoy until the French invasion of the beginning of the century The narrator ends his erudite exhibition with the history of the Valley of Susa and the victory of Charlemagne over the king of the Lombards ... 52 And here the quotes are closed. Several readers and commentators, even veterans, were ecstatic at the erudition of Don Bosco! They fell into the trap of our biographer, who thought he could apply his dramatist procedures here.
By 1880, the "Salesian Bollettino" had narrated in a booklet the Storia dell'Oratorio, which was, as we know, one of the good sources of the Memoirs. The text reviewed above appears in chapter XXVIII of that Stork, published in the April 1881 issue of the "Bollettino." It reads the article entitled: Visit alía Sagra di S. Michele and in a note on page 15, a long historical review, probably copied by the author, Giovanni Bonetti, from an encyclopedia. It will be enough to reread the first lines to understand the mechanism that gave rise to the story attributed to Don Bosco in the Biographical Memoirs. «II sanctuary di S. Michele della Chiusa, detto comunemente La Sagra di S. Michele, perché consecrate ad onore di quest'Arcangelo, a delle piú celebri Abbazie dei Benedettini in Piemonte. Da semplice romitaggio che was verso l'anno 990, fabbricato ad ispirazione di S. Michele gives a certo Giovanni da Ravenna, uomo di santa vita che s'era ritirato ... »etc. Not even the episode of Charlemagne's stratagem in the Susa Valley is missing to defeat the Lombards. "As for Bosco, one thing is certain: during the excursion, he chatted with his boys with pleasure." Don Lemoyne took advantage of the episode to present to its readers the Sacra di S. Michele, a monument that interested - very far, in fact - the Salesian history. only one thing is certain: during the excursion, he chatted with his boys with pleasure. Don Lemoyne took advantage of the episode to present to his readers the Sacra di S. Michele, a monument that interested - very far, in fact - the Salesian history. only one thing is certain: during the excursion, he chatted with his boys with pleasure. Don Lemoyne took advantage of the episode to present to his readers the Sacra di S. Michele, a monument that interested - very far, in fact - the Salesian history.
32 MB IV, 118-119.
It is known that he had no scruples in calling Don Bosco's "testament" to his cooperators in a composition found - he said - among the papers of the saint immediately after his death, provided with the writing: "Da aprirsi dogo la mia morte". He put a printed copy in his Documenti accompanied by the presentation: "Ecco il prezioso documento". Don Ceria, very faithful to his principles, unfortunately followed his brother in the biographical memoirs: 55 free, however, to recognize one day the true story of such an autograph letter, which was, instead, a redaction of Giovanni Bonetti .56
Don Lemoyne gathered the fragments, juxtaposed them, interpolated them into each other in the name of what he believed to be the truth, and in some cases - infrequently, but infinitely annoying - a false characterization. The mosaic then came out in entirely new form due to the treatment to which the compiler had subjected the primitive documents, of which, when appropriate, he reproduced the references. The pericope on the first mass in the church of St. Francis of Assisi is a case. An amalgam among the most deceptive is that which refers to the story of the totally imaginary audience granted by Pius IX to Don Bosco on February 12, 1870. Each of his pieces is almost «substantially» authentic, but the reconstruction of the whole is completely free. It is a phantasmagoric audience. " The "faithful reasoning" of Don Lemoyne could, therefore, reproduce the same words of Don Bosco and reflect the spirit of the founder of the Salesians. It was, therefore, a laborious enterprise the organization of memories, the oriented selection, the small additions, from a symbolic universe in which our narrator, like every narrator, was rooted.
53 Storia dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales, in BS (1881) 1, 15.
54 Document: * XL, p. 324-332.
"MB XVIII, 621-623, with the introduction:" Don Bosco diceva ... "56 Cf. E IV, 393 note.
"Cf. F. DESRAMAUT, Le récit de Paudience pontificate him of 12 February 1870 in the Memorie biografiche of Don Bosco, in RSS 6 (1987) 81-104.
According to his general intention, Don Lemoyne was thinking only of describing, with the help of a cloud of witnesses, the life of the extraordinary man Don Bosco had been. But, encouraged by admiration and at the same time by a natural movement of knowledge, he also tried to grasp that life in its delicacy and its infinite nuances, and penetrate the truth and its mechanisms to the depth of a soul placed in the hands of God . His description thus became an explanation. From the words and the facts rose to their causes. Thus, like all true history, that of Don Bosco became "intelligible". For this reason, he resorted to conceptual instruments, on which it will be necessary to reflect carefully on a rigorous study of our Salesian hagiographers. Indeed, the principal of the three placed Don Bosco an ideal image: the one Don Lemoyne had inside himself. Armed with that conception, of which he was not necessarily conscious and which he certainly did not try to criticize - in such a way it seemed to be imposed upon him - he began to explain the life of his hero. I think a long chapter could be written about this Idealtypus by Don Lemoyne. The historians of the salesian mentality could be interested in reflecting on it, because, through the Memoirs, it has impregnated that mentality to a point difficult to calibrate, but without doubt very relevant.
I am referring only to a major feature that we could call globalizing. For Don Lemoyne, Don Bosco was a charismatic man in the Weberian sense of the term. From his first encounter with him (Lerma's experience) he had attributed that power to him. This vision later influenced the interpretation he gave to the saint's life. As Xavier Thévenot wrote recently, precisely about our Don Bosco, "the charismatic power is seen as extraordinary and when the one who notices it is believing, as supernatural, that is, given by God. The one who owns it says that he feels himself invested with a mission that, in some way, forces him internally and strengthens him in his legitimacy. [...] From a psychoanalytic point of view it will be said that the charismatic leader establishes himself or lives as a supposed subject endowed with knowledge and power. Superidealized by his disciples, he is presented as gifted with perfection and capable of success where others fail. It ends up by attributing a certain fame of infallibility and omnipotence, as well as, very frequently, a unique capacity of dominion over their aggressive and sexual desires: to recognize, in effect, that the leader is moved by desires of that type would be to inflict a you lie especially hard to the desire of infantile omnipotence on which the process of idealization rises. "58
58 X. THÉVENOT, Don Bosco éducateur et le systéme préventif (Colloque universitaire de Lyon) 1988. Italian translation of the paper in "Orientamenti Pedagogici" 25 (1988) 701-730.
When he read his own life, Don Bosco felt, without a doubt, the feeling that God and Mary had led him, enlightened and sustained him in his laborious attempts, crowned in the end by success. If "superdetermination" is, for the psychologist, the "character of a behavior determined by several competing motivations," then he thought that he too had been "super-determined" by heaven. He affirmed, for example, having seen in a dream the Virgin Mary, who indicated to him, at the beginning of his priestly life, a plot of Valdocco (on which, in fact, the sanctuary that we know was built) and said: «Hic domus mea ... ». But he was very careful to go further. He never pretended to have received from the beginning a kind of divine programming, with a "vocation" in such a clear way that it would have been enough to understand and follow it throughout its existence. Such "superdetermined" reading (and characteristic, too, according to Gaston Bachelard, of a prescientific spirit), that went beyond the "second causes"; I could not stop slowing down and even reducing to nothing the "natural" explanations and, therefore, the properly historical intelligence of the saint's life. And it is precisely what happened with Don Lemoyne in his Memoirs. He had nothing of the skeptical historian, who refuses a priori to discover a meaning in his history. But that sense gave it prematurely in terms of a first experience never seriously verified. The good man thus fell into the opposite defect, also serious, which is called fantasy.
Indeed, the transposition of general formulas to personalized formulas attributed to Don Bosco is especially annoying, when it comes to the interpretative comments of the biographer, who thus acquire an undeserved authority. The recent article of the "Ricerche Storiche Salesiane" on Don Lemoyne as a historian of Don Bosco reproduces passages from his preface to a little book published by him in 1889 on the role of Mary in the life of Don Bosco. Here is one among several: "In a sol motto diciamo tutto.
Ogni volta che D. Bosco if accingeva ad un'impresa, parlava como sedesse chiaramente tutto the svolgimento piú or meno fortunoso di ciascuna [...] as a captain of a ship [...] conosce tuna the sua strada prima ancora di partire dal porto Oh how much the Madonna buona! "59 Four years earlier, Don Lemoyne had manifested more or less the same in the Documents about the year 1847 when, according to his text, Don Bosco had gone from Turin to Stresa next to Antonio. Rosmini, who wanted to be a disciple. We discovered in the midst of a period: "Da sua sua disposto ad essere obedientissimo to chiunque gli avesse comandato, to nzi avrebbe preferito poter condurre avanti il suo piano sotto the condotta altrui, cioé guidato dall'obbedienza di un superioriore. Ma la Vergine Maria avevagli indicato in visione ii field nel quale doveva lavorare. Esso has a piano that is lacking, premeditated, dal quale non poteva and non voleva assolutamente staccarsi. Esso was in assolute mode responsible for the riuscita. Vedeva chiaramente le file che doveva tendere, i mezzi che doveva adoperare per riuscire nell'impresa, quindi non poteva mandare a vuoto ll suo dísegno with esporlo in baila di altri. In questo a volle solo osservare se poteva eseguire in qualche istituto giá esistente, ma no tardava ad avvedersi che no ... ».60 In the Biographical Memoirs the persuasive force of this reflection is accentuated when attributed to Don Bosco himself. This attribution may, at least in part, have a foundation. At least, one step of the calls Cronichette de Barberis, referred to the first days of January 1876, it contained, in fact, in the first person almost all the expressions, and put them on the lips of Don Bosco. But the saint himself did not intervene with Mary. The plane belonged to him. Only after the explanations of Don Bosco, the editor of the chronicle had written: "A me schíetto e netto che volesse dire cosi: - Maria Vergine my aveva indicato in visione the field in cuí io doveva lavorare. My fece vedere i mezzi da adoperarvi per riuscirvi ... »etc. Don Lemoyne in his Memoirs followed or imitated this chronicler. He took his text from the Documenti and began: "Ma la Vergine Maria, ci narrava piú tardi D. Bosco, my aveva indicato in visione il campo nel quale io doveva lavorare. Possedeva dunque il disegno di un piano ... "etc.61 The very human" plan "of the founder thus became a kind of revelation. in the first person almost all expressions, and put them on the lips of Don Bosco. But the saint himself did not intervene with Mary. The plane belonged to him. Only after the explanations of Don Bosco, the editor of the chronicle had written: "A me schíetto e netto che volesse dire cosi: - Maria Vergine my aveva indicato in visione the field in cuí io doveva lavorare. My fece vedere i mezzi da adoperarvi per riuscirvi ... »etc. Don Lemoyne in his Memoirs followed or imitated this chronicler. He took his text from the Documenti and began: "Ma la Vergine Maria, ci narrava piú tardi D. Bosco, my aveva indicato in visione il campo nel quale io doveva lavorare. Possedeva dunque il disegno di un piano ... "etc.61 The very human" plan "of the founder thus became a kind of revelation. in the first person almost all expressions, and put them on the lips of Don Bosco. But the saint himself did not intervene with Mary. The plane belonged to him. Only after the explanations of Don Bosco, the editor of the chronicle had written: "A me schíetto e netto che volesse dire cosi: - Maria Vergine my aveva indicato in visione the field in cuí io doveva lavorare. My fece vedere i mezzi da adoperarvi per riuscirvi ... »etc. Don Lemoyne in his Memoirs followed or imitated this chronicler. He took his text from the Documenti and began: "Ma la Vergine Maria, ci narrava piú tardi D. Bosco, my aveva indicato in visione il campo nel quale io doveva lavorare. Possedeva dunque il disegno di un piano ... "etc.61 The very human" plan "of the founder thus became a kind of revelation. and put them on Don Bosco's lips. But the saint himself did not intervene with Mary. The plane belonged to him. Only after the explanations of Don Bosco, the editor of the chronicle had written: "A me schíetto e netto che volesse dire cosi: - Maria Vergine my aveva indicato in visione the field in cuí io doveva lavorare. My fece vedere i mezzi da adoperarvi per riuscirvi ... »etc. Don Lemoyne in his Memoirs followed or imitated this chronicler. He took his text from the Documenti and began: "Ma la Vergine Maria, ci narrava piú tardi D. Bosco, my aveva indicato in visione il campo nel quale io doveva lavorare. Possedeva dunque il disegno di un piano ... "etc.61 The very human" plan "of the founder thus became a kind of revelation. and put them on Don Bosco's lips. But the saint himself did not intervene with Mary. The plane belonged to him. Only after the explanations of Don Bosco, the editor of the chronicle had written: "A me schíetto e netto che volesse dire cosi: - Maria Vergine my aveva indicato in visione the field in cuí io doveva lavorare. My fece vedere i mezzi da adoperarvi per riuscirvi ... »etc. Don Lemoyne in his Memoirs followed or imitated this chronicler. He took his text from the Documenti and began: "Ma la Vergine Maria, ci narrava piú tardi D. Bosco, my aveva indicato in visione il campo nel quale io doveva lavorare. Possedeva dunque il disegno di un piano ... "etc.61 The very human" plan "of the founder thus became a kind of revelation. The plane belonged to him. Only after the explanations of Don Bosco, the editor of the chronicle had written: "A me schíetto e netto che volesse dire cosi: - Maria Vergine my aveva indicato in visione the field in cuí io doveva lavorare. My fece vedere i mezzi da adoperarvi per riuscirvi ... »etc. Don Lemoyne in his Memoirs followed or imitated this chronicler. He took his text from the Documenti and began: "Ma la Vergine Maria, ci narrava piú tardi D. Bosco, my aveva indicato in visione il campo nel quale io doveva lavorare. Possedeva dunque il disegno di un piano ... "etc.61 The very human" plan "of the founder thus became a kind of revelation. The plane belonged to him. Only after the explanations of Don Bosco, the editor of the chronicle had written: "A me schíetto e netto che volesse dire cosi: - Maria Vergine my aveva indicato in visione the field in cuí io doveva lavorare. My fece vedere i mezzi da adoperarvi per riuscirvi ... »etc. Don Lemoyne in his Memoirs followed or imitated this chronicler. He took his text from the Documenti and began: "Ma la Vergine Maria, ci narrava piú tardi D. Bosco, my aveva indicato in visione il campo nel quale io doveva lavorare. Possedeva dunque il disegno di un piano ... "etc.61 The very human" plan "of the founder thus became a kind of revelation. - Maria Vergine mi aveva indicato i visione iI campo in cuí io doveva lavorare. My fece vedere i mezzi da adoperarvi per riuscirvi ... »etc. Don Lemoyne in his Memoirs followed or imitated this chronicler. He took his text from the Documenti and began: "Ma la Vergine Maria, ci narrava piú tardi D. Bosco, my aveva indicato in visione il campo nel quale io doveva lavorare. Possedeva dunque il disegno di un piano ... "etc.61 The very human" plan "of the founder thus became a kind of revelation. - Maria Vergine mi aveva indicato i visione iI campo in cuí io doveva lavorare. My fece vedere i mezzi da adoperarvi per riuscirvi ... »etc. Don Lemoyne in his Memoirs followed or imitated this chronicler. He took his text from the Documenti and began: "Ma la Vergine Maria, ci narrava piú tardi D. Bosco, my aveva indicato in visione il campo nel quale io doveva lavorare. Possedeva dunque il disegno di un piano ... "etc.61 The very human" plan "of the founder thus became a kind of revelation.
39 GB LEMOYNE, The Madonna of Don Bosco ossia Relazione di dame grazie concession of Maria Ausiliatrice ai suoi devoti, Torino, Tip. Salesiana 1889, p. 17s .; BRAMO - ARENAL LLATA, Don Giovanni Battista Lemoyne, p. 113
It would be necessary to find, throughout the volumes of the Memoirs, the phrases with which Don Lemoyne attributes in this way, without the slightest nuance, to God and Mary the plans that his disciple Giovanni Bosco made in his life. This shortcut in the youthful vocation of Don Bosco has seduced his biographers a lot. With regard to the vigil of his priestly ordination in 1841, it reads: "A questo punto non possiamo far a meno di fissare lo sguardo sul progressivo e razionale succedersi del surprrendenti sogni. On the ninth year Giovanni Bosco comes to know the great mission, che a luí sará affidata; ai 16 ode the promessa dei mezzi materiali, indispensable for housing and nurturing innumerevoli giovani; ai 19 an imperious command gli fa intentendere non esser libero di rifiutare la missione affidatagli; ai 21 palesata the class of 'giovani, della quale will be specially curare il bene spirituale; ai 22, gli é additata a great cittá, Torino, nella quale will give beginning alle alle apostoliche fatiche e alle sue fondazioni. Either way, it will come, if it does not happen, it will be mysterious and indicative, it will continue to be fine, it will compete with the opera di Dio. If dovran dir forse questi mere combinazioni di fantasia? ».62 Well, yes, dear Don Lemoyne: they are exactly« combinazioni di fantasia ». But they are yours and not Don Bosco's. Indeed, perhaps you have forgotten it when you wrote this conclusion about the «progressive and rational succedersi dei vari suprrendenti sogni» of youth; but if these stories of "sogni" dated by you to the 16, 19 and 21 years of Don Bosco were, in the previous pages of your volume,
60 Documenti III, p. 151
61 MB III, 247. The piece of the Cronichetta (ASC Barberis, notebook 3 without pagination), still
unpublished, has been reproduced in the microfiches of the FdB 796 E 8-10.
62 MB I, 426.
With these "superdetermined" interpretations more or less free, the biographical palette acquired wonderful tones. But the "comprehension" of the story of Don Bosco lost in the same proportions. And the advisable continuity between signifier and meaning was broken. In effect, the man who feels predestined and knows his way, sees and advances with a sure step. His search, his doubts, his companies, his mistakes, his discoveries and his provisional setbacks, until his triumph, reflect a kind of shadow theater. The paper, the real paper, is recited in another place. Is such an existence on earth possible? In any case, Don Bosco never expressed himself about his destiny (or about his super-determination) with the firmness that Don Lemoyne imprudently attributed to him. The grace of God and the intercession of Mary are undoubted for the believer, as in the case of Don Bosco. But the kind of superdetermination that Don Lemoyne believes to read in it damages a correct historical reflection on the life of Don Bosco. An initial prejudice deviates it. What becomes, in this case, the man who seeks and adapts constantly, as was the real Don Bosco?
The Idealtypus de santo, used by Don Lemoyne to "understand" the life of Don Bosco, implied other aspects, especially virtues: humility, sweetness, kindness ..., induced, on the other hand, by the charisma of leader His more or less conscious influence in the spirit of the biographer resounded even in the reproduction of the words and the written phrases of his hero. His aggressiveness was systematically weakened. For example, Don Lemoyne did not admit that Don Bosco had been angry [n. t .: in Italian arrabbiato] (the word rabbia is systematically replaced with sdegno) or violently assaulted a student, not even dreaming ... This was one of the serious limits of a colossal job otherwise.
Don Amadei's construction and composition procedures, for the X volume of the Memoirs, were very close to those of Don Lemoyne for the preceding volumes. The climate of the story is almost the same. Then, from volume XI, the tone changes. Don Cenia's series of nine volumes is homogeneous. These books are well written and interesting. But those qualities do not meet the demands we have today. We would like to know if, with Don Cenia, the historiography of Don Bosco passes something or much of a "pre-scientific" stage, in which Don Lemoyne remained, to an era more in accordance with our learned (and legitimate) concerns ...
63 I extensively discussed this topic in: Les Memorie I by Giovanni Battista Lemoyne, p. 250-256.
As has been said several times, to get to make the history of the years from 1875 to 1888 of the life of Don Bosco in a record time, at a rate of one volume per year, despite the huge amount of documentation that had to dominate, Don Cenia followed step by step the Documenti ordered year by year in about thirty records (the XV record referred to 1875) and referred to the period that should describe. He did some supplementary research, but in total a small number. When he modified the Documenti, which were already, as we know, a more or less well-constructed story about Don Bosco, he never criticized or "weighed" ever, to put it in any way, the special constructions of his predecessor. He did not try to identify the sources he had had available. An example among a hundred. For volume XVIII copied without references, "Qualcuno dubited che fosse an agent esploratore della polizia francese, mandate to esplorare le idee politiche di Don Bosco" - especially on the possibility of a monarchical restoration in the country -. "In ogni modo le rísposte del Santo non potevano • destare sospetti né offiire appiglio ad accuse. It was sato sempre suo sistema di non entrare mai in politics. " Now, that ending existed almost identical in the Documenti. "Qualcuno dubited che fosse an agent esploratore della polizia francese, mandate to esplorare le idee politiche di Don Bosco" - especially on the possibility of a monarchical restoration in the country -. "In ogni modo le rísposte del Santo non potevano • destare sospetti né offiire appiglio ad accuse. It was sato sempre suo sistema di non entrare mai in politics. " Now, that ending existed almost identical in the Documenti.
However, he did not try, like Don Lemoyne, to include the smallest details in his story about Don Bosco. Immediately allowed to summarize paragraphs or extract significant periods, editorial freedom that Don Lemoyne had never been granted.
But the principles of reading and interpretation of our two hagiographers were very similar. Don Cenia, like Don Lemoyne, believed that all testimony is a reflection of life and, taken as it is, allows it to be reconstructed. He did not impose, therefore, analyze his journey through the world, in the spirit and, if necessary, in the witness's pen. This, in fact, could have left successive versions of his testimony and the last one (was the case of Viglietti) was not necessarily the best. However, the experience acquired with Greco-Roman literature led him, I believe, to distrust at times the dialogues and the direct style, which passed, therefore, to a linear narrative. Confronting the Memoirs with their sources, the Documenti, we are convinced of the fact that he insisted less than his most frequent editors (not only Don Lemoyne, but also Don Berto), on the predictions and prophecies, as such, of Don Bosco. Reproduced, in the same story, the original documents, without being allowed to touch them up. His inaccurate readings, sometimes annoying, were involuntary.65 Much more modern than Don Lemoyne, who approached Jacques de Voragíne with gusto, he did not systematically yield to the marvelous aspect. From our point of view, there was, therefore, progress from one generation to another. However, at this level of reading the documentation, Don Cenia, although more prudent or more suspicious than Don Lemoyne, did not really overcome the literary genre, described as "pre-scientific", of his predecessor. 65 Much more modern than Don Lemoyne, who approached Jacques de Voragíne with gusto, he did not systematically yield to the marvelous aspect. From our point of view, there was, therefore, progress from one generation to another. However, at this level of reading the documentation, Don Cenia, although more prudent or more suspicious than Don Lemoyne, did not really overcome the literary genre, described as "pre-scientific", of his predecessor. 65 Much more modern than Don Lemoyne, who approached Jacques de Voragíne with gusto, he did not systematically yield to the marvelous aspect. From our point of view, there was, therefore, progress from one generation to another. However, at this level of reading the documentation, Don Cenia, although more prudent or more suspicious than Don Lemoyne, did not really overcome the literary genre, described as "pre-scientific", of his predecessor.
64 The documentary source in: Documenti XXXI, p. 44s., Taken up in: MB XVIII, 28-29.
The very composition of the text of the Memoirs demonstrates Don Ceria's ability to write. In its volumes, the material of the years of Don Bosco's life is always organized, not simply juxtaposed in a random way for the sake of chronology. Each chapter had its own title that corresponds more or less to its content. The story is clear. The story runs smoothly. To appreciate Don Cenia's literary work it is enough to interrupt the reading of one of his volumes and take 50 pages of Don Amadei: you will seem to pass from a garden with straight and well raked walks to a forest of bushes in which one is lost. To the reader of the whole of the Memoirs, the two 1871-1874 of the life of Don Bosco (narrated by Don Amadei) appear enigmatic. It retains, however, characteristic memories of each
one of the years that go from 1875 to 1888 (narrated by Don Ceria), with the departure of the first missionaries, the foundations achieved or failed in France, the efforts of Don Bosco in Rome under mons. Gastaldi, the issue of Concord imposed by Leo XIII, the great trip to Paris in 1885, the trip to Spain in 1886, the last painful months of Don Bosco. He owes them to the clear and pleasant narration of Don Cenia.
In spite of everything, Don Cenia's options as editor of the Memoirs were sometimes debatable. He tempered the hard episodes, sweetened the proposals and, at times, suppressed some unpleasant traits of his characters. Diplomatic behavior most of the time! On the other hand, Don Celia himself told me once in Turin (exactly on August 12, 1952) that a canon of the local curia had denied him, in 1930, the imprimatur for volume XI of the Memoirs (the first signed by he), because Archbishop Gastaldi appeared under a murky light; I had discussed the subject with Father Rosa sj, from the "Civiltá Cattolica"; the latter had advised him to present his work as pro-manuscript, a legal device that dispensed from the approval of the Turin Curia. This is how the book was published. But I am convinced that Don Cenia learned the lesson of the incident, for example in the sense that he should avoid ecclesiastical characters. This explains several silences and
varias supresiones. Las historias de don Cenia son siempre moderadas: evita señalar los lamentos y suspiros de Don Bosco, como los de todos los presentes en la Iglesia de María Auxiliadora cuando los misioneros partieron para Quito, 67 endulza las propuestas de Don Bosco refiriéndose a inquilinos de Valdocco en una reunión del Capítulo Superior: "el" molti salesiani hanno nulla di spirito salesiano "de una intervención suya a su Capítulo el 5 de noviembre de 1885 se convierte en Memorias de Don Cenia en:" certi Salesiani hanno nulla di spirito salesiano »... 69 Los golpes no tienen, pues, el vigor que nos gustaría hoy.
6 Don Ceria le dice a Don Bosco, con motivo del Capítulo General de 1883, que el "salesiano Bollettino" iba a ser "como un periódico público" (ver MB XVI, 412), mientras que los registros de Marenco, (ASC 046) , CG 1883, fol. 6) afirmaba exactamente lo contrario: ... «para no promocionarlo como periódico».
El problema de la comprensión de Don Bosco de la vida de Don Bosco merecería muchas líneas basadas en ejemplos y contrastes ponderados. Pero es difícil para mí hacerlo aquí convenientemente. Creo que puedo adelantar esta observación: en su interpretación ordinaria de la vida de Don Bosco, Don Ceria, a pesar de su habitual presentación a los relatos y comentarios de sus documentos, evitó los excesos y sistematizaciones de Don Lemoyne; Hizo poco esfuerzo por alejarse de las explicaciones religiosas y maravillosas a las que se inclinaba favorablemente. A menudo seguía sus fuentes y explicaba (sumariamente) a Don Bosco como este último lo había hecho.
Para concluir esta breve serie de observaciones sobre el método de trabajo de los tres autores de las memorias biográficas de Don Bosco, creo que es conveniente pensar en dos categorías de personas cuyas intenciones no son las mismas. Aquellos que buscan alimentarse espiritualmente con la lectura
... Me contaron el mismo día un contratiempo similar, que tuvo mayores consecuencias. En 1883,
un crítico, un cardenal, me dijo, si no lo había malinterpretado, lo había obligado a suprimir todo el capítulo sobre Mons. Gastaldi en las galerías de su hermoso libro, San Giovanni Bosco nella vita e nelle
Operó aceptó la orden, pero no sin tristeza. Por lo tanto, está escrito en las últimas líneas del capítulo XXXEV de la iglesia de San Juan Evangelista (pág. 283): "Uno fue muy desagradable en la historia de una tribolación que se llama la suya natura, la sua durata e per i Suoi Effetti Fu, con certeza, el serio piú sofferta dal Santo ", frase que probablemente fue el punto de conexión con el capítulo censurado. El texto continúa simplemente: "Ma considerarazioni di ordine superiore consigliano di rimettere tempo y luogo piú opportuno narrazione di quelle vicende".
67 Cf. Documenti XXXVI, p. 77 y MB XVIII, 430.
68 Cf. Documenti XXX, p. 521-523 y MB XVII, 581.
69 cf. Documenti XXX, p. 571 y MB XVII, 586.
"Salta, por ejemplo, en el Documenti, la improbable asimilación de las relaciones epistolares de Don Bosco con la marquesa parisina de Cessac, las de San Francesco di Sales y el Chantal.
Cf. Documenti XLIV, p. 461: "Enano, una riproduzione di quelle di S. Francesco di Sales alla Chantal", y MB XVI, 231: ... «sembra che abbia ricevuto da lui molte lettere di direzione spirituale. Cosi si lo dice; Ma noi finora non ne conosciamo neppure una ». Debe entenderse: "Si dice nei Documenti ...", que estaba frente a él mientras escribía.
Guía de las memorias biográficas, que son para ellos un libro de devoción. Y aquellos que viajan estos gruesos volúmenes para extraer elementos de estudio (histórico, psicológico, teológico ...). Para ellos, son una cómoda colección de documentos sobre Don Bosco.
The former have, in the Memoirs, a "story" of Don Bosco, which is "true", no more or less than any other story in the popular sense of the word, picturesque, edifying, colorful (except volume X) , rich of facts and phrases apt to enrich the spirit. The benefits of a running reading of the Memoirs, controlled by an experience that is close to becoming centennial, seems by some aspects, obvious. You do not waste your time when you dedicate yourself to it; Unlike. Even admitting that, also at this level, there may be someone who prefers, precisely, Don Bosco readings more "true" and documented.
However, this communication is aimed above all at a second category of readers, those who dedicate themselves, little or much, to studi about Don Bosco. The council must be another. I would start with a reflection, among the most authoritative ones, that Don Cenia made me, as well as several others, at the end of his life. «A coloro - he told me more with his words - in color or intendono scrívere tesi his Don Bosco, consiglio semper di cambiare soggetto. Pin tardi, forse, guando le lettere di don Bosco saranno pubblicate ... ». He recognized that his Memoirs, in which many had found the only and definitive source of studies on Don Bosco, could not serve as a basis for rigorous studies on it. If the Documenti published as such by him and by Don Amadei are set aside at the end of his volumes, he was a hundred times correct. Indeed, if the thick volumes of Don Lemoyne and those of his two successors, since they depend on him, were built according to the "pre-scientific" criteria of composition and interpretation that I have tried to make clear, the authenticity of elements that are gleaned there with preference , that is, the saint's proposals and the observations of the most immediate witnesses of his life (the chroniclers ...), is never guaranteed. Moreover, there is no shortage of repeated readings, frequent apocryphal and stories turned into legends with the amalgamation of different outlines of perspective. If you have to do an investigation, do it preferably over the very sources of Don Bosco's story. The Opere edit alone have allowed Jacques Schepens to write his voluminous and interesting thesis: Pénitence et eucharistie dans el méthode éducative et pastorale de don Bosco. Étude from ses écrits imprimés.7 'That these investigators resort to the autograph writings, to the writings published, to the letters sent or received by Don Bosco, to the chronicles or minutes, edited or not, as Professor Luciano has done Pazzaglia in his excellent study on Apprendistato and istruzione degli artigiani to Valdocco (1846-1886) .72
Rome, Universitá Pontificia Salesiana, 1986, 2 vol.
n Cf. F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, Torino, SEI 1987, p. 13-80.
They will thus avoid the misfortunes incurred by others who have used biographical memoirs. I will quote a single one, of which as a member of the Salesian General Chapter of 1984, which has given rise to the official text of the Constitutions, I feel, at least materially, guilty. In the first article of their Constitutions, renewed that year, the Salesians abused a formula attributed to Don Bosco by the Biographical Memoirs, quoted with precision in note: «... He formed in lui un cuore di padre e di maestro, capace di a dedizione totale: "Ho promesso a Dio che fin l'ultimo mio respiro sarebbe stato per i míei poveri giovani" »(MB XVIII, 258). In fact, the chronicle of Carlo Viglietti, source of the logion reproduced in the aforementioned place of the Biographical Memoirs, He would say to Don Bosco that he had promised God that "the end of my last breath" would be, no longer, as in the transcribed text, by his "poveri giovani", but by his "poveri orfanelli", that is, by the abandoned young people of whom he had become a father. There is a good difference between "vivere per i giovani" and "vivere per i giovani abbandonati"!
Critical edition project
Francesco MOTTO
Among Don Bosco's writings of special value, of which there are only inadequate or incomplete editions, his letters are undoubtedly placed. Precisely based on this consideration, the Salesian Historical Institute, from its beginnings, programmed, among the works to which priority attention had to be given, the critical and integral edition of the epistolary of the saint. "Four years ago I was entrusted with the task which is announced as a culturally important company that suffers any celebratory or ritual attempt, even if it coincides with the awakening of interest in the figure and work of the Piedmontese educator on the occasion of the centenary of his death.
This Congress offers me the opportunity to anticipate neither nuce nor extra operam the value of such epistolary, the archival-philological process followed and the hermeneutic perspective within which we want to frame the recomposition work of the epistolary corpus.
I begin by saying that if the Italians, according to a well-known topic, do not read epistlens, 2 that of Don Bosco should not stimulate the well-known inability to note immediately that the term "epistolary" is taken, simply, in the sense of "collection of all the letters ». That is, no distinction is made between letters written for a particular purpose, in specific circumstances, and effectively sent to a recipient (whose collation, the work of a scholar, should be called properly "collection of letters") and letters gathered for artistic purposes by the same author and, frequently, directed to a fictitious reader (usually defined by the scholars with the term "letters").
Cf. Proposte per un piano di lavoro unitario e comune, in RSS 1 (1982) 95. It agrees 2 On the other hand, in other countries, the publications of letters of writers, painters, musicians, politicians and other illustrious personages are increasing favor among the common readers. Studies on the epistolary phenomenon and on the nature and function of the letter are everywhere current. In France, for a long time, "colloquiums" have been organized on the subject, and documentation and research centers for modern correspondence and compatriots have been created, at least for four reasons that I briefly explain:
1) First of all, the new edition that is projected does not promise at all to satisfy the debatable taste for sensationalism or to reveal unknown secret lives of the writer. Don Bosco in his letters, which are also among the writings of immediate frankness and with the highest rate of sincerity, tends (and often succeeds) not to reveal his deep inner life, his dramas of conscience, his intimate feeling of every moment Apart from the fact that in "your closet is totally useless looking for skeletons».
2) Identical disillusionment would have the same, considering that it is the copiosísimo epistolario of a holy priest, an uncommon educator, a brilliant founder, a social instrument of vastly vast activity, expected comprehensive and exhaustive spiritual treatises, ascetic , pedagogical. Do not; only here and there, lost among expressions dictated by the innumerable preoccupations of daily living, one can find brilliant pearls of doctrine and wisdom, fruit of sanctity of life, of pastoral audacity, of correct pedagogy.
3) The possible expectation of sensational discoveries of a political, social or religious nature would not have a better fortune. It is true that Don Bosco, for living and working in that period strongly tormented and known as «Risorgimento», speaks explicitly or alludes to facts or historical characters of the very first line, gives judgments about political, social and religious facts of his life. weather; but politics, in the strict sense, the analysis of civil and religious society as such, enters its radius of interest only insofar as it comes to affect the ordinary fabric of its life, rhythmicized by its responsibilities as father, educator , entrepreneur, superior, friend, administrator of sums many times huge.
4) Finally, it would also be a disappointment for him to expect from Don Bosco's letters a work of art, an epistolographic model to which he attributes the dignity of "literary genre". Don Bosco did not write his letters as a rhetorical exercise or. instrument to pass to literary glory, custom, on the other hand, so beloved in his century. At the level of the formal review he did not submit his letters to special stylistic or lexical interventions. Write to the pope or the minister or address the humble provincial or the young schoolboy, his style is substantially the same: full of simplicity, frankness, familiarity, cunning, not without doubts in writing and spelling, sprinkled of Piedmontese and Gallicism, frequently nourished by grammatical and syntactic irregularities, on the other hand not important,
temporary. In Italy only recently there has been a strong quantitative and qualitative increase in "experts". Meetings of this kind have been held in Bressanone (1983), in Urbino (1984) and even more recently in Genoa. In 1986, the publishing house "Rosellina Archinto" appeared, publishing only epistolary. Appreciable articles of publication, published in magazines and newspapers, come to underline, from time to time, the remarkable interest that private correspondence can have as a historical and linguistic source.
Don Bosco's correspondence is a correspondence of «subjects», of «normal administration», we would say today, that is, written with the maximum speed and only to communicate a usable message for the one who receives it: concise sentences without emphasis, direct communications , brief, sometimes lapidary, measures in openness and intimacy by the use of the same patterns, typical of who writes under the pressure of many occupations and runs the risk of feeling at each moment wrapped by them.4 If you had at your disposal the telephone would have saved him hundreds of hours of work and we, the compilers, would have in our hands, instead of a rich treasure, a disappointing booty. He wrote because he was bound by the non-derogable demands of his priestly and educational mission, for the hard need to provide bread to the thousands of children welcomed in their works, for the duty to help, direct, sustain those who opened their hearts: letters of congratulation and announcement, of congratulation and thanks, of invitation and of excuse, justification and dismissal, of supplication and advice, of reprimand and recommendation, of presentation and encouragement, of few lines and of several pages, bureaucratic and circular. With foundation, it can be said that each epistolary category is represented by a copy. of presentation and encouragement, few lines and several pages, bureaucratic and circular. With foundation, it can be said that each epistolary category is represented by a copy. of presentation and encouragement, few lines and several pages, bureaucratic and circular. With foundation, it can be said that each epistolary category is represented by a copy.
a I do not believe that a profanation or revelation of the epistolary secret is made when the public is offered how much Don Bosco covered with the veil of intimacy. The letters written more than a century ago have ceased to be confidential and have become part of history. Among other considerations, it must be said that Don Bosco himself did not exclude an eventual publication, although with some caution. In fact, he wrote in his "spiritual testament": "I was accadesse di stampare qualche mia italian lettera if I use great attenzione nel senso e nella domina, perché la maggior parte furono scritte precipitously quindi with pericolo di molte inesattezze. Le lettere francesi poi si possono bruriare; ma se mai taluno volesse stamparne, my raccomando che siano lette e corrette da qualche conoscitore di quella lingua francese,
4 In the MBs, the haste with which Don Bosco wrote his letters is often emphasized: "Era anche ammirabile la sua attitudine nello scrivere con grande celeritá. Pió volte in valí anni Ch. Durando accompagnó D. Bosco to the Convitto di S. Francesco per aiutarlo nella speclizione delle lettere. Ed ecco che cosa accadeva. D. Bosco, a letter writer, the porgeva to Durando il quale h piegava, the suggellava and vi scriveva sopra l'indirizzo. Ma prima che il chierico avesse compete h suddetta operazione, ecco dinanzi a lui a seconda lettera finita. II chierico si affrettava, ma nor ne aveva ancor finito l'indirizzo, che sopraggiungeva a terzo foglio, e cosí via via per ore ed ore Quando finally comes to the moment di ritornare all'Oratorio, D. Bosco, ringraziato il Signore esclamava sorridendo, sen7a mostrarsi stanco: - Ecco il modo di sbrigar moltí affari! - E ff ectly il number di lettere ch'egli scriveva sembrerebbe ftavoloso se non vi fossero molti testimon di questa meraviglia »(MB V, 609-610). It seems that, in the last years of his life, Don Boscc confessed to Don Barberis: "Oggi, come quasí tutti i giorni, alle due a quarto dopo pranzo, erc gil al tavolino a lavorare; non mi sono mosso fino alle otto: eppure non ho potuto sbrigarmí d tuno. Ho ancora il tavolo coperto di lettere, che aspettano risposta. And if not, he says che io val adagio nello scrivere. Ne fo passare del lavoro sotto le mie dita! My accorgo che a forza di pratid e dell'incalzarsi gave a thing sull'altra, ho acquistato a celeritá, che no so se possa darsi mag giore »(MB XII, 38-39). egli scriveva sembrerebbe phtavoloso se non vi fossero molti testimonial di questa meraviglia »(MB V, 609-610). It seems that, in the last years of his life, Don Boscc confessed to Don Barberis: "Oggi, come quasí tutti i giorni, alle due a quarto dopo pranzo, erc gil al tavolino a lavorare; non mi sono mosso fino alle otto: eppure non ho potuto sbrigarmí d tuno. Ho ancora il tavolo coperto di lettere, che aspettano risposta. And if not, he says che io val adagio nello scrivere. Ne fo passare del lavoro sotto le mie dita! My accorgo che a forza di pratid e dell'incalzarsi gave a thing sull'altra, ho acquistato a celeritá, che no so se possa darsi mag giore »(MB XII, 38-39). egli scriveva sembrerebbe phtavoloso se non vi fossero molti testimonial di questa meraviglia »(MB V, 609-610). It seems that, in the last years of his life, Don Boscc confessed to Don Barberis: "Oggi, come quasí tutti i giorni, alle due a quarto dopo pranzo, erc gil al tavolino a lavorare; non mi sono mosso fino alle otto: eppure non ho potuto sbrigarmí d tuno. Ho ancora il tavolo coperto di lettere, che aspettano risposta. And if not, he says che io val adagio nello scrivere. Ne fo passare del lavoro sotto le mie dita! My accorgo che a forza di pratid e dell'incalzarsi gave a thing sull'altra, ho acquistato a celeritá, che no so se possa darsi mag giore »(MB XII, 38-39). eats quasí tutti i giorni, alle due a quarto dopo pranzo, erc gil al tavolino a lavorare; non mi sono mosso fino alle otto: eppure non ho potuto sbrigarmí d tuno. Ho ancora il tavolo coperto di lettere, che aspettano risposta. And if not, he says che io val adagio nello scrivere. Ne fo passare del lavoro sotto le mie dita! My accorgo che a forza di pratid e dell'incalzarsi gave a thing sull'altra, ho acquistato a celeritá, che no so se possa darsi mag giore »(MB XII, 38-39). eats quasí tutti i giorni, alle due a quarto dopo pranzo, erc gil al tavolino a lavorare; non mi sono mosso fino alle otto: eppure non ho potuto sbrigarmí d tuno. Ho ancora il tavolo coperto di lettere, che aspettano risposta. And if not, he says che io val adagio nello scrivere. Ne fo passare del lavoro sotto le mie dita! My accorgo che a forza di pratid e dell'incalzarsi gave a thing sull'altra, ho acquistato a celeritá, che no so se possa darsi mag giore »(MB XII, 38-39).
Put these premises, it seems more than legitimate to ask what sense then has to face the committed attention to an epistolary of this genre.
Why, then, take so much trouble? Because when a man has played a non-indifferent role in the «History» of his country, when his influence has reached, still living, several nations and in the next century practically the whole world, when the multiple facets of his personality have It has been and still is an object of reflection (and this Congress is a clear test) it is important to have the most complete and serious analysis tools available.
Now, for the knowledge of Don Bosco, of his moral figure, of the vicissitudes of his life, of his methods of action, what is more sure and complete than the thousands of letters he wrote over more than 40 years? ? So much more that we are before a character who made the epistolary commitment one of the main occupations of his days?
The biographer and the historian who are advancing in their task realize that you can not tell a life without the help of documentary materials, and the first of all, correspondence. It is true that anyone knows that the letters can not expect an exact history, but rather fragmentary reflections, which need integration and deepening. An epistolary should be screened with the critical rigor that is commonly applied to any other source: thus, for example, the intrinsic weaknesses in all correspondence can not be underestimated: the personal, subjective, singular nature of the testimony, the unavoidable transparency of the self that could lead to deception, the absence of context elements, etc.
Although some legitimate reservations must be accepted, here are some testimonies of the authors of the MB and of Don Bosco himself: «Le lettere da lui ricevute or spedite are incalcolabili. Tra the giornata e la notte ne scriveva and fine postillava to 250. Sbalordisce la moltitudine e la varietá delle materie sulle quali was obbligato a rispondere o tratare [...]. Ne ricevette da ogni part of the world, and siamo persuasi che vi vi quasi cittá in Europe nella quale non siano pervenute, qua poche, la moltissime, delle sue lettere "(MB IV, 540-541). In the letter of July 4, 1881, Don Bosco addressed the Cav. Carlo Faya in these terms: "Scrivere a Lei mi é di milho sollievo in mezzo alle mie lettere, cui vado in queto momento a cominciare la risposta". Already old, he confided melancholy to his people: "Certi giorni scrivevo anche piú di cento lettere" (MB XVII, 459). Cf. also previous note.
The correspondence of Don Bosco, as is obvious, does not escape this rule. Carefully considered, viewed with multiple methods of investigation, conveniently decoded, it constitutes a secure source in which security is obtained about facts and circumstances, reasons for their choices and, frequently, -the full expression of their convictions and their spirit. Letters written currenti calamo in the parenthesis of a serene rest or in the impetus of a cruel bitterness, in the impulse of a happy heart or under the oppression of an imminent danger, they almost allow to violate their privacy, to enter their room, to see it sitting at the work table, photographing him immersed in problems, difficulties, hopes, ideals. Positions, as I intend to do, in strict chronological order and, therefore, in the apparent disorder of letters of affairs or congratulations, of spiritual suggestions or requests for material help, they express at the same time the life and the commentary of the person who wrote them. If we think that for the most intense period of their educator activity there will be an average of one letter every 3-4 days, 'it is easy to deduce that biographers and historians can and should become assiduous students of an epistolary like this one.
I have purposely used the future time "may and shall", because, despite the vast literature published on Don Bosco in these hundred years that separate us from his death, historiography still suffers from the lack of safe, exhaustive and definitive data ( naturally in the sense assumed by these terms in historical questions). The long life of Don Bosco, the wide range of his activities, the complicated series of events in which he was protagonist or in which he was involved, still await today a simple verification work. The very facts that are referred to in the voluminous biographical memoirs require a systematic check, and the limited but promising current research in that direction has stimulated only the thirst for further searches.8 Once you really know "how things have gone",
6 "The correspondence is a material of a manicure délicat, a témoignage trompeur malgré les apparences et qui reste nécessairement lacunaire, par défaut of conservation des envois et des réponses, par volonté expresse ou negllgence de l'auteur, a causa de diverses formes of censure, par le fait that rarissimes sont le lettres "sincéres". etc. You correspond etant presque toujours tout sauf ce qu'on voudrait qu'elles fussent: a reliable material, a documentary value, au premier degré ... »(Préface di G. Ulysse to La correspondance 2 Actes du Colloque International, Aix-en -Provence, Université de Provence 1985, p.VI). In any case, it is true that situations, feelings, emotions of the daily and personal life of Don Bosco can be better located in his letters than in other writings,
7 From the decade 1830-1840, only one minute of a letter written in a notebook was kept during the school year 1835-1836. In the first quinquennium of the 1940s there are practically few letters, written at the end of 1845. The last holograph text is from the month of December 1887. It is difficult to make calculations, even approximate, about how many letters Don Bosco could have written during his life . Don Cenia affirmed in 1933: "Le lettere di don Bosco pubblica te sono assai meno numerose di quelle che or adarono perdute or giacciono nell'oblio" (ME XIV, 556).
So the main motive of interest offered by the correspondence of Don Bosco is precisely that of giving us a remarkable documentation to put it at the base of the future historical reconstruction, so that it makes less precise or, if we want, to complete the valuation of his complex personality: and this through the alive voice of his protagonist, recorded in an immediate and alive way.
I do not think that from the massive documentary contribution of the quarry correspondence, a radically "other" image had to emerge from the one already known in the circle of its best scholars, but it is certain that the Don Bosco that emerges from the letters departs more from what could be believed of that presents some literature still recent. One thing is Don Bosco of dreams, Don Bosco of miracles and wonders, Don Bosco of the "numinous" and another is Don Bosco "fair" of the epistolary letter, which is presented in the key of concrete life and full of problems, contradictions and uncertainties, in a very long wavelength of this earth. In his letters, Don Bosco shines, so to speak, with the light of the daily, without any enigmatic clothes, which, even unwittingly, would give rise to a rare atmosphere woven of ambiguous imprecision.
Another non-negligible element offered by the correspondence in question is the fact that the extraordinary richness of social relations that he lived with was
the result of the study. In this perspective, the article by J. KLEIN - E. VALENTINI, A chronological retention of the Memorie di san Giovanni Bosco, in "Salesianum" 17 (1955) 581-610. Analogous trials have recently been published in several RSS numbers. You can see, for this purpose, the communication of Desramaut in this same congress.
9 He presents an example of "revision" of past interpretations (in need of corrections), Tuninetti's communication in this same Congress about the long and painful controversy that Don Bosco had with Mons. Lorenzo Gastaldi
Don Bosco, offers us a panorama of the social, political, cultural, economic, ecclesial life of that second half of the last century so violently shaken by contrasts of all kinds. The letter, everyone knows, is a social instrument and therefore presents the figure of the writer and its correspondents in a given situation, against precise contingencies, both personal and collective; therefore, as a whole, it can give us in some way the taste of an era and elements to have a more accurate profile of the characters that moved in it.
Without wanting to assume here the useless task of apologist of letters, launched against its possible detractors and as proof of what has been said so far, it is enough to notice the enormous variety of its recipients: civil authorities, as heads of state and government (Vittorio Emanuele II , Cavour, Rattazzi, Ricasoli, Minghetti, Lanza, Emperor of Austria ...), ecclesiastical personalities such as popes, cardinals, bishops, superiors of religious institutes (Pius IX, Leon MI, Card. Antonelli, Rosmini ...), writers and men of culture (Tommaseo, Balbo, Pellico, Vallauri, parents of the "Civiltá Cattolica") aristocrats and exponents of the Piedmontese, Florentine, Roman, Nice, Paris, Marseille, Barcelona, South American, humble benefactors, diocesan clergy, religious and religious, adults and young people of low social extraction, etc.However, although correspondence with these people is very often in a strictly pecuniary area, it nevertheless allows us to distinguish sometimes some aspects of their personality and their environment, emphasizes the relationship they have with Don Bosco and allows us to grasp their moral and spiritual situation.
If we ask ourselves what Don Bosco's letters can tell us, the answer may be "very much" or, at least, many more things than we could know without them. The correspondence of Don Bosco, in the critical form in which it will be published, gives us signs, not only of the direction of biography and history, but also of psychology and psychoanalysis, economics and sociology , of theology and spirituality, literature and language. of local history and politics, of genealogy and pedagogy.1 ° We can approach it according to criteria of multidisciplinary integration and thus become a revealing place of epistemological coordinates of culture and civilization, by using it synchronously and diachronically, by analytical or synthetic ways. And even more,
"The various meanings and aspects of a correspondence have been the subject of discussion in various contexts, for example in several" quaderni di rhetoric and poetic ", directed by G. Folena, very recent models are collected: see La Lettere familiare I, Padova, Liviana Editrice 1985, for the French area, see the aforementioned international colloquium in Aix-en-Provence (La correspondance) On some possible readings of the writings of Don Bosco, and, therefore, also of his letters, suggestions are useful by R. FARINA, Leggere Don Bosco oggi, Note e suggestioni metodologiche, in: P. BROCARDO (ed.), The permanent formazione interpella gli istituti religiosi, Leumann (Torino), Elle Di Ci 1976, pp. 349-404.
In this perspective, even hesitations in writing, errors in spelling and syntax, sentences crossed out but still decipherable, the frequency of idiomatic forms, once discovered, instead of hindering, can serve to give an idea of the level of learning of the language by the writer, his ability to express himself in writing, but in the key of "spoken", the literary form of an era, an environment, a character.
Affirmed thus the usefulness of the critical edition in the workshop, the problems of method that have been raised to me are those common to all the publishers of epistolarios of wide content. Many steps have been taken in the science and in the art of editing letters, but even today editorial principles have not been set (and may never be fixed) with absolute certainty, given the peculiarity of each correspondence. "Anyway , there are three issues: the collection of texts, their transcription, the various critical and historical notes.
However, before briefly explaining the way in which each of these three problems has been solved in the edition we are preparing, I think I must answer a question: for whom have these letters been collected and published? And this, because defining the target audience means adopting one method instead of another. If, in fact, one intends to please specialists, it will be necessary to give them meticulous information and details, which the common reader does not find of any interest and which he will surely define as "pedantry" or "documentary idolatry". But if you remove those
Librairie Armand Colin 1969; Écrire publier Tire les correspondances. Actes du colloque international: «Les correspondances». Publications of the University of Nantes 1983. In English: F. Bowas, Some principies for scholarly editions of nineteenth-century American authors, in "Studies in Bibliography" (1964) 223-228; GT TRANSELLE, Some principies for editorial apparatus, in "Studies in Bibliography" (1972) 41-88. For German-language authors: S. SCHEIBE, Some notes on Letter editions: With special reference to German writers, in "Studies in Bibliography" (1986) 36-148. We recall that in Toronto (Canada) there have been "symposia" for "editing texts" for years, whose minutes are published regularly. Publications of the University of Nantes 1983. In English: F. Bowas, Some principies for scholarly editions of nineteenth-century American authors, in "Studies in Bibliography" (1964) 223-228; GT TRANSELLE, Some principies for editorial apparatus, in "Studies in Bibliography" (1972) 41-88. For German-language authors: S. SCHEIBE, Some notes on Letter editions: With special reference to German writers, in "Studies in Bibliography" (1986) 36-148. We recall that in Toronto (Canada) there have been "symposia" for "editing texts" for years, whose minutes are published regularly. Publications of the University of Nantes 1983. In English: F. Bowas, Some principies for scholarly editions of nineteenth-century American authors, in "Studies in Bibliography" (1964) 223-228; GT TRANSELLE, Some principies for editorial apparatus, in "Studies in Bibliography" (1972) 41-88. For German-language authors: S. SCHEIBE, Some notes on Letter editions: With special reference to German writers, in "Studies in Bibliography" (1986) 36-148. We recall that in Toronto (Canada) there have been "symposia" for "editing texts" for years, whose minutes are published regularly. in "Studies in Bibliography" (1972) 41-88. For German-language authors: S. SCHEIBE, Some notes on Letter editions: With special reference to German writers, in "Studies in Bibliography" (1986) 36-148. We recall that in Toronto (Canada) there have been "symposia" for "editing texts" for years, whose minutes are published regularly. in "Studies in Bibliography" (1972) 41-88. For German-language authors: S. SCHEIBE, Some notes on Letter editions: With special reference to German writers, in "Studies in Bibliography" (1986) 36-148. We recall that in Toronto (Canada) there have been "symposia" for "editing texts" for years, whose minutes are published regularly.
elements, the scholar may consider it as an attempt at "popularization" and "dissemination" which, therefore, totally escapes his interests.
This question I have already answered in part before: the editorial role that I have adopted is to offer a comprehensive and useful work tool, as much as possible, to researchers and scholars of the various disciplines. It will be said: But who needs all the annotations or explanations that precede or follow the text of the letter? Who demands that extreme scrupulosity to the text that, perhaps, prevents a fluid reading? The answer is: «nobody». But the text is not edited for a single person. It is published for a large number of people, including those who are not specialists in any discipline, those who know little or do not know anything about the history of Don Bosco and the origins of the Salesian Congregation, those who do not know much about the situation social, political, cultural, religious of Italy in the nineteenth century.
In other words, I will try to offer a critical, scholarly, scientific edition, but one that does not exude the access of the general public, reading followed by the honest reader, who is not necessarily a scholar or a bookworm. And since it is always difficult to resist the temptation to say everything, it is equally possible to write little for some and too much for others. As a general criterion for the writing of descriptive and explanatory notes, recourse will be had, more than to abstract rules, to the experience of others, to comparison, to the sense of measurement that arises from the purpose of maintaining even typographically in the foreground the document of gift Bosco and limit his illustration to what can be used to understand it.
But let's go back to the editorial principles we talked about.
It is useless to stress that the ideal conditions of work, that is, all the autograph letters of Don Bosco, all the answers he received, and the documents that make it possible to understand the letters written and received well, have not been given to the correspondent in question. Although we have no right to raise any criticism of those who ventured to publish Don Bosco's letters before us, there is a fact: that both the compilers of the Biographical Memoirs and Don Cenia in the Epistolary published by him12 tried to ensure the content of the letters (and that was revealed, by
12 The 19 volumes of the MB gather in order, not always chronological, about 2360 letters. Of these, G. Luzi (SG Bosco, Lettere scelte, Torino, Paravia 1945) and the octogenarian E. Ceda served for the edition of the four volumes of the Epistolary of St. Giovanni Bosco (Torino, SET 1955-1959), in which 2845 texts are collected. Unfortunately, Don Cena, in spite of having had in his hands temporarily the originals of many letters by concession of the legitimate owners, almost in no case indicated the place in which said originals were found. That is why the person in charge of the critical edition, in many of the letters, will have to reproduce the
another part, not always philologically impeccable) without considering the continent's problem, that is, the archival support that is the only one that guarantees its authenticity and its value.
For this reason I have started with the rule that I do not believe that legitimacy can be doubted, that is, to see personally the autographs or, at least, their photocopies. Their search and collection has so far offered the abundant harvest of more than 3,000, "including those of few lines, to which must be added several hundred printed texts not supported by the manuscript meeting, but guaranteed by witnesses worthy of faith.
This is not the place to anticipate the archival history or the history of the handwritten or printed tradition of the letters. Suffice it to say that the laborious task of inventorying, the annoying classifications, the fruitful or disappointing investigations were made, for now especially in Italy, from indications of repertoires, lucky personal initiatives, exploratory surveys in hundreds of archives and public and private libraries , civil and ecclesiastical, in families that were reached thanks to social media. Obviously, it has not been neglected to resort to the announcement of this ongoing research in specialized magazines and the awareness of all the Salesian communities of the world. "
I also stop counting tasty or disconcerting episodes that I have witnessed, of mentioning acts of generosity and greed, of underlining the destruction of originals by the heirs' lack of care or by excessive devotion, of insinuating a bit of diplomacy to have the less copy of manuscripts kept by especially jealous collectors before the official publisher. I do not spend words to illuminate a non-secondary aspect of the investigation: the commercial one, made worse by the fact that many texts have passed the original borders and that the centenary has encouraged the career and the price of autographs by the antiquarians. A name for all: the famous London auction house, Sothebys, put a few years ago in the catalog and sold two original letters of Don Bosco, probably of not very notable importance.
text of its predecessor, without being able to verify the complete reliability of it. In addition, some letters preserve only a summary (due to a partial tradition) or a simple news of its existence. The dozens of letters published in: G. Bosco, Scritti spfiltuali, 2 vol., A cura di J. Aubry, Rome, Cittá Nuova 1976 (recently reissued in a single volume) were also taken from Don Cenia's correspondence.
13 With the conviction that the letters that should be published in the first volume (relating to the years 1835-1864) can hardly be found in foreign countries (which, on the other hand, are numerous, and not only in Europe), systematic search has been done, until now, only in Italian territory. Practically there has not been a newspaper or magazine of wide diffusion, that has not received the invitation to publish the news of the search in course. The celebrations of the centenary of the death of Don Bosco have also contributed to disseminate this news.
SW
"The originals or the photocopies of the unpublished letters, conserved in the ASC at the moment more than a thousand, a certain number of which are of relevant historical value.
The still provisional census has evidenced, in any case, great chronological gaps, the final destruction or loss of important handwritten correspondence, 15 the seriousness of the damages that can be derived for the epistolary material and for the complete critical edition of a correspondence by private files of precise inventory.
The largest collections of originals are in the central Salesian file in the Vatican Secret file in the municipal archives of Turin in the central state archive in Rome, in some diocesan archives, especially the kingdom which was Saboya.16
The arrived documents offer a qualitative picture of remarkable diplomatic variety: it goes from numerous minutes to original holographs, apocryphal with handwritten signature in authenticated copies of different form, simple transcriptions of printed texts, unfortunately not irreproachable, to which the originals are missing, and that will have to be accepted for it.
El objetivo de una edición crítica es dar al lector un texto auténtico y cuidado, de modo que lo pueda utilizar cualquiera que tenga algún interés por él. Si no fuese así, aun el más minucioso y completo aparato editorial resultaría falto de valor.
Think of the almost total lack of correspondence with mons. Fransoni, under whose jurisdiction Don Bosco worked for almost twenty years. Likewise, it has not been possible to consult, until now, the archive of Casa Saboya; that he should keep writings of great interest. Letters to central government authorities have been lost due to a series of circumstances. The transfer of the capital from Turin to Florence, and from Florence to Rome was one of those circumstances, and not precisely the most insignificant one. It would be an almost desperate attempt to recover the original manuscript of the dozens of missives sent to the Callori family (fortunately already published, in large part).
16 Regarding the search for Don Bosco's correspondence with the pope and the Roman curia, only in the secret Vatican archive should hundreds of fascicles be consulted scattered in a series of sources: Segreteria di Stato, Epistulae latinae, Epistulae ad princes, Spogli Cardinali, Nunziatura di Torino, Brevi etc. We must also add the archives of the Roman Congregations, whose funds have not come together in this secret archive: Congregazione dei Vescovi e Regolari, Propaganda Fide, Index etc. Bearing in mind the breadth and organization of the funds of the Vatican secret archive, the complexity of a thorough investigation can be understood. I have already given some. step in this direction; and some findings have been published in the magazine of the "Istituto Storico Salesiano" and in L ' azione mediatrice di don Bosco nella questione delle sedi vescovili vacanti in Italy from 1858 high morte di Pio IX (1878), in the volume: BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 251-328. The ASC is also in the reorganization phase and the possibility of discovering new letters or indications about them is not excluded. As regards the historical archive of the Turin City Hall, no special surprises are expected, since a somewhat large-scale investigation has been carried out in several funds: cf. the introduction of the recent study (in three parts): G. BRACCO (ed.), Torino e don Bosco, Torno, The ASC is also in the reorganization phase and the possibility of discovering new letters or indications about them is not excluded. As regards the historical archive of the Turin City Hall, no special surprises are expected, since a somewhat large-scale investigation has been carried out in several funds: cf. the introduction of the recent study (in three parts): G. BRACCO (ed.), Torino e don Bosco, Torno, The ASC is also in the reorganization phase and the possibility of discovering new letters or indications about them is not excluded. As regards the historical archive of the Turin City Hall, no special surprises are expected, since a somewhat large-scale investigation has been carried out in several funds: cf. the introduction of the recent study (in three parts): G. BRACCO (ed.), Torino e don Bosco, Torno,
Archivio Storico della Cittá di Torino 1989.
How to reproduce Don Bosco's letters? Exactly as such, without modifications or arbitrary interventions of the editor: that is, with the same philological criteria with which any other writing by an author would be published. If some error had to be corrected from the historiographical point of view, it would be necessary to resort to the "notes" of the footnote. The letter of the Piedmontese educator, as many know, is a reading problem: but for those who already have it as something familiar, the doubts are reduced almost only to the choice between a capital letter and a lowercase, to decipher a letter or a syllable that it seems (or maybe it is) one, but that it can not be more than another, to interpret a word that does not look good. Another thing is the problem, obviously,
In any case, our edition, which will not be of a diplomatic nature (but with modern photographic techniques and for nineteenth-century texts, does a diplomatic transcript still make sense?), Will reproduce the most philologically acceptable text of the letters, although "corrected" »With the minimum and indispensable punctuation and orthographic retouching, with the use of italics for the titles of the works or for expressions in other languages, with the inclusion of obvious lapsus calami (always indicated, on the other hand), and with a different division in paragraphs with respect to the original.
The articulation of the notes will be as follows:
1) The text of the letter will be preceded by descriptive notes. They will give all the information about the manuscript (or printed text) that is edited: file position, dimensions, possible color of paper and ink, conditions of preservation, special signs, postal stamps, diplomatic typology, previous editions appeared in the Biographical Memoirs or in the Epistolary published by Don Cenia, brief summary of the letter. Naturally, there is always the possibility that Don Bosco did not send the letter.
2) The device of the variants will be placed immediately after the text of the letter and the corresponding address. In cases where you have the minutes of the letter, it will be checked against the original autograph or the holograph, and therefore the critical device will present all the variants. Honesty demands that we say at once that in almost all cases, rather than interesting developments of ideas or substantial new contributions, these are additions or suppressions of limited interest, or formal corrections of evident little literary value. We hope that a set of variants of this genre does not constitute a solitary monument to the pedantic obsession of the editor, but that it could become a possible instrument of linguistic analysis and better knowledge of Don Bosco's character.
3) Finally, the historical annotations will follow, given the nature of the correspondence in question, will be placed above all in the line:
- of the biography, in relation to the many correspondents or characters cited, often unknown not only in national repertoires , but even in regional or local ones;
- of the archives, by the answers to each letter or for other documents referred to. It will help to note here that those who do not feel interested may overlook certain allusions, expressions or ways of speaking that, in turn, will interest those who are most aware of the "secret things" of those who belong to the spiritual family of Don Bosco ;
- of the chronicles or local historiography, by the events under way, their antecedents and consequences.
After the collation of texts, the most important problem is its timely and accurate illustration. The danger alluded to is to crush under the weight of excessive annotations the text of the letter, which is the moven of an edition. Subordinating, as is fair, my commitment to the writer, would like to systematically give all the necessary clarifications and nothing more. It is clear that, in relation to this indispensability, opinions are diverse. However, at best, the historical or explanatory notes will serve to identify the recipient, the characters and the places that are cited, to justify possible proposals of dates, to explain words or expressions of difficult understanding to a current reader of our days , to inform about some places, environments,
The linguistic and aesthetic analyzes, the historical interpretations, the judgments of value, the critical biography of Don Bosco will be left for those who are endowed with special competence. On the other hand, we will take advantage of these notes to give in extenso, in extracts or in synthesis, the letters to Don Bosco, in the case that they could serve to better understand those of Don Bosco. In the same way it will be done with many of the documents of a certain value, such as prommorias, bills, writings of diverse nature that, even without being letters proper, "it seems important to publish them with the correspondence. In the case of excessive extension, a documentary appendix may be used for this purpose.
'7 By' letter 'we mean a written communication from one individual to another, with a date and place of provenance, a place of destination, a characteristic beginning (incipit) and a conditional greeting, followed by the signature.
For some time I have raised a question of no small importance about the methodological plan: should I wait to collect all the letters before starting to publish the correspondence? Apart from the fact that no publication of this kind can ever be said to be complete, because the investigations will never be extensive enough, I am inclined to answer the question negatively by the fact that if I wait to have all the letters, I probably will not publish them. Never. The current difficult situation in dozens of libraries and archives, not to mention the impossibility of identifying the heirs or descendants of the recipients of hundreds of manuscripts, is the most tangible demonstration that Don Bosco's letters may appear in the way and in the place less thoughtful. "
Anyway, the fact should not create problem: it will always be possible to add supplements and, thanks to the indexes, place each letter in the same chronological sequence followed in the texts that were available at the time of the edition of each of the volumes . For the rest, I do not think there is better publicity than the publication itself.
The editor of the correspondence is perfectly aware of his lack of adequacy for this task, not easy, that has been entrusted to him and his recklessness in accepting it. The only special qualification that can show is that of age, which should allow him, Deo volente, to carry out the work in which he has embarked, and that he wishes it to become a precious contribution for a well-grounded interpretation of the meaning historical, in the Church and in society, of the personality and work of a man named Don Bosco.
18 Proof of this is that we have already received letters from different environments, and it is difficult to suspect the presence of Don Bosco's autographs: Madagascar, Canada, the United States of America, Guatemala, Czechoslovakia, etc. Not always the recipient of such letters resided in those locations; Sometimes the originals were taken there by missionaries who, in various ways, had come to take over them.
Raffaele FARINA
Among the first writings of Don Bosco we find a Regolamento per gli oratori festivi, composed between 1847 and 1852, of which the manuscript is conserved. The whole chapter IX is dedicated to the Archivist or Notary. ' He had, according to what he reads, the task of keeping the record books, keeping the music of the Oratory under lock, taking care of the small library of books chosen for youth, noting the name and address of someone who had borrowed some books and keeping an eye on them. so that no property of the Oratory would be lost. It is essentially a series of provisions taken from other regulations and which remained in Don Bosco's oratories, it seems, in a dead letter. The archives of the Salesian works arose, however, in an empirical way and with abundant documentation. Don Bosco used to keep what he considered important for the management and the memory of the events: his school folders, lists of young people, list of confirmed, of masses, settlements with printers; the theologian Giovanni Borel, his first collaborator already in 1846, carried and kept the accounts. Then Don Vittorio Alasonatti began to collect lists of acceptance, of catches and income, of school performance.
It is not yet the Archive of the Congregation, but it is insinuated already. To the papers that were produced by the official and social activity were added various testimonies about the activities of the Founder. Already in the years 1860-61, the young members of the nascent religious Congregation (among them, Ruffino, Bonetti, Francesia, Rua and others) felt obliged to form a commission to record the events that seemed extraordinary and the words of
Debo writing of this work to the generous and faithful collaboration of Don Vendel Fenyó.
Cf. P. STELLA, Archivio Centrale Salesiano, in: L. PASZTOR, Guida alíe fonti per la stork dell'America Latina negli archivi della Santa Sede e negli archivi ecclesiastici d'Italia, Cittá del Vaticano 1970, 521; V. FENYÓ, L'Archivio Salesiano Centrale, in RSS 4 (1985) 149-151.
See the 1877 edition in: OE XXIX, 49-50; cf. also: MB III, 104.
his superior and father, so that «nulla di quello che appartiene to Don Bosco cadesse im oblio» .4
The Archive follows the vicissitudes and development of the young Congregation and the Motherhouse of Turin-Valdocco. He was assigned a place on purpose, not always spacious enough, but good. The person in charge was from the beginning the General Secretary of the Congregation. There are no traces of any regulation or booklet that we illustrate about it. The fourth successor of St. John Bosco, Don Pietro Ricaldone, dedicates a number of the "Atti del Capitolo Superiore" to the archives. In it he talks about the archives of the Salesian houses. It stops at the provincial archives and limits itself to naming only the "Archivio Generale della Congregazione" .5
In the period after the last war, the idea of a complete reordering of the Archive matured (it was an occasion for the name to be changed in "Archivio Centrale Salesiano"). It was equipped with metal shelves and especially a new title, inspired by the decimal system. The soul of the company was Don Tomás Bordas. He prepared the new classification plan, which had to be used interchangeably with the libraries and archives.6 Perhaps in view of its use in the libraries, many subjects, prepared with meticulous care, which compromised, were included in the new plan. less partially, the order essentially archivist, according to the nature of the contents: many materials, in effect, they were taken out of the enclosure in which they should have appeared and were placed in strange positions (files of each superior, different papers sent by the different dicasteries to the General Secretariat of the Superior Council, etc.). Thus, from the beginning, the criterion of file of provenance and even of chronology of the material of papers, which was deposited sometimes weekly in the Archive, was changed. This was slowly absorbing and confusing in one the Archive of "newspaper" and the history of a Congregation that already had world dimensions. that was deposited sometimes weekly in the Archive. This was slowly absorbing and confusing in one the Archive of "newspaper" and the history of a Congregation that already had world dimensions. that was deposited sometimes weekly in the Archive. This was slowly absorbing and confusing in one the Archive of "newspaper" and the history of a Congregation that already had world dimensions.
During its more than secular life, the Archive has had various denominations. At the beginning, the term "Archivio della Congregazione" or "Salesian Archivio" was used interchangeably. From the first decades of this century we have spoken of the "Archivio del Capitolo Superiore", an expression found in most of the papers preserved until 1972 From 1951 to 1985, it was called the "Archivio Centrale Salesiano" 7 and upon its entry into force the Rego
• MB VI, 861-863; VII, 129
• ACS (1943) n. 120, 279.
6 Cf. T. BORDAS, The decimal classification applied to the Salesian Congregation for its libraries and archives, in «Bulletin of the General Directorate of Archives and Libraries» 2 (1953) 14, 13-16.
• To tell the truth, the volume of Don Torras (see note 13) already bears the name "Archivio Salesiano Centrale". However, it seems that the change (which has been introduced in order to avoid confusion with the same acronym used by the periodic publication "Atti del Capitolo Superiore" [ACS]) became official only in 1985.
I regret, that of "Archivio Salesiano Centrale" .8
Under the dependence of the Secretary General of the Superior Council (today "General Council"), the following archivists have succeeded each other from the time of Don Bosco to the direction of the Central Salesian Archive. : 9
1. Don Gioacchino Berto (1847-1914): Secretary of Don Bosco until 1882. They helped him in his work as archivist Don Michele Rua, Don Angelo Lago, Don Giuseppe Lazzero, Don Francesco Dalmazzo and others. Also Don Carlo Viglietti (1864-1915), who succeeded him in 1882 as secretary of Don Bosco, was a collaborator in the careful collection and ordering of the writings that referred to the Salesian Congregation.
2. Don Giovanni Schlápfer (1884-1946): being a cleric student he helped Don Berto and, barely ordained priest on July 20, 1913, under the orders of Don Calogero Gusmano, secretary of the Superior Council (1912-1935), succeeded Don Berto as an archivist. He cataloged the Archive with the help of Mr. Giuseppe Balestra (1868-1942), private secretary of Mr. Rua. Don Schlápfer, even with empirical criteria, elaborated a careful ordering of the Archive, altered later by his successor. He was responsible for the Archive until
1946.
3. Don Tomás Bordas (1889-1968): worked at the Archive since 1926 and took the address in 1946, when Mr. Schlápfer died. He was assisted in the Archive by Mr. Johann Birkenbiehl and Mr. Luigi Tavano. He is remembered for the first systematic writing of a title holder of the Archive, inspired by the decimal classification of Dewey and for having collaborated in the transfer of the most important part of the Archive to the subways of the Basilica of Mary Help of Christians, to remove it from the possibility of destruction in the aerial bombings of the city during the Second World War.
4. Don Pietro Stella, a well-known scholar of Don Bosco, was with Don Bordas in 1961 and directed the Archive until 1965. He devoted himself especially to the organization and classification of the "Don Bosco Fund", from whose careful knowledge come his well-known historical works on Don Bosco
5. Currently, although with the degree of vice director since 1985, he has been managing the Don Vendel Fenyó Archive since 1965, with the help of, for some years now, Mr. Tarcisio Valsecchi and, recently, Mr. Jaroslav Polácek and Mr. Ambrogio Park. We should also remember here the address for two years (1980-1981), brief, but effective, of Don Ugo Santucci.i °
8 ACG 66 (1985) n. 314, 48-56.
9 A. MART / N, Jaén in the archives of Rome: Institutions of Geneva in the
Salesians Central Archive , in «Bulletin of the Institute of Giennenses Studies» 90 (1976) 6-7.
"Cf. Elenco Salesiani Don Bosco 1980/1981, vol.1, pp. 11-12 (Sectors and activities of the General
House).
In 1972 the "Direzione Generale Opera Don Bosco" passed from Turin to Rome, in a new headquarters (via della Pisana, 1111, adjoining the "Grande Raccordo Anulare"), also carrying the Archive. The transfer and the new systematization took place, without problems, in a few months. Most of the documents were placed on metal racks, in "Resisto" containers, in a room, at least for now, large enough, heated with a temperature of 20 ° and humidity of 50 °.
The lack of space immediately forced an option that, after all, proved useful, as it was to remove from the Archive the so-called "Biblioteca storica" of Turin-Valdocco, which he found, also, with the creation of the «Istituto Storico Salesiano» in 1982, and in 1985, with the systematization of the "Casa Generalizia" library, its definitive location. We must not silence here the deplorable fact that, in this separation, made without due control, some copies of works that were part of the so-called "Library of Don Bosco", that is, the library used by the saint, have been lost. during his lifetime. To this must be added the fact that a large part of this so-called "Library of Don Bosco" was still in Turin-Valdocco, separated from the other party transferred to Rome.
This has been one of the problems that the person in charge of the Archive, when arriving in Rome, in the years of the great crisis, had to face. The problem was repeatedly presented by Don Fenyii, especially in 1973, even with his characteristic discretion, in a memorandum and notes, which are known by those who in the last twenty years have had a relationship with the Archive or have dealt with it in some way. Studies on our Founder and on the Salesian Congregation ° Here we have some of the problems posed:
1. The decimal classification, made in 1951, had the merit of facilitating the search of the material by arguments and persons, but without adequately and adequately safeguarding the principle in archives, of the origin of the material. That is why it did not reflect the history, as it should have, nor the structures and competencies of the subject from which it collected and ordered the documenta1 material.
2. The classification plan, written with these criteria of decimal division, did not take into account the division that it was used in the Archives of the houses
"Cf. for example: V. FENYÓ, L'Archivio Centrale: difficoltá nella consulzione (15 aprile 1973); ID., I problemi of the titolario nell'Archivio Centrale Salesiano (2 maggio 1973). Cf. also:
J. HOMOLA, The Function of the General Segreteria of a General House in rapporto coll'Archivio, in a particolare mode with a current one (Lavoro di studio presentato nella Scuola di Archivistica dell'Archivio Segreto Vaticano 1973). This work, written by a Salesian, refers to the situation of the Archive of the General Salesian House.
Reading the work cited in note 6, it is clear that the criterion adopted by Don Bordas in the collection and arrangement of the material was that of a well-equipped "Press Office".
It is worth remembering that, when he assumed the position of archivist, Mr. Bordas came precisely from that type of office.
generalities, that is, the division into the three traditional nuclei of generalia, provincialia, personalia, although these could be deduced without great difficulty from the set of voices.
3. The consultation was difficult due to the lack of description and search tools. The only instrument was the owner, whose defects we have discussed before.
4. The material of the file was not divided with unique criteria. Much material of the same type was found in various sections.
5. The signing of the material was and is half done. In some parts or sections, it is well done. In others, less. For these reasons and for those mentioned in n. 3, the query requires that the archivist dedicate a lot of time to the search for the researcher-scholar service or that the scholar allows the direct search of the material, which is inadmissible.
6. The Archive regulations were missing and this created problems to which we have just referred; and others, such as the entry of material from the offices in the Archive and the classification of that material.
7. Some of the problems of the Archive were the result of the insufficient organization of the offices, which produce documents destined after the Archive.
The section of the Archive that refers to the Founder, continuously consulted today, as it was from the beginning of the Congregation, requires the utmost attention. That is why it was thought to preserve its integrity by using microfilm. The work was carried out between June 1979 and June 1980 by the Spanish Salesian priest Don Alfonso Torras. It is 2,322 microfiches (150 x 104 mm.), Each of which contains 60 frames. Which means 139,151 pages of reproduced documents.
For an adequate use of this microfilmed Fund, the papers were numbered one by one, for vertical and horizontal placement on the microfiche: 5 rows of 12 frames per fiCha. Then it was imposed to make the index or catalog to identify each document located in the record. This last patient work of Don Torras was published afterwards printed in 629 pages. The consultation of this raicrofilmed Fund is possible, not only in the Central Salesian Archive, but also in many Salesian institutions of the world that acquired copies. "
13 ARCHIVIO SALESIANO CENTRALE , Don Bosco Fund, Microschedatura e descrizione, a cura di A. Torras, Rome, Direzione Generale Opere Don Bosco 1980.
"A. Torras, at the request of some Salesian Provinces, carried out, between 1980 and 1982, a second series of microfiche (149,090 photograms) of which, unfortunately, the guide has not published.
The realization of such a company, even with defects due to the non-complete organization of the Archive, deserves sincere gratitude. Not only has he achieved the end he intended to safeguard for posterity a precious treasure of the avatars of time (wars, fires, earthquakes, etc.) and daily use for consultation, but has made it practically available to scholars from all over the world, who do not always have the possibility to consult the originals in Rome.
Precisely an easier use of this microfilmed Fund suggests its second edition, when the computer programming of the "Don Bosco Fund" is done. It will then be possible to display on each card the signature of each document and provide a guide for the most intuitively accessible query. "
The initiative of the reproduction of the "Don Bosco Fund" on microfiches is an example that shows a new climate.
The General Chapters, from the 1970-1971 Special, had made an invitation to renewal and given a stimulus to the study of the Founder's spirit and of the origins and, therefore, to the evaluation of everything that was received in writing . The refounding, in 1972, at the Pontifical Salesian University, of the "Centro Studi Don Bosco," which was a consequence of the Special General Chapter (see Acts No. 186), 16 and the foundation, can be recalled as more outstanding. 1982, in the General House of the "Istituto Storico Salesiano", in accordance with the deliberation of the General Chapter 21 of 1977-78 (Acts No. 105ff). "
The search and study requirement of the Salesian Historical Institute, just born, gave the definitive impulse to the recent systematization of the Archive, in whose preparation and implementation I have participated actively and directly. This was done in three stages: the preparation and promulgation of the Regulation, the preparation of its "computerization", the same "computerization".
15 Some indications on the organization of the "Don Bosco Fund" can be seen in: P. STELLA, Gli scritti a stampa di S. Giovanni Bosco, Rome, LAS 1977, p. 15-16.
16 Cf. Atti del Capitolo Generale Speciale XX, 457; R. FARINA, Leggere don Bosco oggi: note e suggestioni metodologiche, in: P. BROCARDO (ed.), The permanent formazione interpella gli istituti religiosi, Leumann (Torino), Elle Di Ci 1976, p. 356
17 Cf. the first issue of RSS 1 (1982).
Promulgated with a letter from the Rector Major, addressed to the Secretary General, 'the Regulation of the Archive contains its program of restructuring, which is being carried out for three years and which can be said to be substantially finished, if the fact that The inclusion in computer of all the material of the Archive will take a good number of years.
I think it is appropriate to highlight here some of the most important contents:
1. The constitution of a group of archivists, duly prepared, guided by a director and a deputy director, who are in charge of the organization, classification and inventory, codification and "computerization", besides the conservation of the documentation contained in the Archive (article 4-14). Up to this point, everything - responsibility and work taxed, almost exclusively, on the backs of a single person.
2. The division of the documentary material, made for practical reasons, into four sections: Historical file, Deposit file, Current file and File of reserved processes (article 15-16).
3. The detailed regulations for consulting the Archive (articles 17-27). In the letter of promulgation, the Rector Major determines the opening of the Archive to the consultation of all the scholars who request it, following the rules of the Regulation, until 1931, the year of the death of the third successor of Don Bosco.
4. The program of organization of the documentation contained in the Archive, which includes, above all: 1) census of all documents (registration and sealing); 2) collecting each document in numbered boxes and assigning a classification code, which refers to the classification plan of the Archive, and a placement number, which determines the identity of each document; 3) the entry of each document in the Archive; 4) the classification.
"Cf. ACG (1985) 48-49 The Regulation is following the letter (pages 50-56) When referring to this Regulation in the manual for the Provincial (L'Ispettore Salesiano: a minister per l ' animazione e il governo della comunta ispettoriale, Rome, Direzione Generale Opere Don Bosco 1987), Appendix 13 (p.547-558) confirms and updates the indications for provincial and local archives given by Don Ricaldone in 1943 (cf. note 5).
"However, as the problem of the single" protocol "for all sectors of the General House has not yet been fully resolved (nor is there, on the other hand, a Regulation prescribing, among other things, a more or less uniform to deliver the closed files), the Central Archive continues to have, in a contiguous place, a file that is, at the same time, a deposit and a current file (Reg., article 15, paragraph 3-4).
This important work proceeded, with all the cautions due to being the first in this field, on three fronts at the same time. First of all, the Archive had to be prepared as such to such an important company. It was about solving the old problem of the separation of the historical Archive from the current Archive. This was done: 1) reducing the entries of the dispatches to the Archive to those established in the Regulation (Re g., Article 36) every six or twelve years and, in any case, when the processes are concluded and, therefore, not remove them again from the Archive or "inflate them"; 20 2) extracting, with a work that has lasted a total of about two years, all the folders and documentation of the Salesians alive, to form an ordinary Archive on purpose, completely new , located in an adjoining room and dependent on the General Secretariat and, in any case, completely independent and outside the Central Salesian Archive; 3) numbering all the boxes containing the documents, 2 'so that each of them can be assigned an individual number that refers to the box and the "shirt" or envelope in which it is.
The allocation of an individual alphanumeric abbreviation exclusive of placement to each document distinguishes the latter from any other and is the means to find it in the mass of documents preserved (about 2,500,000). The search should be done not as before, making local reference to the classification, but through the computer, making reference to the placement. Therefore, the procedures that have been entered will not be dismantled by placing the documents in different boxes according to the received classification, but will remain intact as they were deposited and will receive the initials of placement through which they can be found. This way it will be possible to consult, according to the usual norms and with the advantages that each historian knows the documentation exactly as it entered the Archive.
Meanwhile a system had been developed, unique for the Archive and for the General Secretariat, by assigning an alphanumeric code (with no more than six letters or figures) to both the houses and the Salesians since the beginning of the Congregation until today. It was the first step in the drafting of the document classification plan. This one received his last
20 This has required a long work of compulsation and revision of the names of the brothers, living and deceased, each of whom - to avoid all kinds of confusion and future misunderstandings - is contrasted with his own exclusive "alphanumeric code" (no more than 6 figures or letters). The "code" (eg 78A001) begins with two digits and a letter that refer to the year of entry into the Congregation (78A = 1878; 78B = 2078 etc.); they follow three figures, with which they are progressively indicated, from one onwards (001, 002, 003 etc.), the brothers who in that year entered the Congregation.
21 The numbering of the boxes goes from A000 to A999 in the first thousand; from Z000 to Z999 in the 25th thousand. In the numbering from 26 ° to 50 ° thousand the letter is passed at the end: 000A-999A, 000Z-999Z.
redaction on May 31, 1988 and constitutes the point of reference for the signing through the computer of the Central Salesian Archive.
While in the previous plan the titles were ten, now they have become twenty-three. They start with a letter of the alphabet, except those that refer to the brothers, who start, instead, by a number.
If the Archive had had the normal vicissitudes and difficulties in any other Archive, if it had been possible to have a sufficient record of it, perhaps we would not have embarked on the adventure of the process by computer. It is such that, at first, it discourages anyone. But we have not repented, although the road that has to be traveled is long. It would be even more so if we wanted to use traditional means to manage such a File.
Prepared the plan and fixed the placement and numbering of the documents, after a few months of filming, began the memorization (input) for each document (which can be a simple folio of notes or a set of sheets or pages), of the following information: Placement, Classification, Type of document, Date, Place of origin, Author (s), Recipient (s), Title / Summary, Support, No. of pages / pages, Presentation, Authenticity (Originals / Autographs), Publication (Yes / No), Search keys (refer to the classification plan: 32 possibilities).
The number of documents, calculated on the basis of 6,700 existing boxes in the Archive, each of which contains an average of 400 documents, is approximately 2,500,000. Calculating the number of voices for each document and the amplitude of some of them (eg, Title / Summary, search keys ...) one can make an idea of the work and vastness of the task undertaken. The memorization of the "Don Bosco Fund" has been started: it is about 30,000 documents and it will end only in five years.
The advantages of this system are those presented by any signature (census,
ordination, placement, classification) and personnel savings, speed, accuracy and possibility of a type of search (univocal or crossed with two or more voices or fields) unthinkable with the traditional systems. It also guarantees the security of finding any document memorized by 99%.
While progress is being made in this task, the Archive remains open to the consultation of scholars, and archivists, even with this serious commitment, lend themselves generously to helping them find the documentation they need and, frequently, in their reading and interpretation. And in the meantime, I am pleased to reiterate from this prestigious rostrum that availability, and I ask for understanding for possible oversights and, above all, delays.
Émile POULAT
The Church lives and has lived in the present. But it is not a prey to it: the present is not its limit or its horizon; it is rather his condition. According to the formula of Vatican II, the Church is situated "in the world of this time," our contemporary, who walks at the pace of the men who model it.
To say Don Bosco is to say the last century, his time, difficult for the Church, and in that aspect very similar to ours and, nevertheless, very diverse. Another world, of which we can not give an idea of truth. A world gone under the onslaught of two world wars and pressing technical transformations.
Don Bosco and the Church in the world of his time: I would not want to repeat here what historians know even too well, I mean, the vicissitudes of the great conflict between the Roman Church and modern society, the feeling of incompatibility puts one against the other with the same intransigence, without conciliation or reconciliation imaginable. The intelligence and generosity that a situation like that raises among Catholics so as not to be let down, to reconquer the lost ground and put things back where they can.
I intend to trace some clues to reflection and research at more modest levels, on which the research has still ventured too little.
Political and religious history have shown themselves to be sensitive to the forces they were facing and to the internal and external conflicts that resulted from that opposition. Less attention has been paid, on the other hand, to the interests and all that constituted the putting into play of that struggle, except in their ideological translations. A category can help us, a term that is not new, which is, on the contrary, a current and classic category: that of culture, civilization.
Today we are already very sensitive to the pluralism of cultures and the history of civilizations. Anthropological curiosity and international evolution have helped us in this regard.
We remember that there was an era of Christianity and a dream of Christian civilization, updated from Lamennais to Maritain, if we can put it that way. The meeting of Christianity and these civilizations we see according to the mode of acculturation or inculturation; we think of Christianity as a meeting achieved within its limits and we think of Christian civilization as an increasingly problematic ideal. We deplore the clash of cultures that accompanies, with its destructive effects, the dissemination in the world of Western models. Christianity is not, however, certainly - or is not already - the image that the internal history of our European countries leaves us for two centuries until today.
And yet, that was precisely the time of a clash of cultures, like a frontal blow between two continents: a Kulturkampf It was the irruption that came to make a new civilization, based on reason, science, progress and democracy in the land of ancient Catholic civilization or, more generally, Christian.
This conflict is divided by us, or we interpret it. We evoke a climate of anticlerical hostility, a double process of secularization and dechristianization before which Catholicism reacts with a project of restoration of a Christian social order: a Church, in a word, with a look at the past and another in the future, but, in any case, strange and refractory to the present.
Our vision has been changing as the situation evolved and the figure of time, the relationship between the forces, the forms of struggle were modified. But this necessary realism has acted in our memory and our understanding of the past. And it is not just a night of memories that comes to lie on top, but it is the verdict of a trial. And severe. We ask the intelligence that we have now of the present and the surrounding world the key to understand what has preceded us. In such a game, one's own soul and one's identity are lost very soon. One becomes the color of the past. And it happens that this also worries us and then comes the time to accept a difficult lucidity.
I have had experience of this on the occasion of the centenary of the death of Fr. Emmanuel d'Alzon (1810-1880), founder of the Assumptionists, in the colloquium that I had to moderate on that occasion. A restricted colloquium, in which a hundred religious men and women of the Assumption met with about fifteen historians. An essential question - "How is it possible today to be a spiritual descendant of a founder like him, how can you be faithful to his spirit, to his message?" - hit the wall of university knowledge. And what congregation founded last century has not had to solve this question on its own account?
At that time it was reasoned by massive oppositions: Black Italy and White Italy, the two «Francias» (Voltaire and M. Homais and San Luis, Joan of Arc and the Crusaders). More profoundly, there remained an Augustinian interpretation of history, elevated above the two cities, an interpretation of which the Enlightenment maintained a secular controversy. The nineteenth century was more anti-Catholic, and even anti-Roman, than truly irreligious. Never before had there been such a proliferation of new Christianities, of prophets, of messiahs, of founders of religions, the greatest of the ephemeral times; their common inspiration was always the search for a religion of humanity, which could not appear to the followers of historical Christianity except as blasphemy, aberration and contradiction in its terms.
Within the Catholic Church, the response was generally ambivalent. On the one hand, he still felt in a dominant position, because of his position in the institutions and in the number of faithful that he had. On the other hand, however, he had gone through a revolution for which he had to pay a high price. The Church felt threatened by a protean and omnipresent enemy, who patiently undermined and corroded its influence; an enemy who acted in the open, but who also plotted in the shadow of sects and secret societies. How could you think of im commitment, a compromise, a conciliation? The cynical possible rule was intransigence, with the discipline and concentration that often accompany it.
Una intransigencia así se funda también en varías ambigüedades. La primera pone al descubierto una relación de incertidumbre. La Iglesia se siente todavía en posición mayoritaria, expuesta al riesgo permanente de perder un día — ¿próximo o lejano? — esa posición para despertarse en minoría; pero al mismo tiempo se siente ya aquí y allí minoritaria. La segunda es una cuestión de valoración. ¿Cómo se puede pertenecer al propio tiempo, a lin tiempo que parte de puntos inaceptables, rechazando toda nostalgia por lo que ya ha pasado definitivamente? ¿Y cómo tener en cuenta los hechos pasados sin legitimar al mismo tiempo el juego de la violencia y el derecho del más fuerte en la historia, sin sacrificar un pasado que fue grande y que sigue siendo respetable; sin, en una palabra, renegar de sí mismos?
De aquí las incertidumbres, las perplejidades, las divisiones y las contradicciones entre los católicos. En los extremos se encontrarán, por una parte, una intransigencia blanda, modulada — los católicos liberales que invocan la hipótesis oficial sin renegar de la tesis en marcha — y, por otra, una intransigencia paroxística, activada — los católicos «apocalípticos», que ponen la tesis común dentro de una hipótesis sobrenatural, más segura a sus ojos que la liberal: venganza divina, penitencia y arrepentimiento, profecías y visiones, grandes y pequeñas maniobras satánicas, catástrofes sangrientas y terribles.'
! Por ejemplo, la profecía de Prémol, que tanto se ha divulgado: «Quels sont ces bruits de guerre et d'épouvante qu'apportent les quatre vents? Le dragon s'est jeté sur tous les Etats et y porte la plus effroyable confusion. Les hommes et les peuples sont levés les uns contre les autres. Guerre! Guerre! Guerres civiles, guerres étrangéres. Quels chocs effroyables! ». Por «dragón» hay
Los segundos elevaban la voz, alzaban el tono, cargaban las dosis. Un clima de este género hacía cada vez menos posible la linea de los católicos liberales, reforzando la oposición católica a la modernidad, endureciendo la identidad católica, facilitando el cierre de filas y la movilización de las fuerzas católicas. En una palabra, hizo neta la división de los campos. Hizo sentir su peso en la relación de fuerzas, sin hacer avanzar la solución de los problemas y empujando al campo contrario a los católicos — numerosos — que veían de otro modo la sociedad moderna y lo que en ella podía ser una vida religiosa.
I make an allusion here to the henchmen of what I have called bourgeois Catholicism, different from liberal Catholicism in the fact that they did not admit their intransigent thesis. For him, Christian faith and life are, above all, facts of conscience, a matter of private and family order. Only the influence of the individual has the right to act in society. Thus, in the nineteenth century, two types of Catholicism, reciprocally irreducible, were established, of which the Roman Church recognized only one, while the second had to remain unknown to historians and sociologists, given the initial impossibility of identifying it. What was known about it casually is far from making us understand its real importance. '
At the antipodes of a testimonial religion and a conquering apostolate, this interior Christianity, dry and reserved, rather than defining a category, points out a temperament.3
It could even reach a mystical life, of which we have numerous testicles to understand the "revolution" » Cf. also the investigation initiated by PG CAmmiaz, 11 diavolo, Rome e la rivoluzione, in «Rivista di Storia e Letteratura Religiosa» 3 (1972) 485-516.
2 Is it necessary to repeat that this "bourgeois Catholicism" is not the religion of the entire bourgeoisie, nor of the bourgeoisie itself, but is the conception of the role and place of religion that appeared with the bourgeois spirit and was developed by this, in intimate symbiosis with your economic activity? Max Weber had associated the latter with the Protestant ethic: in this sense, bourgeois Catholicism is an authentic Protestantism from within. The Catholic rigorism that surpassed Jansenism was an expression and a vehicle of it, beyond its place of origin. Alfonsianism and Salesianism were a late antidote to the former in the very environment of its origin. Only a positive and biographical research can get us out of generic affirmations and give the model a historical and spiritual equivalent. B.
3 "Au plus profond et au plus pur de us coeurs fidéles, nous tendons tous a une religion sans église, sans sculpture et sans peinture": the observation is of the Dominican PA Couturier, precursor of the renewal of religious art. Cf. La vérité blessée, Paris, Plon 1984, p. 311. Of such externalities between two cultures we could look for a testimony in a recent best-seller of a rural parish priest of Normandy: B. ALEXANDRE, Le horsain, Paris, Plon 1988 (in the collection "Terne Humaine" directed by J. Malaurie) . He has spent his life in Pays de Caux, observing the customs and traditions of its inhabitants to his liking; but the "foreigner" always remains for them: a tradition that has not changed much as much as one can go back in time, a Catholicism that, on the other hand, has changed a lot since the last generation, and peasants who seem to have no inner life. Evidently, the author has not read Maupassant, which presents a completely different image of these peasants; but that he felt, between them, like at home.
raoníos. More frequently, it was a religion of silent convictions and practices marked between the cradle and the grave, in which, however, "the priest does not enter"; The priest was not asked to "play his part". And yet, it is this faith, shared, despite a background of divergences on the place that should be given, which explains the long persistence of a moral common to the "two camps". And it is precisely the acceptance of this morality that allows Jules Ferry in France, in 1882, to make lay programs of public primary education. He is convinced that it is possible to suppress the religious foundations of morality without impairing its imperative force and its social evidence. The teacher, after the same as before, will continue teaching "the good old moral of our parents, ours, yours,
A single identical moral? It would be necessary to begin to distinguish between a moral coming from the Enlightenment, not very widespread yet, privilege of a select social group, and the moral of the Decalogue, founded on the Judeo-Christian tradition, on which Le Play and Ferry were in agreement, adversaries in the rest: «Be obedient, do not tell lies, do not steal, do not kill». However, here too, Catholic morality and secular morality could be well distinguished (the French Parliament will soon make the experience by voting in 1884 on the laws that introduced divorce). The first, even abandoning the previous rigorism, certainly did not become less strict and demanding, to the point of distancing the faithful from the confessional. She wanted to be stern and austere, which allowed her to judge the other easier and more accommodating. This is, however, a unilateral point of view, that an investigation on the secular moral - Cinderella of our studies - will have to rectify. The latter, in fact, also had its sensitive points, on which it was not willing to give way and in which it could find pascalian accents to whip up the Catholic laxity. Each of the two has, in short, its particular profile. What else can we say?
On these issues, the lack seems general. We know well the various systems of moral philosophy formed throughout the past century. The history of customs, between modes of action and mentality, seems to attract vocations and begins to display its curiosity. But the intermediate space remains to be filled completely. Outside of any theorization, what ethical energies move those social groups that sometimes clash so harshly over ideas and interests? How do they feel indebted to the faith and morals of the Catholic Church? Do all descend from one and the same understanding of Christianity?
For a long time the divergence seemed subtle: one knew that one differed on the beliefs, but they felt to participate of the same moral one. Ethnologists and sociologists will not scratch this widespread conviction: it shows, it is true, that our moral is not universal, that we need to relativize it through the history of cultures and civilizations, but it still stands that has taught them the way He who does nothing but precede them. In fact, the divergence will be consolidated as this universality is ceded, as new situations make traditional schemes jump and new problems come to provoke conflicting answers, for example, between the morality of the Church and the legislation of the State.
Immorality and amorality (two recent terms: 1845 and 1907 for the French) are listed as perversions or singularities. Each man, his morality, according to the way he has to see the world, society, others; a mode more or less capable of analysis, more or less internalized. This morality can not be reduced, from above, to the ideology of which, on the other hand, it is inseparable. Very specifically, it is a deontology, a knowledge received about what should be done according to the moments and circumstances to behave in society according to the laws of common living. Belongs to the heritage of this community, its culture; In this sense, there is truly a moral culture that structures the personality of its members.
Like the Roman Church, modern states have cherished the dream of unifying the particularisms of every order existing within them. Neither that nor they have achieved it perfectly: they have had to reach agreements, channel this inner diversity. But this and these have had, in addition, to face an unforeseen problem: political, social and religious internal dissensions appeared after the great revolutionary storm that for forty years (1775-1815) shook the foundations of old Christianity, from the Americas to Russia. France was only the most dramatic epicenter. The Restoration failed to restore the past, and the Vienna treaty was the record of the events. Everything had changed, but nothing had been resolved, and the news kept reminding him,
In this game, the Church was implied by two titles: as Church, with its spiritual power, and as Papacy, by the temporal power over its own States. The Revolution, already situated in the most intimate and at the origin of modern society, presented itself at the same time as radical evil and as the absolute enemy. As Donoso Cortés will write, the Revolution drags blind blind humanity into a labyrinth from which no one knows the entrance or the layout. And Newman: "No medium between Catholicity and Atheism." The most serious and most worrying atheism is not then that of individuals who profess the denial of God; it is, on the other hand, the "social atheism", that of States and Governments that refuse to recognize the rights of God over society, the social kingdom of Jesus Christ and the public place without equal of his Church;
From this moment, history forces a decisive option. It puts everyone before an immense and inevitable «or ... or ...». Or Christ and his Church, or the Revolution with two literary variants: o Christ or the gun, or Christ or nothing. The Revolution ends in anarchy and nihilism. It began in liberalism and these have given rise to socialism; the "o ... o ..." is accompanied by a radical "ni ... ni ...": neither liberalism, nor socialism. The first is the error-father, who could drag the deception to the best, but today, crushed and submerged in the second, has no future. The great challenge, the decisive battle is now announced between socialism and Catholicism.
In 1866, Bishop Dupanloup, Bishop of Orléans, liberal of fame, had published a pastoral letter On the evils and signs of the times. Pius IX thanked her with a short compliment:
In your letter you have described and deplored, with strength that equals reason, the innumerable evils, worthy of all our tears, which in these calamitous times afflict and disturb the Catholic Church and human society so lamentably. You illustrate, strongly condemning it, the hateful war that the unbelievers of all places have declared to God, to his Church and to the holy doctrine. So have the condemned sects and the makers of revolutions. With pain you enumerate and stigmatize the guilty and innumerable maneuvers, the dangerous opinions, the errors, the perverse doctrines with which these enemies of God and of Humanity, daring persecutors of all truth and all justice, would want - if they could - to ruin the Catholicism, shake the foundations of civil society, corrupt the spirits,
Faithful picture of a state of mind and a perception of the situation very extended then. Four years later, the taking of Rome, the end of temporal power, will take place and the Pope will be "prisoner" in the Vatican. The following year, the commune of Paris. The Catholic conscience will be strongly marked by these two dramatic events that "also inaugurate a new phase of laicization of society." 4 Mons. Dupanloup is on the trail of a true and proper retraction, and manages to overcome Donoso Cortés in his criticism. to the new liberals, as attested by a second pastoral letter, the same year of 1866, on atheism and social danger:
I know you, you and your moral aspirations. If tomorrow becomes your advantage, it will be the principle that triumphs; if tomorrow it turns against you, it will be the enemies: let's throw on them without mercy!
He is accused of chaquetero, of burning what he had worshiped. And yet, it is not like that: he does not deny his hopes. He confesses his disappointment and explains the reasons he has for it, highlighting the misunderstanding about modern society. This is not for everyone what it has always meant for him: "civil equality and just liberty, respected power, European peace and its
It is the reaction of mons. Roncalli, future Pope John XXBIE, then nuncio in Sofia, in a letter to the sister, on February 24, 1929, after the agreements of Lateran, and of the Conciliation that put an end to the thorny Roman question: «Le Seigneur soit Béni! Tout ce la francmagonnerie, c'est-a-dire le Diable, ont entrepris depuis soixante ans contre l'Eglise et le Pape en Italie a été réduit à néant "(Lettres á ma famille, Paris, Ed. Du Cerf 1969, p 195).
fertile works, the moral and material improvement of the condition of the workers, of the peasants and the poor, the dignity of the customs, the approach of the spirits and of the hearts in the Christian civilization ». A Catholic liberalism is clearly seen, tempered by an intransigence of principle that remains intact and that the hard lessons of experience put again in the foreground:
No, I do not attack modern society, I tremble rather for the future society. .. We had all had a beautiful dream. Everyone, whatever our origin, whatever our inclinations might have been, we seemed to sail together towards a wonderful land, promised to our efforts and which we called 19th century, modern society ...
And I also accuse! I ask the powerful what they have done about freedom; I ask the sophists how they interpret it. I ask the enriched ones what they have done with the loan; I ask opulent youth and those favored by fortune what they have done to the dignity of customs. I ask the corrupting press what has become of the word, if it has been given to pervert or to enlighten. I ask the many who believe themselves to be representatives of modern society, why they make it supportive with their chimeras and their impieties ...
And I shout, and I accuse you, those who have changed my dream into a terrible nightmare ...
In this public space called society, a truly Catholic space is designed in such a way that it ceases to be identified with it as the principle of national confessionalism - cuius regio eius et religi o - has been yielding to the imperative of modern liberties. , the one of conscience and the religious one in the first place. This Catholic space is structured by a double polarity: one positive and one negative; a weak pole with weak attraction and a strong pole with strong repulsion. Between them, a permanent tension and a swinging oscillating movement. The Syllabus, of 1864, will symbolize the acme of the non possumus of the Church to modernity, and will constitute the great reference - the Magna Charta - of the Catholic social movement that will be developed under Leo XIII.
In its grand lines, this historical process is now well documented; and many monographs, of all kinds, have come to illustrate it. What remains dark is what happens along this continuous movement of attraction-repulsion that self-conserves without ever stopping; the transformations that take place in this great Catholic body without suffering its internal structure, nor its relative position, nor its doctrinal orientation. This time, motionless on the surface, has motivated for many years the equivocal feeling of an immobile Church, vulnerable in its earthly platform, but inaccessible in its substance to the accidents of history. Just as it has disguised the incessant elementary movement of action and reaction that animates in its own way each of its members and torments it in its own body, distracting us from the modifications in
P
rofundidad that sooner or later had to appear. What is changing in the Church little by little is the state of its culture: guarded, framed, protected whatever is wanted by the Catholic authorities, but also exposed to all the influences that soak the Christian people. The Catholic space is not a closed space in itself. No watertight compartment manages to isolate it. The negative character of the judgment given by the Church to the principles that govern civil and political society does not succeed in attracting it to a world flight or interrupting reciprocal exchanges with the world outside it. The Church gives and receives. I could not live in this world without that exchange because, first of all, I would betray its mission, its reason for being here below.
From this exchange it will suffice to remember only what derives from the initiative and from Catholic generosity or, on the contrary, the failures and crises that put the air to an imminent insufficiency, an exaggerated attraction for dangerous companies; an exchange that - authentic communicatio in culture - needs to be studied in itself. This communication supposes a pair in opposition: on the one hand, a common culture that allows communication; on the other, on that basis, two cultures that face each other, separated by their own character. Throughout the nineteenth century, if on the one hand the Catholic culture manages to maintain itself, there is a whole new culture that also manages to be constituted, outside and against it, the so-called liberal, secular or modern, depending on the case, waiting for that another third, the socialist, especially the workers, will develop
All roads lead to Don Bosco, and this one in particular: I knew it since I undertook it, without suspecting that it was going to be so long. I chose it thinking about everything that the radiant personality and the great work of Don Bosco could make us forget: not so much the incomprehension and resistances that it had to endure, as its deep causes, this emancipated culture of Christianity, which was its land of cultivation . We are facing an important phenomenon, very neglected, undervalued and poorly studied. I will take a late, but suggestive example: the crime of congregation, in France, at the beginning of this century, in the climate of anticlericalism that in 1905 led to the separation of Church and State.
The Franco-Galician tradition in this matter goes back to the Ancien Régime: I
refer to my work Modernistica cap. 111: "Le Catholicisme commits culture", and chap. IV: «Catholicisme et modernité», Paris, Nouvelles Éditions Latines 1982.
every religious congregation had to be authorized. The Revolution sprouted the votes and suppressed the congregations. These begin to reappear in the Empire and, later, in the Restoration. But the rule follows: congregations have to be authorized. Five congregations were immediately approved: Lasallians (brothers of the Christian Schools), Spiritists, Vincentians, Sulpicians and foreign missions in Paris. Until today they are still the only ones authorized. The others remained de facto congregations, tolerated by successive governments.
After 1880, with the arrival of an anti-clerical republican majority, the open war continued with the tacit commitment: the "secular laws" follow each other, the congregations jump to the forefront. Two decrees of the government (1901 and 1902) oblige the congregations to regularize their situation with a request for authorization on which one of the two Chambers should decide. They decide on the behavior they must adopt: among men, 61 accept and 68 reject it. The prime minister, Emile Combes, forms two groups: 54 petitions are sent to the deputies, who reject them in block without examining them; 6 go to senators who undertake a thorough survey.6
In the then prevailing climate, being in the Senate to be heard by the senators was a privilege and almost a testimony of benevolence. Two missionary congregations (among them, the White Fathers), two contemplative congregations (the Cîteaux of Citeaux and de Lerins), a hospital congregation (the brothers of St. John of God) and, finally, the Salesians enjoyed the privilege. The president of the commission was Clémenceau. Before following the guidelines of the government, the commission expurgated, verified, made domiciliary records, discussed. A yes modulated to the first five, a non-global to the Salesians: 10 votes against 4 in the commission, 158 against 98 in plenary session.
The Salesians had been in France since the 75s, and had opened some twenty houses (of which two in Algeria). They had prudently secularized eight; They requested, therefore, twelve authorizations. As they appeared with the strength of almost 250 works in Europe and South America, the government saw them as "one of the most powerful congregations in the world", and "their spirit of expansion, which some call invasion and hoarding", inspired by a "cosmopolitanism foreign to the French soul" was a concern.
Historians will not be surprised at this rancid "chauvinism" in the face of Italian immigration (racism has taken its place and perpetuated its tradition), but because this fact at the state level is not an everyday matter. But it is but a feature of hostility towards the Salesians:
We are undoubtedly among those who believe that, like science, charity has no homeland and we would not put any obstacle to the development of a humanitarian work.
6 The 61 'congregation - one small provincial congregation dedicated to the care of the sick - had an unexpected destiny: their documentation was linked to that of the homologous female congregation.
just because it comes from a foreign country. But it should be an authentic work of charity; character that the work of the Salesians does not seem to have.
Much noise and few nuts: this is the secret of their pseudoorfanatos.
Each of them is in a building that, like everything else, comes from public charity: it is maintained, first and foremost with pensions, both those paid by the family, as well as by charitable people (lao gratuity is so exceptional, that it can be said that it does not even exist) and p the product of the work of the boys and, mind, of alms and subscriptions.
The child is exploited: it is demanded of 'é1 - and in deplorable conditions of hygiene and salubrity - an overproduction; In addition, he is specialized so that, when leaving, he does not have, in practice, any trade. Add that it costs almost nothing, because your pension is paid by third parties; and, therefore, it is a pure source of income. Thanks to the gratuity of the workforce, to the amount of work produced due to an exaggerated specialization, to the fiscal advantages obtained by its charitable association status, it is easy to understand the complaints that occur in all areas in that these works work. Depending on the occasion, typographers, publishers (and what about publishers! All their publications are directed against our institutions), wine merchants, liquors, pharmaceutical products, their economic activity is disastrous;
Affected by the gravity of these claims, the senatorial commission felt obliged to verify them. The religious who were heard failed to be sufficiently persuasive. The Treasury claimed the fees due and not paid. The prefects issued an unfavorable opinion or abstained. Ten municipal councils spoke in favor, but without discussion and without giving reasons. During the visit, the works offered an unequal situation: good in Paris and deplorable in three cases.
Two main complaints summarize the situation, one economic and the other political. «The charitable appearance» conceals «a commercial and industrial enterprise», at the same time encouraging a harsh incitement to civil war. «Many good people and among the least hostile to the congregants in general» gathered «to restore to the Salesians of Don Bosco their true face of monks who hide and nourish their appetites and their commercial instincts under the cloak of religion and disinterestedness charitable":
We must not be afraid to affirm it, because this is the pure truth. Yes, the Salesians of Don Bosco have opened workshops, works of Oratory where, under the skillful guidance of expert teachers, they teach the young people entrusted to them a trade. It is true that they manage to make these young people excellent workers. This is not what we reject. But we can also affirm with certainty that at the end of two or three years of apprenticeship or practice, these apprentices become workers capable not only of making the congregation recover the expenses that teaching has meant, but also of offering economic advantages. with the work they do on their own in the following years.
Saviors of lost childhood? Youth educators? Viewed closely, his aura dissipates. There remains his banal, ordinary aspect of industrialists who seek the benefit of the masters over the employees. With many advantages compared to the lay industry: the gifts of the pious souls, a regime of community life with reduced material demands, low salaries, wide tax exemption. «Do not be delusional, the Salesians! This situation of combat, of struggle, which they have adopted against the secular industry, in the world of work, has contributed not a little to alienate them the sympathies that, on the other hand, could accompany them today ».
On the political level, there would be no doubt for anyone reading a collection of "Lectures Catholiques", monthly booklets published by the Salesian Bookshop, and in Italy, for close to fifty years before. An example, from August 1899, after the acquittal of Fratel Flamidien, in jail for five months, under slanderous accusation, and subjected to "moral tortures that overcome the refined cruelty and physical torment of the ancient Neros":
Did he come by end the hour of God? Freemasonry is defeated by the war waged against the teaching of the congregations. The Great East falls down in the Great West !! Howl if you want, jackals: your defeat will not be less complete!
[...] Freemasons have suffered misfortune in their departure against the hyssop; Will they be less fortunate in their fight against the sword? They have not managed to start the sentence for Fratel Flamidien. Will they now be able to snatch an absolution for Dreyfus? Ah, what a deplorable thing! And how cleverly the Hebrews have managed to weave their woven ...
In this way of writing we can deduce the way in which the Salesians were defended by their friends. A combative style that called Combes «Tartufo», «treacherous priest», who saw in his bill nothing less than a defamatory libel, which had to be kicked, covered with ignominy for its perfidy ... If Dom Chautard, abbot of Sept-Fonds, had managed to convince Clémenceau and earn his esteem, that was certainly not denigrating his enemies, but extolling the secular work of the Trappists in favor of the country, in the most unpleasant situations. In these conditions, the verdict arrives. The great successes obtained by the Salesians in the exhibitions does not prevent his work from being "simply for profit motive", without deserving gratitude or favor, since "anybody" and "outside any congregation" could do the same.
We must recognize the senators the seriousness and loyalty with which they made that statement. Nothing allows to doubt it. To begin by disqualifying them as sectarian and perfidious is to radically prevent us from understanding what happened; it is to replace our good conscience - the conviction of being in the truth and of doing good - by attention to the world and the society that surrounds us; is to close ourselves to all possible and necessary analyzes; is to grant us undue and, after all, burdensome facilities.
Cf. Journal Projets de lois, propositions et rapports. Sénat. Séance du 22 juin 1903, p. 468-471 (annex n '. 192).
And yet, in this investigation, this debate and its conclusions raise questions. In the background missing valuation elements. There are no figures: neither of alms, nor of salaries, nor of expenses, nor of presumed benefits. Whether or not there was control of the accounting of the works, we totally ignored how that accounting was carried out. At the very least, the rapid expansion of the Salesians and the evident quality of their facilities can be interpreted as external signs of their prosperity.
The political interference is nothing more than an aggravating circumstance. The "congregants" have a solid reputation as opponents of the Republic. The accusation of employer exploitation of abandoned youth derives less from a real interest in it than from its immediate consequences: an economic competition that distorts market laws, penalizing industrialists and merchants who do not enjoy this advantage. The investigation has not discovered any other accusation: neither on the part of the families, neither on the part of the apprentices, nor on the part of the teachers of the workshop. If we are at what appears, the Salesians respond to needs and manage to give them satisfaction. If in it not all agree, it is due to the fact that they clash with interests. They could have been forgiven for the fact that they behaved like masters to their employees if the real masters had not had to suffer their disloyal effects. Salesian morality ignores and injures the deontology of businessmen.
Church and bourgeoisie: new episode of a never resolved dispute, of a periodically agitated history, of a sometimes tumultuous antagonism.8
Ideology versus ideology, principles against principles, it is clear; but also culture against culture. Political culture, with all evidence; but even more general culture, of a somewhat social genre, that is not learned in school, a culture that, on the other hand, is the concrete way of living the daily vicissitudes of existence and that must be reflected day by day. In our case, for the Salesians, the experience and the horizon of a popular environment steeped in tradition and Catholic spirit, at the antipodes of the secular republican ideals lived by an enlightened and progressive bourgeoisie.
The investigation revealed, outside Paris, "deplorable hygiene and sanitation conditions." It's possible; more likely. But according to what criteria? Not a single word is said. In contrast, perhaps, with public institutions, which are not even mentioned here? Or is it just a reflection of gentlemen who are accustomed to a better way of life? What could the young people who were staying there think, based on the experience they could have about it in their homes? And who cared for them and who cared best?
8 I must refer at this point to my book: Église contre Bourgeoisie, Paris, Casterman 1977.
These are very specific questions that our documentation suggests and we do not know how to respond to. Our focus is on the problems and conflicts that are generated and their development continues. But how are these great clashes gestated in the depths of the social body? This mysterious alchemy that operates in ordinary human relationships requires curiosities not yet sufficiently awakened.
One last question remains: the hostility that manifests itself here towards the Salesians, is it a typically French fact? Is it in Italy and elsewhere? Is it based on the same reasons? And if it has not happened in other countries, what is the reason? It seems that the reactions were everywhere complex and can not be summarized in Turin, Fiat and Agnelli. The same Catholic environments are not unanimous either.
«We have overcome a certain triumphalism, of other times», said recently the vicar of the Salesians of Lyon, author of a story of the Salesians.9 No doubt; was necessary. But, attention to the concomitant risk of losing their understanding, of judging anachronically or paradoxically, like the senators, without getting to understand them better.
Two mentalities of an era collided, each convinced of its own right. Our age is far from both, and we realize that it is better that way. But would not it be even better if we knew how to assume that past without complexes, without exclusions, without disqualifications, and integrate it into our present?
Today the passions seem already appeased, judging by the unanimous tribute that has surrendered to the founder of the Salesians in this year 1988. It would be very beautiful. Let's say that they have moved ...
«Saint John Bosco: a life full of boys» which is «an immense cry of the heart inspired by the Gospel». This was the title, on March 25, 1988, "Pélerin Magazine", a French Catholic weekly more than a hundred years old, of which Don Bosco could witness the first steps in the last years of his life. An example always alive and contagious at the service of youth, as witnessed throughout the world by his religious family. Numerous, impressive, efficient performances ...
What voice out of tune would dare to spoil this concert of praise? And yet, what an infinite distance separates us from what Don Braido described as the operative project of Don Bosco and l'utopia della societa cristiana (1982)! Utopia, precisely, like that of Leo XIII, like all perspectives of "new Christianity" whose historical ideal was still flourishing. And also, eschatological utopia by nature.
9 Cf. M. Wirth in «L'Actualité Religieuse dans le Monde», February 1988, p. 36
The utopia of Don Bosco, with his conquering optimism, cut short the catastrophism that was nourished then a whole apocalyptic Catholic position. It was also distinguished from the model built by the Catholic movement since the 1970s. Without a doubt, all this was due to the personal choice that he had to make internally between the rigorism of his clerical formation and the Salesianism of his personal vocation.
Hence the new spirit that he instills in the heart of the Catholic world, to which he belongs with all its fibers. From his "intransigentismo" as from his modernity - false debates, pioneering perspectives, necessary distinctions - everything has already been said, and well said, F. Traniello, M. Guasco, P. Scoppola, P. Bairati. And I'm not going to go back on it. But it is precisely the new spirit of this Salesianism that we will never finish scrutinizing, in its secrets, in its virtues: a new, open and attractive face, of the traditional Catholic intransigence.
Juan María LABOA
Don Bosco was a man who clearly reflected the characteristics and peculiarities of the Restoration, anti-Jansenism and anti-Calicanism. Sufficient, probably, this shallow judgment, repeated by some of his best scholars to fit the figure and his edesiological thinking; But what does this statement mean, in fact, not only too general but, above all, susceptible to qualifications and interpretations of different caliber?
There are various factors that contributed to focus on the issue of authority the discussion of the acute problems posed to the Church by the postulates of the Enlightenment and the ravages caused by the Revolution in the various Churches. I will point out two that seem fundamental to me:
one. The realization that the Revolution left behind a lot of ruins, and the conviction that the chaos produced was a consequence, above all, of the rejection of the principle of authority or, at least, of having cast it into oblivion.
two. In the face of political, social and religious disorder, the man of the nineteenth century longed to obtain new guarantees of security in the cultural and religious field. From this approach it was easy to conclude with the conviction of the need for submission to the authority of the Church, and with renewed interest in an edesial centralization that would annihilate centrifugal movements. I would like to recall here two distinguished representatives of this position.
José de Maistre presented the papal authority as an inescapable postulate of the European restoration. His ecclesiological conception can be summarized in these two theses: first, the Church must be understood in total analogy with political society, and, second, the Church finds its full concentration and fulfillment in the Pope, and this infallible.
* This paper was written and read in Spanish by the author (nde).
Don Bosco cites this step in his Simia d'Italia and points out: "Nelle sovrania teniporali l'in
" There can be no human society without government, nor government without sovereignty, nor sovereignty without infallibility ". ' Probably, his approach was much more political than theological, and his interest in emphasizing the pontifical authority had clear antecedents in his rejection of whatever he remembered popular sovereignty, but his influence on the ultramontane ecclesiology was decisive.
I want to recall two of his statements which, one way or another, were to be repeated frequently throughout the century: "Pour faire court, voici mon sentiment: aux conciles le moins possible, aux papes le plus possible" .2 And this other: «Plus of Pape plus de souveraineté, plus of souveraineté, plus de foi» .3
Lamennais, for his part, considered that among other human societies, Christianity was the only perfect society, with its supreme authority, its dogmas and its laws. The denial of this supreme authority led necessarily to reject the Church and with it God himself. For him it was absurd to speak of an infallible Church if one does not admit, at the same time, the infallibility of the Pope, since only through a Pope who has to be infallible is he also. Here Lamennais endorsed the well-known phrase of St. Francis de Sales: "Le Pape et l'Ég, lise c'est tout un."
We could say that he summarized his doctrine of that early period with the statement repeated so often afterwards: "Point de Pape, point d'Église; point d'Église, point de christianisme; point de christianisme, point of religion, au moins pour tout peuple qui fut chrétien, et couple consequent point de societé ».4
Obviously, we could continue, but it seems sufficient in my attempt to delineate a point of reference for the ecclesiological formation of Don Bosco and those who in his time studied in most of the Italian seminaries. It was the traditionalism of the Restoration, of the sought-after and desired interpenetration between society and religion, religion and Church, Church and papacy. It is an ecclesiology that presents the image of the Church, paradigm of an organized society, governed by the hierarchy. Don Bosco writes: "La chiesa é la societa dei credenti governata dai propri pastori, sotto direzione del Sommo Pontefice", a definition parallel to that of the diocesan catechism of Turin of 1844; and in another occasion he summarizes his thought in an idea that will appear in a thousand different ways throughout his work:
Failure to do so supposta umanamente, the spirituale of the pope is divinely promessed "(G. Bosco, Opere e scritti editi e inediti, vol.If, Torino, SEI 1935, p.435).
2 Cited by C. LASTREILLE, Joseph de Maistre et la Papauté, Paris 1906, p. 170
3 J. DE MAISTRE, Lettres et opuscules inédites, vol. II, Lyon, A. Vaton 1851, p. 296. FR LAMENNAIS, Oeuvres complétes VII, Paris, Pagnerre 1844, p. 122. 132. 141.
Don Bosco used to recite the following prayer: "Father nostro, che sei ne 'cíeli, sia santificato il tuo nome, come il tuo regno, if dilati e trionfi la chiesa cattolica, the only vera chiesa di Gesu Christ, tutte le nazioni riconoscano i suoí diritti e quelli del suo Capo e dei suoi vescovi, tutti gli intelletti a lei aderiscano teacher as the only depository delle veritá rivelate, testimone divina della autenticitá ed autoritá del libra sacri, teacher infallibile degli uomini, giudice supreme inappellabile nelle questioni dottrinali. A lei tutte volontá obbediscano nell'osservanza delle sue leggi morali e disciplinari, anché Jopo le vittorie sulla terra entri to trionfare eternally nei cieli, colle moltitudini delle anime salvate ".5
As was common in the theology of the time, which ignored the eschatological significance of Jesus' preaching, it is taken for granted that the earthly Church is identified with the Kingdom of God. From this identification is born the spirit of triumph that constantly proclaims the victory of the Church over its adversaries. The vision of a Church without sin arises, neither errors nor historical failures.
For Don Bosco the edesial institution is absolutely solid and without fissures, characterized by its normativity. His guardianship extends not only to religious life, but also to social life, both in the diocesan sphere and in that of each parish.
The Church is presented as a monolithic group that proposes the immutable truth, without historical variations, transmitted in pure and uncontaminated form throughout the centuries. Other men and groups are in error and, therefore, do not have the rights enjoyed by the truth. The same Pius IX, in a phrase that can disconcert, but cinema expressed this dominant mentality affirmed that he wanted the freedom of cults where Catholicism was a minority, but could not admit it where it constituted the majority.6
It was the edesiology of the perfect societas, dominated by the center. doctrinal and disciplinary of the Roman Curia and closed to any opening or integration with the modern currents that were then represented by Rosmini, 7 Dupanloup, Manzoni, Newman, Sailer, Montalembert or Scheeben. Intransigent in political, religious and ecumenical matters, with a strong piety generally devotional type and with the theology of Roman schools as the only recognized interpreter of Catholic thought. On the whole, it seems to be about what we might call popular Catholicism, which, on the one hand, develops the devotional expressions of the faith more directed to fantasy than to reason, and, on the other hand, feeds the practical-social forms of ecclesiastical belonging. educational and assistance
• MB II, 272.
• "The Pope wants freedom of conscience in Russia, but not as a general principle" (G. MARTINA, The Church of Luther to our days, vol III, Madrid 1974, ID., Pius IX (1851-1866) Rome, Universitá Gregoriana 1986, page 329
'«D. Bosco, che venerava riel Rosmini the santitá of the priest, non condivideva neppure go minimum part that enthusiasm per il suo philosophical system »(MB XIII, 20).
For this reason, Don Bosco was clear on the issue of belonging to the Church, developing in his explanation the analogies of road, house, mother, ship, flock, body.8 That is, a compact, well organized, pyramidal, hierarchical And in this same direction, can help us in the understanding of this conception if we look at the images used to describe the Church: kingdom, monarchy, family.8 Bellarmino also used this approach: "ecclesia quasi status," and its influence it has lasted in some way almost to this day. A few years before his death, Don Bosco wrote: "Siccome nei regni della terra vi ha ordine, per cui si parte del sovrano e si segretaria a grado a grado but all' ultimo del sudditi, cosi nella Chiesa Cattolica esiste ordine, detto gerarchía ecclesiastica,
This Catholic Church constitutes the "only arca di salvezza", the only place where the doctrine of Jesus is maintained in its entirety, "the place where salvation can be found in an absolute and exclusive way, the only place where virtue is possible and Holiness.
The tendencies of rationalism, liberalism and pantheism, which exalted the value of the individual, and the various individualist postulates of pantheism opposes the Church "as the only ark of salvation", and as representative of God and endowed with divine authority. "No, outside this Church nobody can be saved; just as those who were not in the ark of Noah perished in the flood, so, says Jerome, inevitably perish who persists in living and dying separately from the Catholic, Apostolic, Roman Church, the only Church of Jesus Christ, the sole depository of the true religion »."
Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 125
9 «P. Suppose a famiglia che debba durare but alla fine del mondo, eat filler conservarsi? F. Questa famiglia conserverassi guando abbia semper un buon capo che la governi. P. Comprendete ora chi sia questa famiglia e chi ne sia il Capo? F. Enough, enough; I abominated capito ottimamente. Questa grande famiglia é la Chiesa, questo capo é fi Romano Pontefice "
(G. Bosco, II cattolico nel secolo, Trattenimenti famigliari ..., Torillo, Tip. E Libreria Salesiana 1883, page 138).
Ibid., P. 163 ss.
"" Voi dite che credete a Cristo ed al Vangelo, ma non é yero perché non credete a tutto quello che c'insegna Gesù Christ nel suo Vangelo, non credete alla sua Chiesa, non credete al Pontefice Romano stato da Gest 'Christ stesso stabilito per governare la Chiesa Inoltre permettendo voi ad ognuno la libera interpretazione del Vangelo di Gest 'Christ, aprite con ció a largo via all'errore, nel quale é quasi inevitabile fi cadere guidato only from his own Jume. Perció voi, or Protestanti, seven Come membri d'un corpo sena Capo, eat pecorelle sena pastore, eat discepoli sena maestro, separati dalla fonte della vita che é G. Christ »([G. Bosco], La Chiesa Cattolica-Apostolica-Romana and the only vera Chiesa di Gesú Cristo, Torillo, Tipografia Speirani e Ferrero 1850, pages 17-18.
Don Bosco wrote a lot about the Church: he dedicated twenty-two books and pamphlets to this theme, in addition to the twenty-four writings of history in which the edesial argument occupies an important place, "but I think we would be wrong if we were to place ourselves in the music of the letter without going beyond. His insistence shows the importance given to a religion-institution-hierarchy Rome, which is the Catholic Church, but his life drop by drop indicates the centrality granted to grace, to Christ, to Mary, to the sacraments. There is no confusion, but perhaps specialization: the writings emphasize one aspect and the pastoral activity another.
This holy and divine Church is the only one that can lead men to God. This conviction explains his struggle against the Waldensians and against Protestants in general. In his writings we read that "only one will see Religione", that "Chiese degli Eretici non hanno i caratteri della Divinitá.", That "Chiesa degli baby. Eretici non c'é the Chiesa di Gesú Cristo. "14 For these and other reasons, he concludes that" I chimed with the Pope, and imitated with Gesù Christ, and chi breaks that legame fa shipwreck in the mace burrascoso dell'errore e if it hangs miserably », Or, in another place,« pronti a patine qualunque male, fosse anche la morte, anziché dire or fare alcuna contrary to the Cattolica ReliIone, you will see only Religione di Gest.) Christ, fuori di cuí niuno puó salvarsi ». "
Shortly before Vatican I, Turin had become a living center of conciliar and anti-infallibilist opinion. In 1869 the book of Dóllinger, 11 pope and il council is translated; Pasaglia wrote and acted in Turin, and in the Faculty of Theology the most critical authors with ultra-montanism and pontifical infallibility were well known and used.
However, despite this environment, one of the most known, significant and commented aspects of Don Bosco is his unlimited devotion to the pontificate and his tireless defense, so that, in a certain sense, we could summarize and synthesize his ecclesiology with this trait. '' All the authors, from the first years, have highlighted this characteristic.18
u J. Bosco, Fundamentals of the Catholic Religion, in: R. FIERRO TORRES, Biography and writings of
San Juan Bosco, Madrid, BAC 1955, p. 535
"Cf. E. VALENTINI, Don Bosco e la Chiesa, in: In Ecclesia, Rome, LAS 1977, pp. 215-234.
"[G. Bosco], Avvisi al cattolici, Torillo, Tip, Dir. Da P. De-Agostini 1853, p.
12 G. Bosco, I Centennial of S. Pietro Apostolo, Torillo, Tip. dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco
di Sales 1867, p. IV.
16 [Bosco], La Chiesa Cattolica, p. 6
On his deathbed he confided to the Archbishop of Turin: "Tempi difficili. Eminence! Ho passato tempi diffícili ... Ma l'autoritá of the Pope ... L'autoritá of the Pope ... L'ho detto qui to Monsignor Cagliero who gives it to the Holy Father who is Salesiani sono per la diffesa dell'autoritá del Papa , dovunque lavorino - dovunque si trovino, "19 and Cardinal Alimonda recalled shortly afterwards at the funeral that" his whole life, private and public, known to the whole world as a papal testament. "
John XXIII summed up this aspect with a beautiful phrase: "Per chi sa leggere in depth nella vita di D. Bosco, Egli appare insieme il priest della giovinezza and il priest of the Pope", and Don Bosco, often, in his talks and writings It united both aspects: «Pertanto, figliuoli miei, nella vostra vita non dimenticate mai che il Papa vi ama, and quindi dalla vostra bocca non esca mai parola che possa essere a lui d'insult, le vostre orecchie non ascoltino mai with indifferenza ingiurie e calunnie contro the Sacra sua persona, i vostri occhi non leggano mai giornali or libri, che osino vilipendere l'altissima dignità of the Vicar of Gesù Christ ».2 °
For him to inspire love for the Pope was an infallible means and remedy against the activities of sects and dissidents, and for this reason we believe that it can be said that his favorite subject as a writer was, without doubt, the Pope, until the point that their numerous lives of different popes were an occasion and a way to keep alive the love of the papacy and to refute the errors and animosities then so widespread. In fact, he thought of writing a history of the popes when he verified that "certi autori pare che abbiano rossore di parlare dei Romani Pontefici e dei fatti piu luminosi che directly alla S. Chiesa riguardano" .21 But it was not just an approach doctrinal and theoretical,
"Already in 1845 he asked Gregory XVI for a plenary indulgence in articulo monis for himself and his family." Later he explained that "non le indi gent gli stavano a cuore, ma che non vedeva I'ora di mettersi in relazione diretta with the Holy See e con le Congregazioni romane »(EI, 11).
18 There are all kinds of testimonies. I choose the following from Ballesio: "In D. Bosco l'amore the Pope was il pió bel frutto della virtó della fede. "Clearly Catholic priest of federation and opere, D. Bosco aveva l'amore, director of the Santi, for the Chiesa e per il Papa" (L. TERRONE, The spirit of San Giovanni Bosco, Torino, SEI 1934, p. 64).
19 MB XVIII 491.
20 MB VIII, 720.
21 F. MOLINARI, The "Storia ecclesiastica" di Don Bosco, in: BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 204. Let us also remember his testimony: «Pió volte ho tra me pensato to the mode of calm and hatred and l'avversione che in questi tristi tempi such a manifestation in control of the Papi e contro autororo parrot. Mezzo molto efficace my sowed the conosc> nza dei fatti che riguardano the vita di quei supremi pastori stabiliti a fare le veci di GC sopra la terra ea guidare le nostre anime per la via del Cielo »(G. Bosco, Vita di San Pietro. .., Torino, Tip, di GB Paravia e Comp.1856, p.3).
Obviously, this approach went beyond mere devotion to the person of the Pontiff since, in reality, he raised his conception of the Church and his idea of ecclesiastical organization, so indebted to the then prevailing theology.
Lemoyne summed up his thought thus: "Don Bosco sustained the bolt of an ecdesiastic estate, attentive to that doveva aggirarsi, was the Pope, and quindi vera storia della Chiesa dover essere essenzialmente a Storia dei Papi. Il Papa non é egli il Capo, il Principe, il Supremo Pastore? says D. Bosco. [...] Non é forse necessario che si sappia doversi tutto to Papi, onore, gloria, obbedienza eat a center d'unitá, senza del quale la Chiesa non é piú Chiesa? It is a great errore scrivere della Chiesa e lasciar transcorrere lunghi periodi senza far menzione del suo Capo ».23
We certainly could not attack Don Bosco for his conception of history, since it was then dominant and, in large part, the current one. It is easier for historians to speak of popes and their relations with States than of the internal life, of the presence of divine grace in the community of religion. Could we imagine, given his sensitivity, a history of the Church written by Don Bosco and centered on the holiness present in the congregation of the Christian faithful? But, in fact, in him, beyond a then dominant focus, there was, as we see, a decided ecclesial approach centered on the Roman Pontiff.
. In the treatment of the figure of the Pope, no exercise of discernment or hermeneutics of his prescriptions is allowed. You have to defend it in everything. Moreover, the will to identify with the Pope must lead to thinking, feeling, speaking as he wants. The reason for such a serious demand is that the Pope is the Vicar of Christ; who is with the Pope, is with Christ and with God. On one occasion he confided to Pius IX: "Holy Father, i miei figli Vi arcano! I saw hanno nel cuore! Il vostro nome the portano intrecciato with quello, di Dio! »...
And, in reality, the figure of the Pope that is deduced from his writings is that of a superman around whom everything revolves in the Church: «Come to the tempo della vita mortal of the Salvatore gli Apostoli raccoglievansi attorno a Gesu e a centro sicuro, e master infallibíle: cosi noi tutti dobbiamo schierarci intorno to deno successor di Pietro, intorno al grande, to the coraggious Vicar di Gesu Christ, to the forte, all'incomparabile Pio IX. In ogni dubbio, in ogní pericolo, ricorriamo a luí, eat ad ancora di salvezza, eat ad oracolo infallibile. Né mai alcuno dimentichi che in questo portentoso Pontefice sta il fondamento, il centro d'ogni verità, the salvezza del mondo. Chiunque raccoglie with lui, builds fine to Heaven; chi non edifica with lui, disperde e distrugge fino all'abisso. Qui mecum non colligit disperdit ».24
n "Non si pués essere buoni Cattolici is not if it lends anche in questo obbedienza pratica to the Pope. Although the piglia was caught, it was poached and lost. [...] Se ti parlo del potere temporale del Papa non lo fo che sotto il punto di vista della religione e della coscien7a, que invano si vorrebbe restringere alle cose invisibili »(MB VI, 481). 23 MB V, 575.
From some statements it could be deduced that the existence of the clergy in its different levels is only due to the impossibility of the Pope being able to do everything alone and reach everyone: «Ma questo Capo, ossia il Romano Pontefice, non potendo da sé solo attendere ai bisogni particolari di ciascun fedele, and necessario che vi siano altri ministri inferiori, dal Pope dipendenti, i quali colla preazione della parola divina, e coll'amministrazione dei Santi, Sacramenti promuovano domina e santitá negli uomini ».25 The actual performance of Don Bosco and the consideration given to the priesthood will resize this first impression.
The ecumenical councils are considered by Don Bosco as supreme acts of the Papacy. This statement, in itself, does not mean much or, at least, does not depart from the general feeling. But it gives the impression that councils are merely a more solemn framework of the ordinary than usual pontifical performance. In fact, although they are useful, they do not seem necessary: "perché il Papa supreme pastore di tutti i cristiani puó fare da se tutto quello che puó fare una council anche generale", since in his opinion "é sol-tanto il Papa che colla sua conferma communicates to the Council nelle cose di fede e di morale l'infallibilitá e gli fa godere nella Chiesa a supreme authoritá ».26
Actually, today we could say that Don Bosco considers the Church as a single immense diocese whose effective bishop is the Pope, an image reinforced in a large part of the Catholics after Vatican I. It would not be daring to affirm that particular churches are considered simply as parts or portions of the universal Church, governed by the Pope.27 In this sense, it sometimes manifests itself with affirmations that are surprising to us today: "I vescovi accolgono le suppliche, sentono i bisogni dei popoli e li fanno pervenire fino alla persona of the supreme Gerarca della Chiesa. Pope, poi, secondo il bisogno, communicates i suoi ordini ai vescovi di tutto il mondo ed i vescovi li partecipano ai semplici fedeli cristiani ».28 And to what are the bishops reduced in this perspective? A useful and necessary intermediaries. «Ecco in brief il motif per cui coneto to Rome and in generale ció che ho fano coa. Abbiamo ottenuto esenzioni e privilegi, ma noi saremo sempre obbedientissimi ai Vescovi ed ai parroci, e non ci serviremo delle nostre facoltá, it is not esaurití tutti gli altri mezzi anche di umile deferenza ».32
24 MB XII, 641.
"G. Bosco, II Cattolico istruito nella sua religione, Trattenimenti ..., Torino, Tip, Dir. Da P. De-Agostini 1853, p.
26 GM MEDICA, I Concili generali della Chiesa cattolica nel pensiero di D. Bosco, in «Riviita di Pedagogia e Scienze religiose» 1 (1963) 2, 22.
27 Cf. P. RIFA, L'argomentazione delle «note» della Chiesa nell'apologetica popolare di San Giovanni Bosco, Colle Don Bosco, Ist. Sal. Art. Grafiche 1971, p. 33
28 F. DESRAMAUT, Don Bosco e la vita spirttuale, Torino, LDC 1967, p. 93
Passaglia and other theologians with him, insisted that the bishops were not mere delegates of the Pope. This was the center of unity in the Church, but only Christ had to be a source of power in his mystical body. For them, between the primate and the episcopate there is a relationship of reciprocal complement that leaves intact the rights of each one. Don Bosco, in fact, does not make a strictly theological reflection on the pontificate or on the episcopate, but his anti-Catholic position leads him to emphasize the subordination of the bishops to the Pope, subject of the supreme authority over the universal Church, as well as teacher and supreme judge in matters of faith.33
Faced with the permanent insistence on the role of Peter, the almost total absence of the corresponding responsibility of the bishops is evident. Don Bosco grants space and importance to the conciliar assemblies not because of sensitivity to the principle of collegiality but because the councils, thanks to the pontifical approval, which makes them infallible, pulverize the heresies and determine the truth.
It is not, of course, a lack of respect for the bishops, or a failure to consider or value their position in the Church, but rather the fact that the centrality of the papacy was conceived in such a way that automatically the raison d'être of the bishops it was devalued. On February 13, 1863, he wrote to Pius IX: "La morte, l'esilio di non pochi Vescovi has messo in diffidenza i meno fervorosi e fece si che il clerro si strinse vie piú tra sé, exclusively carrying the pen to the center della veritá, to the Vicar of Gesù Christ [...]. He will say something strana ma che credo vera. In that moment he sows che and Vescovi facciano maggior bene dal parrot esilio or dalle parrot carceri, che forse non farebbero nella parrot headquarters; giacché col fano pubblicano, differentiating the principle dell'autoritá divina nel suo capo visibile,
29 STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 133. In fact, in the proposals he made to Pius IX for episcopal appointments, he always chose candidates who were docile to the Pontiff and clearly infallibilist, incapable of creating difficulties for the Pope in ecclesiastical government.
"STELLA, Don Bosco 11, P. 122.
"MB XIII, 456. In volume X, 931, Amadei writes:" Gli premeva soprattutto che i salesiani si prestassero in aiuto of the parish priest of Luogo ove esisteva la casa. "And in 1861 he wrote:" Of the rest She sa che da vent 'anni ho sempre lavorato e tuttora lavoro e spero consumare la mia vita lavorando per la nostra diocesi ed ho semper riconosciuto the vote di Dio in quella del Superiore ecclesiastico'.
32 MB IX, 565-567.
33 The Holy See "is a Supreme Authorita- tion that grants and limits the power of the esercizio dei medesimi" (E IV, 59).
34 EL 258.
It seems hard that the centralization of the Church has acquired faster rhythms throughout history as the doctrinal difficulties or the political persecutions demanded a more consistent support from Rome, generally stronger and more supportive, to the bishops individually or collectively considered, generally weaker and more easily dominated or blackmailed by the civil power. This is indirectly referred to by Don Bosco in the aforementioned paragraph, but it can also be deduced from his reading that typical division of the last century between docile bishops to Rome and, therefore, good, and more autonomous bishops and, consequently, worthy of reform and conversion.
The author of the Biographical Memoirs responds to this simplistic mentality when he points out that "in France i giornali cattolici liberali si schierano decisamente coi gallicani, coi Giansenisti, contro la definizione dell'infallibilitá. The sciagurate stampe of the Janus, of the Gratry, of Mons. Maret, or of the Dupanloup facevano il resto. "35 The reason for the trial and the division between good and bad was not so much that of doctrinal orthodoxy but that of defense more or less. less enthusiastic of ultramontanism. This explains that surprising and unfair amalgam of names that are not comparable. For the ultramontans convinced and determined a Maret, a Dupanloup or a Gratry were as dangerous as Dóllinger.
In this ecclesiastical organization, what part and what role did the laity fulfill? Obviously, rather little. It is true that Rosmini in his work The Five Wounds of the Holy Mother Church finds one of its fundamental pillars in the discovery of the laity and their active participation in the edesial communion. Rosmini called for greater collaboration between the clergy and the people, claimed the priesthood of the faithful and assigned the laity an active participation in the appointment of the bishops.36 Rl had collected the most acceptable instances of the reformist groups, some of them quite radicalized, who, certainly, they were not listened to or taken into account by the Roman Curia or by the majority of the bishops. In fact,
35 MB IX, 777.
36G MARTINA, L'atteggiamento della gerarchia di fronte alle prima iniziative organizzate di apostolato dei laici alla meta dell'Ottocento in Italy, in: Spiritualitá e azione of the Italian Cattolica laity, Padova, Ed. Antenore 1969, p. 317
Father Curci, founder of the "Civiltá Cattolica", for his part, defended a more active participation in the life of the Church, recalling the first centuries, when «The multitudo fidelium ed i viri fratres vi avevano a part notevole e maggiore Arganizing it from the prevalue system modernly, "37 but this position maintained it in its most conflictive period, outside the Society of Jesus.
Cardinal Antonelli's attitude was more common when he recalled that the Pope considered "sorely painful [...] essere l'Italia ridotta to sustain the catholic religion coi mezzi proposti", that is, with the organized action of the Catholic laity. And Pius IX himself declared with energy that «to the Pope ed all'Episcopato [...] spetta only the tutelage of Religione», 38 and it is the Pope himself who emphasizes the adverb, which excludes any pretension of the laity in this field .
What was the thought of Don Bosco?
At first glance, when one reads his abundant correspondence, largely addressed to the laity, he concludes that fundamentally he was interested in his pockets, that is, his money, so necessary for the works he was carrying. On the other hand, his insistence and almost obsession for the priesthood, for the role and the need for priests, may imply that the laymen are mere passive subjects of the edesial action. What was the role of the laity in the Church? Actually, we should ask ourselves what is the function, the raison d'etre of the priests. It was to sanctify the laity, direct them towards salvation. The laity were in the Church to be sanctified by the action of the clergy and to obey.39 "Earthquake even though docili alle voci dei sacri ministri, as pecore debbono essere alla voce del parro pastore. Dio ce ha ha .dati per nostri maestri nella scienza della religione; dunque andiamo da essi ad impararla e non dai maestri mondani. Dio ce ha dati per guida nel cammino del cielo, dunque seguitiamoli ne 'loro ammaestramenti ».46
Obviously, the issue is complex and should not be simplified. Desramaut, with his usual balanced mood, considers that "interesting rilevare che thought to crístiani, in the mode di esistenza che parro conveniva, parrot compete missionary nella chiesa e alla parrot sanificazione nella vita corrente e nell'apostolato diretto", 41 but it seems It is evident that on this subject, too, Don Bosco was closer to Pius IX than to Newman, 42 and to those who advocated a more renewed and less clerical ecclesiology.
37 G. Mucci, Il primo direttore della "Civiltá Cattolica". Carlo Curci tra la culture dell'immobilismo e la cultura della storicitá, Rome, Ed. La Civiltá Cattolica 1986, p. 193
38 MARTINA, L'atteggiamento della gerarchia, p. 3. 4. 5.
39 "Nella Chiesa devonsi will consider her classi di personae, quelle cioé che insegnano e comandano, e queste sono nella Gerarchia, e form it; e quelle che obbediscono e queste sono sotto la Gerarchia. And this last was all tutti i semplici fedeli, ricchi e poveri, re e principi "(G. Bosco, La Chiesa cattolica e la sua gerarchia, Toririo, Tip dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales 1869, page 67). Let us remember in this regard the well-known paragraph of the Pious DI encyclical Vehementer: "Only in the pastoral body resides the right and the necessary authority to move and direct all the members toward the end of society. As for the crowd, he has no other right than to allow himself to be led and, meek gray, to follow his pastors. "
40 G. Bosco, Il mese di maggio consecrated to Maria SS. Immacolata ad uso del popolo, Torino, Tip. GB Paravia e Compagnia 1858, p. 46
This deeply pyramidal, hierarchical and centralizing approach was, as I have already stated, typical of an ecclesiology and a mentality that is well known and has been sufficiently studied. "In Don Bosco I also find some arguments of its character and peculiarity , that reinforce the previous argument, but with a less doctrinal and more existential mood.
Don Bosco is very convinced that the structure was loved by Christ and that it served for the salvation of souls, but I think that, more or less explicitly, he considers the Church as a great family where authority is necessary above all. as it is useful and beneficial to achieve its objectives: 14 It is a close and substantial image in its pedagogical conception, 45 in its approach to the new religious congregation, 46 and, certainly in the image that lives and transmits the ecclesial community .47
In the manner in which his religious congregation conceives and governs is "the tendency to feel a father who goes to confide the trusteeship of the figli associati in tutto alla sua opera", so that the first redactions of the Rules were extremely centralized and autocratic. In fact, for example, the fourth Chapter or General Congregation, after
41 DESRAMAUT, Don Bosco e la bita spirituale, p. 209
42 MARTINA, Pio IX, p. 176
"Cf. A. ANTÓN, The Mystery of the Church II, Madrid, BAC 1987.
44 "Prayer Father and the Pope, the suoi figli sono i cristiani, fi regno e la Chiesa, il Re supreme e invisibile e Gesù Christ, il Re visibile n'é Il suo vicario, i1 Romano Pontefice" (Bosco, cattolico nel secolo, page 173).
45 "The pupil will always have great respect for his educator, will remember the address received and will always consider his teachers and superiors as his parents and siblings" (The preventive system in the education of youth, in: Sj. Bosco, Fundamental works, Madrid, BAC 1979, p.565); cf. Letter on family spirit, in: Ibid., P. 612-620.
46 Cf. MB IX, 572-573; cf. G. BOSCO, Scritti spirituali, vol. II, a cura di J. Aubry, Rome, Cittá Nuova 1976, p. 128. 159.285-286.
47 «I pray I consider tutto il clerro del mondo eats a vast seminary rispetto to the Pope. [...] Of the rest I notice ancora eats the Pope, anche eat Dottore privato, if I should avere molta deferenza e it would be convenient to conform to the suo modo di pensare. Cosi i buoni figliuoli usano di portarsi verse il parrot father »(MB XIII, 21). P. Stella also emphasizes this aspect: «Eat format in the primo quarantennio dell'Ottocento agisce in forza di a religiositá, the cui ossatura di base é familiale e paternale, te tende a vedere n rapporto Padre-figli; I gave command, di obbedienza (or consacrazione: darsi to Dio) and di esecuzione »(STELLA, Don Bosco I, page 253). These expressions are repeated frequently in his works: "Questa great famiglia é la Chiesa, questo Capo é il Romano Pontefice" (Bosco, II cattolico istruito, p 41-42). He, «a guise di padre universale,
48 Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 159
work, reflect and measure, after determining and ruling ..., decided that Don Bosco could change and modify everything he wanted.49 This characteristic, which is also found in other Institutes of the time, responds to an ecclesiology that will lead to Vatican I .
In this family, as in any organism, authority was necessary and, in this case, it was essential to channel salvation. Sometimes, probably, because of its strict theological approach, it gives the impression that its defense of authority is fundamentally utilitarian in the sense that it considers that only a homogeneous, compact Church under a single leader is capable of responding effectively to the existing difficulties. In this sense, his insistence on the definition of infallibility appears, often, motivated by the continuous attacks inflicted on the Church, by the conviction of the need for a centralized guide "like an army in war", and by the desire of Do not repeat past evils: «La definizione dommatica avrebbe posto conclude agli errori del Gollicanesimo in Francia e del Febronianismo in Germania: mentre era necessaria per le missioni e qua-lora il Sommo Pontefice venisse a trovarsi nene dolorose strettezze di Pio VPI»? ° To underline, without a doubt, the reason for more effective work in the missions as a requirement of the definition. And this desire for efficiency also made him ask for a unique, universal, obligatory catechism, composed and promulgated by the Roman See. "This motivation, not theological but of convenience, extends to the civil sphere: (The definition of infallibility)« it is of great use to the sovereigns and to the whole society, since, making itself heard to the towns with more authority the infallible voice of the Sovereign Pontiff to inculcate the duty of submission to the princes,
I think it is important to emphasize and highlight the utilitarian mentality, practice of Don Bosco. P. Stella, as a happy description, that sums up what I mean: it is the theology of the peasant who becomes a cure, of the practical man who is very clear about his goal and who uses all the honest means at hand to achieve it . This attitude, in fact, relativizes, to a large extent, its defense of ecclesial centralism. Don Bosco in his daily practice relativizes absolute theology.
49 "My scriveva a salesian only ieri: My enough a thing sia disposta dai Superiori, I raise my piace e non vado to cercarne il perché. Io vorrei che proprio tutti poteste dire cosi »(MB XIII, 91). Lemoyne will confirm that Don Bosco "sapeva far valere la sua autoritá, né tollerava impunita la resistenza" (MB VII, 118); cf. DESRAMAUT, Don Bosco e la vita spirituale, p. 91
50 MB IX, 779.
51 MB IX, 827. The theme of the unique catechism raised in Vatican I the various ecclesiological directions. In fact, often those who opposed this project belonged generally to the conciliar minority (see L. NORDERA, Ii catechism di Pio X. Per un storia della catechesi in Italia [1896-1916], Rome, LAS 1988, p. . Four. Five).
Bosco, Fundamentals of the Catholic Religion, in: FIERRO TORRES, Biography and writings, p. 541
In the ecclesiology of some Italian and German theologians the people of God in which the hierarchy is inserted played a decisive role. In Don Bosco it is the hierarchy that has and exercises this role. However, in practical life, it gives the impression that it is the good of the Christian people that obtains the prevalence, even at the cost of semi-deceptions or subterfuges.
In the Biographical Memoirs I find a delicious paragraph that could be judged by some as cynical, but in Spanish it can be synthesized with the classic expression: To God begging and with the mallet giving: «Don Bosco aveva eziandio riflettuto sull'importanza di potersi giovare in certe occasioni dell'influenza che l'Abate Rosmini esercitava in Torino sugli uomini nuovi rivestiti di autoritá, and quindi convenienza di averío amico and protettore. It was his system premunirsi diligently with ogni mezzo umano, lasciando poi with fiduciosa rassegnazione, that the Divine Provvidenza guidasse stitches him to his beneplacito >> 53
"He is a docile son, obedient son, but also skillful," says P. Stella: "Egli sa scegliere i momenti, i morfi e anche le persone a cuí parlare. It has il seno della Gerarchia, mache queche del charisma singolare donato a luí e alle sue opere. Ardisce presentarsi talora como portavoce del Signore ".54 It must be taken into account that this skill is also developed with the hierarchy and the Roman Curia, and it is in this sense that I want to insist. Belardinelli goes so far as to say that «D. Bosco non mancó di collegare l'impégno "infallibilista" al sostegno delle sue opere: nell'udienza of 12 febbraio presented to Pio IX the collezione delle "Letture cattoliche" e della "Library" ottenendo il plauso papale, e con ció stesso a powerful avallo per la diffusione, anche a dispetto delle diffi denze di molte curte piemontesi,
53 MB III, 248. In this sense «furbo», of skill, I find incomparable his defense of the Jesuits using words and judgments of Gioberti (MB III, 310).
54 STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 138
55 M. BELARDINELLI, Don Bosco and the Vatican Council I, in: BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa,
p. 249
56 He wrote to Don G. Cagliero: "Mi scriverai for the visit che farai coll'Arcivescovo to Carmen or Patagones; dirai al medesimo che il Santo Padre desidera so much nuovi esperimenti pei selvaggi ed applaude al nostri sforzi per aprire case di educazione sui loro confirú »(E III, 95).
Asked why he favored the appointment of Gastaldi as archbishop of Turin, he answered: "Oltre a questo io aveva tutte le ragioni di credere che egli ci sarebbe stato semper largo del suo favore. Che vuoi? Appena divenne Arcivescovo di Torino, changed register ».58 This one, for his part, complained bitterly of Don Bosco:« Diminuisce assai Pautoritá dell'arcivescovo di Toríno, and introduces the scisma nel clerro [...] maio sono costretto a I will invoke the protection of the Holy See against the ecclesiastical conduct of the Church, which has the full mind and the joy of the spirit of autonomy and indipendency. "" Let us not forget that his predecessor, Bishop Riccardi, had had strong and prolonged contrasts with Don Bosco for his desire to achieve full autonomy for his Institute.60
For his part, Don Bosco invoked successively various protections depending on the various circumstances. In the process of approving the constitutions, he used all the arts to be accepted as he had written them. He told Pius IX about an imminent foundation in Hong Kong, which, of course, would require early approval; The Secretary of the Congregation spoke to him about the Prefect and this one about the Pope. In connection with this approval he realized that the way of the bishops could be complicated, so he strongly supported Rome. «To the Holy Father D. Bosco aveva mandate 11 book with a speciale attempt: Desiderava che Sua Santitá vedesse with quale alacritá and salesiani lavorassero e quanto fosse il paroro attaccamento alla Cattedra di Pietro e che sforzi facessero per istillare negli altri l'ossequio el ' amore verso il Vicario di Gesó Christ. Gli paree gave yesterday ottenuto il suo scopo e santamente se ne compiacque ».61
Of course, this absolute and sincere acceptance of the meaning of the Roman Curia did not prevent him from accepting without further ado the corrections of the Rule made by the corresponding Roman Congregation. Don Bosco told his sons to be calm because his Congregation had been approved by the infallible authority, but he immediately tried to "manipulate" or change some articles of those approved constitutions that he did not fully satisfy.62
57 Letter to Mr. M. Rua in: E III, 305-306.
58 MB 23.
59 MB XIII, 336. Naturally the reality was much more complex and these difficult relationships manifested not only two ways of being and acting, but also the objective difficulty existing in the accommodation of the episcopal authority with the exemption of the religious. As a counterpoint to the archbishop's opinion, we could recall the following phrases of Don Bosco: "Tuttavia, sebbene io sia persuaso di non yesterday ecceduto the fattami concessione nel la accent accennato, per l'avvenire I nee asterró assolutamente, poiché tale se é gradimento al superior ecdesiastico »(E II, 405); and Lemoyne was convinced that "questi fascicoli delle vite dei Papi, prime cousin of Don Bosco palpito salt, ispiravano nel suo giovane uditorio a large rispetto e sottornissione alle prescrizioni non solo del Pontefice,
60 Cf. GG FRANCO, Appunti storici sopra il Vatican Council, a priest of G. Martina, Rome, Gregorian University 1972, p. 104
61 MB XIII 517.
I do not know if I can bring up the following text as an explanation of their way of being and acting in this matter. Talking with Pius IX about the performance of Pope Honorius - a performance widely used by anti-Fascists as a demonstrative argument for the existence of dogmatic errors, he would say: "Io peró ritengo che se cunctavit, se temporeggido, egli l'abbia fatto per prudenza, e siccome if it was temporargiare sena mancare, cosi peno che Papa Onorio non abbia commesso neppure peccato veniale ".63
In any case, it is also worth remembering his claim to achieve total economic autonomy not only in relation to the diocesan authority, but also in relation to the Holy See."
P. Stella seems to relate the Roman rejection of these pretensions to the later condemnations of Catholic liberalism or Murri's Democracy. There is no doubt that this is an interesting historical site, but it is more suggestive for me in this panorama to ask myself if this claim did not reveal a resizing of Roman authority. In fact, in our day there has been some similar case in relation to some more recent ecclesial institution.
On the other hand, this man knew how to manage and instrumentalize the various authorities according to their needs. He relied on Rome to obtain the approval of the Salesians, but, when he encountered difficulties in the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars on the subject of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians, he did not hesitate to rely on the Bishop of Acqui and other ordinary diocesan They approved according to their wishes.
It was not so much Machiavellianism or surprising ability to manipulate as an innate sense of commitment in order to achieve its main objective. For example, in another order of things, in those same years Fr. Curci, in Il modern dissidio della Chiesa and 'Italy defended the need for an agreement, while Manning, in The Independence of the Holy See, proved absurd any probability of agreement. For his part, Don Bosco wanted the agreement, "ma in modo tale che innanzituno si assicurasse l'onore di Dio, l'onore della Chiesa, il bene delle anime." Faced with two doctrinal mentalities, a practice that helped him to remain in good relations with both banks of the Tiber, at a time when this seemed impossible.65
62 MB XIV, 229. On this subject it is essential to consult: P. BRAMO, Don Bosco per i giovani: L '«Oratory». A «Congregazione degli Oratori. Documenti, Rome, LAS 1988. Also: P. STELLA, Le Costituzioni salesiane fino al 1888, in: J. AUBRY - M. MIDALI (eds.), Fedelti e rinnovamento. Studi sulle Costituzioni salesiane, Rome, LAS 1974, p. 52
63 Mg IX, 817.
64 P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica e sociale (1815-1879), Rome, LAS 1980,
p. 399. See also: EW, 505-508.540-544.
65 He wrote to G. Lanza, President of the Government, on February 11, 1872: "I scrutinize with confidenza and l'assicuro che mentre my professed catholic priest ed affezionato Capo della Cattolica Religione, my sono pur purémpre mostrato affezionatissimo al Governo, per i sudditi of the quale ho constantly dedicate him deboli mie sostanze e le forze e la vita "(E II, 195).
66 BRAIDO, Don Bosco per i giovani, p. 10
67 MB I, 89.
68 EI, 88-89.
69 See, for example, the case of Count Gays (E 111, 352-354.364).
70 STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 155-156.
In relation to the bishops, it is evident his intention to collaborate with them in the diocesan pastoral, but also his desire to carry out his work according to his spirit and inspiration, and, therefore, with the necessary autonomy. In fact, with regard to the ordination of Cagliero, it seems evident that with a respectful and submissive tone, Don Bosco maintains his approach to autonomy intact.67 In 1854 Rosmini asked him to inform the Vicar General about the common projects on a typeface, project that he was already well advanced. Don Bosco replies: "As soon as I will speak to the next. Vicar general giudicherei bene differire ancora: e forse sará meglio cogliere Poccasione che qualcheduno dell'Istituto passi a Lione per parlare verbalmente all'arcivescovo medesimo; ma il parlare di ció al nostro Vicario (che é un sant'uomo; ma pochissimo pratico delle cose del mondo) forse sarebbe suscitare difficoltá dove io credo non ci siano ".68 Obviously, it is only an unimportant anecdote, but probably it also constitutes an indication of how he acted by avoiding those authorities he considered problematic to lean on those that were affected in the specific case. I think it can be said that Don Bosco always thought that the care of souls should prevail over organization and administration. but it probably also constitutes an indication of how he acted bypassing those authorities he considered problematic to rely on those that were affected in the concrete case. I think it can be said that Don Bosco always thought that the care of souls should prevail over organization and administration. but it probably also constitutes an indication of how he acted bypassing those authorities he considered problematic to rely on those that were affected in the concrete case. I think it can be said that Don Bosco always thought that the care of souls should prevail over organization and administration.
As for ecclesiastical juridical ties and complications, I am not sure that Don Bosco granted them the importance that they were habitually given.69 The students who left the Congregation seem to be able to remain as external. Could this indicate that in fact he did not attribute so much transcendence to legal ties? P. Stella asks herself: «What was it that Don Ducco was doing? A studio house? A semenzaio di vocazioni per i Salesiani e per qualsiasi altro istituto nella Chiesa? A way per far prendere contatto with the Salesian Opera, with the ecclesiastic and religious quello stato? [...] Leggendo necrologie di salesiani vien da chiedersi se piú d'un sapesse esattamente a quale titolo si trovava en casa di D. Bosco ». 7 ° It manifests the same freedom of spirit in relation to religious of contemplative life. Convinced as he was that the most important thing was the salus animarum, he did not hesitate to say that these religious should extend their zeal to other areas by explaining catechism to children, religiously instructing adults and listening to their confessions. For him, the rules and customs were not above the good of souls but to serve them. In this sense, the following narrative is significant: "A porporati che gli movevano difficoltá per il obtenimento di favori necessarí a rendere stabile e operosa la Congregazione, soleva dire: Io ho bisogno che mi aiutino a superare le difficoltá e non a farne. Vorrei che if you considered not so much the person diD. Bosco, ma il has the vantaggio della religione e delle anime:
There is no doubt that he knew perfectly the situation of the Roman Curia and the various parties and influences in it, knowledge that gave him grounds and occasions to successfully bang in the difficult and complicated Roman world. Concerning the quasi-condemnation of his work Centenario di S. Pietro, he wrote to a friend: «... di questo ne minacciato in Roma ed anche Jopo la mia partenza, ed a person mold to mica ne diede la ragione principale: perché in Rome ho avuto di preferenza molta familiaritá coi Gesuiti. Qui peró prudenza somma e silenzio ".72 Without a doubt this is a golden rule of action, but it denotes, in any case, its capacity for navigation and movement in the stormy waters of the Roman world and its distinction from the various levels existing throughout the world. authority."
That is to say, and finishing this section, I think we can emphasize the empirical, practical sense of the ecclesiology of Don Bosco. Roman Curia, Bishops, Parish Priests are more cultivated or marginalized in terms of the help they give to the work of young people. Don Bosco was totally convinced that this work was of God, and in function of this conviction and of this reality, he applied the hierarchy in order that his work could go forward. We are faced with a man, a saint, who in practice relativizes absolute theology. In this sense, we should affirm that Don Bosco approaches the reformists in practical action, as he resizes the authority of the hierarchy in his performance, in the daily life, in his relations and immediate determinations.
7 'MB XIII, 504. n EI, 461.
73 As soon as Leon XIII was elected, he sent him a letter that "giudicava venire dal Signore" in which, among other things, he advised him: "Queste novelle istituzioni hanno bisogno di essere giovate, sostenute, favorite da coloro che lo Spirito Santo pose a reggere e governare the Chiesa di Dio »(E DI 304).
On the relationships of these two characters so suggestive and suggestive there is a lot of material and I think that enough has been written. I would just like to point a question. Given the benevolence and obvious sympathy of the pontiff for the founder, why did he encounter so much difficulty in approving the Rule? Does not there seem to be a certain contradiction between the conversations of both, between Don Bosco's insistence that his mana was almost an initiative of Pius IX, on the one hand, "and the reticence of the Roman Curia, on the other hand? to the Pope: «Societas Salesiana quam Tu, Beatissime Pater, opere et consilio fundasti, direxisti, consolidasti, nova benefits Magna dementia Tua postulat», Did you consider that the papal protection would be sufficient to overcome the existing difficulties? For this reason, will he underestimate the animosities that he was sent from Rome?
Were the Pope's promises and concessions real? So he believed, at least his biographer: «... piú di una volta noi abbíamo avuto occasione di remember e as per the internal governo della societá Pio IX l'osse munito orally di facoltá amplíssime, both Egli si fidava della sua prudenza». 75 In fact, Don Bosco affirmed on more than one occasion to have received "vivae vocis oraculo" dispensations from Pius IX 76
I fully agree with the judgment of P. Braido: "Lascia, semmai, perplessi il fano che la conclamata benevolenza verse Don Bosco non li abbia indotti to a temperate chiaro and peremptory discitor; a meno che non ne siano stati dissuasi dalle adamantina persuasioni del Fondatore torinese, agreed so much della bontá della causa quanto delle proprieto di manovra e delle potenti amicizie ".77 One may wonder, surely, whether Pius IX promised as much as Don Bosco imagined or if he interpreted the pontiff's words with too much optimism. Probably Pius IX acted with the Turin saint as he acted in politics: he was enthusiastic about what the Saint told him and promised him the gold and the Moor, but later he had to back down. Perhaps this is the explanation that, on the one hand, the Pope promised to Don Bosco (or,
There is no doubt that they had many points in common, and that is why their meetings were joyful and convergent. "For them the devil was very present in his activities and in the life of the Church, 8 ° they defended a wide personal infallibility, 81 they trusted the one in the other.
74 "In continuation of quena udienza (e altra or altre) Don Bosco will tend ad accentuare soprattutto an aspetto: the part avuta da Pio IX, rievocato come colui che traccia quasi ad un quanto mai improbabile ignaro fi profilo di una" nuova "Congregazione religiosa , che d'altra part coincides point per point to which Don Bosco will continue to differ in the contrast with the religious spirit of the common accettate "(Bram, Don Bosco per i giovani, page 96).
75 MB XIII, 237.
76 E II, 126; III, 347. 361.
77 P. BRAMO, L'idea della Societa Salesiana nel "Cenno istorico" di Don Bosco of 1873/74, in
RSS 6 (1987) 304.
78 It must also be borne in mind that it was not uncommon for Pius IX to fall into contradictions (cf. MARTINA, Pius IX, page 605).
79 Don Bosco wrote on the same day of the death of Pius IX: "Entro brevissimo tempo sará certamente sugli altari" (E lit, 294).
Regarding the issue of infallibility for which both fought and moved, Don Bosco uses a curious argument: "Il Signore has data rinfallibilitá alla sua Chiesa: remains only to vedere dove risstada questa. Ogni vescovo (gives only) é per certo fallibíle, quindi non nei singoli if it has given near questo dono; e ciascuno é fallibile anche radunati tutti insieme i Vescovi non potranno divenire infallibili per il solo fatto di essersi radunati. Che cosa li rende adunque e da paroro ció che non hanno? É l'essere collegati col Papa ».82
At the same time Newman wrote that, after the Council of Nicea, the great majority of the bishops had fallen into error, but that the correct doctrine had been maintained thanks to the laity. Evidently, at this point too the sensibility of Pius IX was much closer to that of Don Bosco than to that of the English clergyman.
All those who know Don Bosco better and better insist that it is necessary to read and understand his writings as an inseparable part of an experience.83 Often, in pure theory, he is not original, he copies with self-confidence, he repeats what he has studied and it is appropriate His genius and his true personality appear in his life, in his continued performance, in his experience made life.
On the subject of sanctity, a key and determining point in his conception of the Church, we also find this dual approach. In its strictly doctrinal conception, the confession of the sanctity of the Church, publicly pronounced in the Symbol of the Apostles, is understood in a way that leads not only to deny that the Christian community is a collective subject of common sins, infidelities and offenses to the Gospel, but even to reject historical failures and errors, or simply that the Church would have been late to respond to certain problems or human needs.
In this approach the sins of Catholics and the attitude of the Church were distinguished. With this distinction, an ideological consideration was introduced that sought to save the Church, that is, the institution or the hierarchy, from its historical failures and responsibilities. But it is done at the cost of an unfolding by which certain Christians, alone or in groups, who commit errors and infidelities to the Gospel, do not seem to be Church. That is, on the one hand, there is a subliminal identification between Church and Hierarchy: and on the other it is unknown that the sins of believers make the Church less apt to be an effective sign of salvation in every moment of history.
8th G. CANATAN1, II diavolo, Rome e la rivoluzione, in «Rivista di Storia e Letteratura Religiosa» 8 (1972) 485-516; MB V, 694; Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 301
81 As when he declares that everyone should accept the opinion of the Pope even in matters of free opinion, as a private doctor (see MB VIII, 277-278).
82 BELARDINELLI, Don Bosco and the Vatican Council I, p. 246
"« The veto Don Bosco and quello che risulta gives a global considerabaione, unitary and vitale, di tutti i suii scritti, di tutte le realizzazioni e scelte operative e di tutta la sua vita »(R. FARINA, Leggere don Bosco oggi. Note e suggestioni metodologiche, in: P. BROCARDO (ed.), La formazione permanente inteipella gli istituti religiosi, Leumann [Tormo], Elle Di Ci 1976, p.351).
In Don Bosco this generalized attitude was probably mediated and complemented by the fact of not using the analogy of the mystical body but that of family and mother, "that is to say, once again, for its ecclesiological conception, vertical and not horizontal and, above all, for its broad and complex concept of Church.
Indeed, Don Bosco identified Church with Religion, 85 and this with sanctity. Sanctity in Don Bosco is the most theological of the four notes of the Church. From the apologetic point of view, it manifests itself through the presence of effective means of sanctification, of the numerous cases of sanctity and of the extraordinary miracles present in it.86 It seems to me that its fundamental concept, the criterion that inspires its actions, in fact, also his theories and formulations, is that of the sanctity of Christians. To this holiness it subordinates everything and in its function conceives, more or less explicitly, the ecclesiastical organization in its different aspects. The Church was founded by Christ, writes our saint, "mentre viveva his questa stubborn, and perché da lui formata within the suo sacratissimo costato, consecrated and sanctified col suo sangue. Essa é da luí ripiena del suo Santo Spirito, who sent him perché rimanga with lei e le insegni ogni veritá but at the end of the secoli ".87
«Ció che che stava a cuore di D. Bosco - says the author of the Biographical Memoirs -: salvare anime» or, in another place: «The salute delle anime scopo della sua vita», or, also in another page: «Le anime I am a treasure affidated to the priest "88 For this reason, as I will indicate right away, the priesthood was one of the obsessions of his life.
In the historical-salvific dimension, the Church is, according to Newman, the people of God.
«11 fatto poi che nella Chiesa vi siano peccatori non suscita nei suoí scritti gravi problemi dottrinali. Don Bosco infatti, piú che alla analogy of Corpo Mistico, allorché discorre of the peccato e dei peccatori, if rifá a quena di famiglia e di madre. Mother Chiesa é santa, sen7a macchia e sena ruga. Tale rimane, anche se molti suoi figli siano peccatori, anche se suii figli la combattano e la rinneglun 'o »(STELLA, Don Bosco II, p.140).
85 «Catholic peoples, open your eyes; there are very serious snares when you try to get away from the only holy religion that is the Church of Jesus Christ "(Bosco, Fundamentals of the Catholic Religion, in: FIERRO TORRES, Biography and writings, p.545).
86 RIPA, L'argomentazione delle «note», p. 36
87 MOLINARI, The "Storia ecclesiastica" di Don Bosco, p. 221-222.
88 Don Bosco writes in his memoirs: "il prete non va solo al cielo, non va solo all'inferno. He has andré to heaven with anime da lui salvate col suo buon esempio; he is male, he is going to scan it andrà alla perdizione colle anime dannate pel suo scandalo »(Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, page 314).
Naturally, the people of Christ also have a social organization, but at all times they recognize the priority of their spiritual reality. The fundamental equality of all the members of this people by virtue of faith and of the other supernatural goods of Christian existence takes priority over the distinction between the various categories of persons by reason of the specific functions they are called upon to exercise in the bosom. of this town. For Newman - says Congar - "the Church was not primarily a system of doctrine, nor an institution. It was constituted fundamentally by the gift of grace that God offers to men, and these, accepting it, unite with each other and form a single Body ".89
I have the impression that Don Bosco, although he has never written anything like it, has acted throughout his life on this same wavelength, although there is no doubt that in his writings he accentuates and develops fundamentally and almost exclusively the Individual character of salvation: "Ogni parola del prete deve essere sale di vita eternal e ció in ogni luogo e with qualsivoglia persona. Even though a priest may be a priest, he will always receive a veritable chei rechi vantaggi all'anima ».9 Salvation remains, also related to the figure of the Pope:« Fortunati that 'popoli che sono uniti to Pietro nella person of' Papi suoi successori . I am camminano per la strada della salute; mentre tutti quelli che si troyano fuori di questa strada e non appartengono all'unione di Pietro non hanno speranza alcuna di salvezza;
In his Ecdesia Storia, holiness appears as an objective of life and, above all, as a distinctive of the Church. In fact, it is not difficult to notice the predominance of the life and action of the saints in their history that has just become an implicit claim of the ecclesial characteristic of holiness. In other churches, he says, there are no saints, 92 saying that immorality and heresy go together. "" Dai Valdesi, Don Bosco, nel corso della sua Storia alle luride, empe e sanguinarie figure di Lutero, di Calvino e di Arrigo VIII , parrot contrapponeva the celestial visione dei figli della Chiesa Cattolica che vissero ad essi contemporanei: San Gaetano da Thiene [...] e cento altri The santitá is one thing with the veritá ».94 Following this argument it will relate teaching and religious practices with morality 95
89 Quoted by ANTÓN, The mystery of the Church, p. 275.
90 11113 VI, 381.
91 Bosco, Vita di San Pietro, p. 164-165.
92 "Egli é proprio della sola Religione Cattolica yesterday of the Santi e degli uomini segnalati in (MB XIV, 229).
93 E II, 23.
"MB W, 307. On other occasions, he will associate Protestants with immorality: ..." yes sono purtroppo stabiliti i Protestanti che in mille modi fiaudulenti minacciano il costume e credenza degli adulti e dell'incauta gioventá "(E III, 30).
95 "Le povere ragazze [...] non avendo né luogo né comoditá di frequentare la scuola, nemmeno di intervenire alle funzioni religiose, versano in grave pericolo per la moralita" (E III, 30).
«Or Religione Cattolica, religione santa, religione divina! How much do you grandiose your research to chi ti pratica, to chi in te epera and in confida! Quanto sono fortunati quelli che si troyano nel tuo seno e ne praticano i precetti ".96 Don Bosco was so sure of this that he dedicated his life and founded a congregation in order that young people and, in general, all people were capable of getting these goods. This conviction spurred his interest and constant concern for the missions. «Nei almost poi di esercizi spirituali, tridui, novene, preaching, catechismi, if faccía 1-I will bring the beauty, the grandezza, the santitá di questa religione that proposes the mezzí cosi facili, cosi 'mili alla civile societá, alla tranquillitá del cuore , alla salvezza dell'uomo, eat appunto sono i santi sacramenti ».97
So convinced was he of this reality that he dared to write to Pius IX: "Vostra Santitá secondi l'tall pensiero Iddio Le ispira nel cuore proclaiming ovunque possa la venerazione al SS. Sacramento e la divozione, alla Beata Vergine, che sono le due ancore salute per la misera umanitá ».98
All his life will be centered on this desire: that all live the religion, stay in the Church, that is, in the truth, be sanctified with the sacraments, be devotees of Mary. For this to be possible, priests are essential, and the task of obtaining and training priests will dedicate their efforts permanently: "Ricordiamoci che noi regaliamo a great treasure alla Chiesa guando noi procuriamo una buona vocazione: che questa vocazione or che questo prete vada in Diocesi , nelle Missioni, or in a religious house does not matter. And always a great treasure, if he gives away Chiesa di Gesu Christ. "99 His whole life consisted of a palpable manifestation of his conception of the priesthood, of the greatness of the priesthood, of the total dedication that must characterize the priest."
96 STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 139. This author asserts that "the riflessione sulla santitá della Chiesa e dei fedeli s'inserisce consapevolously in an accentuately Christological and soteriological mentality" (Ibid., P.140).
"P. BRAMO, Il Progetto Operacional di Don Bosco and the Utopia of Christian Society, Rome, LAS 1982, pp. 16-17 It is striking and worthy of note their devotion and their insistence on the plenary indulgence in articulo mortis.
98 EI, 259. "Tell as much as you like about the various systems of education; but I do not find a secure base except in the frequency of confession and communion; and I do not think I exaggerate, stating that, without these two elements, morality is discarded "(BOSCO, Fundamental Works, p.306). It is worth remembering the influence of St. Alphonsus Maria de Ligorio in G. Bosco, G. Cafasso, L. Guanella through the "ecdesiatic Convitto" of Turin. Saint Alphonsus was the saint of poprolar missions, of Eucharistic and Marian devotion, of devotion to the Roman Pontiff (see G. ANGELINI, The religious realm in eschatology e storia, in: Coscienza civile ed esperienza religiosa nell'Europa moderna, Brescia, Morcelliana 1983, page 379).
99 MB XVII, 262.
100 Don Bosco said to B. Ricasoli: "Eccellenza, sappia che Don Bosco and prete all'altare, prete in confessionale, and prete in mezzo al giovani, e come to Torino, cosi prete a Firenze, prete nella casa del povero, prete nel palazzo del re e dei ministri »(MB VIII, 534).
It could be said, in some way, that the most important thing for Don Bosco is the priests because they are dedicated directly to evangelization, to the sanctification of the people. The bishops, in general, were not leaders of evangelization since, in fact, their task was more administrative, more legal. In this sense, with all the imprecision of the meaning, perhaps it could be affirmed that for Don Bosco the priests were, in fact, more important than the hierarchy and that the structure in the task of sanctifying, evangelizing and edifying the people of God.
In the complex activity of Don Bosco, in his multiple apostolate, in his total dedication to the sanctification of souls, we can find a sense of the Church that is more complex, freer and more dynamic than it appears in his theoretical formulations. It is in this area of experience and action that he surpassed the existing ecclesiastical structures, initiating new paths. "
Don Bosco knew and wanted to commit himself to all the social problems of his time, in his activity as catechist and confessor, in his daily educational action youthful and popular, in his projects, behaviors and attitudes, in his theological, historical and didactic writings, he manifested his personality as a priest visibly committed to the problems of the local and tiníversal Church. "
The reason for the total dedication of his life is found in his experience of the Church: "Tutti i suoi pensieri, tutte le sue opere miravano essenzialmente alla esaltazione della chiesa e godeva de sue gioie e delle sue glorie, e soffriva dei suoi sentimenti e delle persecuzioni che l'angustiavano. Perce if adoperava with ardore ad accrescere you dream contentezze e sue conquer, lenire i suoi dolori e compensaare sue sue perdite, col ricondurre at suo maternal womb great number di pecorelle smarrite, accrescendo cosi la sua famiglia di nuoví figli. [...] Percio non lasciavasi sfuggire un'occasione di dare a buon consiglio, di ascoltare a sacramentale confessione, I preached, di ammoníre, I gave part to a preghiera, riguerdando tutte queste azioni quali opere of supreme importanza », affirms in the Biographical Memories.
101 Cf. E. ALBEIUCH, respects the sine della chiesa nell'educazione salesiana, in: R. GIANNATELLI (ed.), Progettare l'educazione oggi with Don Bosco, Rome, LAS 1981, p. 258-278.
102 P. BRAIDO, Pedagogia ecclesiale di Don Bosco, in: Ch. Cim - A. MARTINELLI (eds.), Con i giovani raccogliamo the prophecy of the Council. Atti della XIII Settimana di Spiritualità della Famiglia Salesiana, Rome, Dicastero per la Famiglia Salesiana 1987, p. 24
He wrote to Don Fagnano: "Ricordati che i tuoi sforzi siano semper indirizzati a provvedere al bisogni crescenti di tua Madre. Sed Mater tua est Ecclesia Dei, says S. Girolamo »(E IV, 334).
In this it was not traditional and restorative. He was aware that not all of the above had been good and refused to return to the state of affairs of other times, arguing that the freedom of the Church, despite having been conquered by so many hardships, had been an extraordinary achievement.
Don Bosco did not live in the calmest or brightest period in the history of the Church, but his optimism and confidence in the future manifested itself at all times very firm. Neither the Protestants nor Freemasonry, nor the constant activity of the devil, would prevail: "In ogni tempo la Chiesa fu sempre col ferro or cogli scritti combattuta, ie she always trionfó. She has veduto i regni, le repubbliche, e gli imperi a sé d'intorno crollare e rovinar affatto; essa sola é rimasta ferina ed immobile. Run il secolo nineteenth dacché fu fon-data, and if it shows tutto giorno nella piú florida eta. Verranno altri dopo di noi, and the Vedantic will always be faithful, and the Divine hand will surpass glorious tutte le vicende umane, vincerá i suoi nemici, and if it will move forward with a cross in the secoli e dei rivolgimenti but at the end of the tempi, nn turbine, nn uragano, coprono il nostro orizzonte; ma saranno di brief durata. Dopo will compare a sole che parí non risplendette from San Pietro to Pio IX ».107 nn turbine, nn uragano, coprono il nostro orizzonte; ma saranno di brief durata. Dopo will compare a sole che parí non risplendette from San Pietro to Pio IX ».107
For many theologians of that time, and perhaps of ours, to believe in the Church meant accepting its authority more than its mystery. Don Bosco also insists, as we have seen almost exclusively in the authority and in the ecclesiastical institution. Desramaut affirms that he insisted much more on his earthly, social and organic aspect than on his mystical essence: "If it will cost che, dopo tutto, nell'universo spirituale di Don Bosco, gli esseri concreti occupano a posto notevole, mence invece le profonditá di Dio , l'ami 'na della chiesa e per-fino lo Spirito Santo vi compaiono ben poco ».108 However, throughout his life he will talk about what, in reality, constitute the mysteries of grace, and will devote his life to stoking this life of grace in the soul of the faithful, that is, the presence of the Holy Spirit in believers.
We have to conclude affirming that its educational praxis leads in a thousand different ways to inculcate the meaning of the Church through a strong experience of the Church, as opposed to a common praxis that more or less consciously identified Church with structure. Experience of Church that is life, sacraments, sanctity and relationship with the Trinity.109 Ecclesial pedagogy that condenses into schools, oratories, churches, hospices, professional institutes, associations, works for adult vocations, press, publishers, bookstores, schools. Don Braido thinks that "l'iniziazione al sensus eclesiae, with radicale accentuazione papale, spontanea sponntanea forma quotidiana del suo essere educatore", "and recalls a recommendation that can be considered emblematic:" Continuate ad amare la religione nei suoi ministri, continue to praticare questa santa cattolica religione, che possa renderci felici her questa terra, alone che valga to renderci eternally beati in cielo ». It was a universal conception, capable of overcoming capillismos and sectarianisms: «Fra cattolici non vi sono né opere nostre né opera di there. Siamo tutti figli di Dio e della Chiesa, figji of the Pope ", 111 even in situations in which a spontaneous feeling could have moved him in another direction. For example, when he discarded and destroyed the libels written against mons. Gastaldi figji of the Pope ", 111 even in situations in which a spontaneous feeling could have moved him in another direction. For example, when he discarded and destroyed the libels written against mons. Gastaldi figji of the Pope ", 111 even in situations in which a spontaneous feeling could have moved him in another direction. For example, when he discarded and destroyed the libels written against mons. Gastaldi
"" I saw, "he said to the Jesuits of Piacenza," a trionfo della Chiesa l'essersi potuta svincolare dei trattati con i Governi, who pretends to choose not only the vescovi per le dio diocese, but also the parish for the singole parrocchie "Adesso é piú libera di prima." If they are "rotti i concordad que ne inceppavano la liberta especialmente nelle elezioni dei vescovi" (MB X, 464).
"SE, 388.
"MB IX, 920. 107 E II, 118-119.
'"DESRAMAUT, Don Bosco e la vita spirituale, p.95.
It seems clear that the most important thing in his life and in his works was the purity of religion - hence his constant opposition to Protestants - and the sanctity of the people. These two objectives, which can be identified in the sense explained in these pages, with religion and the Church, constituted the raison d'etre of his life. He was not a theologian in the technical sense of the word and less an ecclesiologist, although he manifested and represented a dominant current at that time. In fact, as P. Braido affirms, his theological vision of the Church had been modeled in the diocesan catechisms and in the modest theological and historical literature then dominant in the ultramontane sector. He lived and felt the ecclesial community, understood what was the vital nerve of the life of the Church and acted accordingly. Perhaps we would have preferred that their ecclesiology correspond more with their praxis, which, at times, does not seem to agree at all, since the first is legal, legal, institutional, while the second is existential and experiential. In fact, Don Bosco is convinced that only in the Catholic Church can the sacraments and holiness be found and produced.
Don Bosco in this ecclesiological theme clearly represents a paradigmatic example of what most of the Italian clergy of that time thought and wrote, and in this sense it is not original even in its universality and ultramontane exaggeration, but, at the same time, it manifested his life and his performance the urgent need for adaptation and evolution, if the message of the Gospel was to reach more people, especially the most remote and marginalized.
109 Defined in the 1870 edition of his Stork ecclesiastica: "La Chiesa and manifestly the figlia di Dio Padre, the sposa di Gesu Christ and the living tempio dello Spirito Santo," and later he states: "La Chiesa non nulla a temere , e anche tutti congiurassero per gettarla a terra, I saw it always Spirito Santo to sustain it ».
110 BRAIDO, Pedagogia ecclesiale di don Bosco, p. 24
BS 6 (1882) 81.
Giuseppe TUNINEM
The title of this communication is not intended in any way to emphasize, in a journalistic way, a special fact: it reflects the real relations that took place between Don Bosco and the Archbishop of Turin, Lorenzo Gastaldi, in the years 1871-1883.1
It is true that the The history of the Church is furrowed by frequent conflicts between the so-called charisms and ecclesiastical authority, both that of the Pope and that of the bishops. But not only that.
However, it would be banal to resort to that historical constant or illustrious historical precedents to try to explain satisfactorily, or, worse, dismantle the conflict that took place between Don Bosco and Archbishop Gastaldi.
It undoubtedly belongs to the genre of conflicts between episcopal authority and religious charism, but it has an incontrovertible specificity, which is one of the keys to reading the rich and complex personality, as well as the activity, of the two protagonists.
Faced with the gravity and the continuity of the conflict, one feels an inevitable stupor that becomes greater if one thinks that, for at least twenty-five years - that is, until the spring of 1872 - the two protagonists had been in relations of optimal friendship, esteem and collaboration.
If we resort to geometry, the lives of the two characters can be imagined as two lines that, starting from the same year of birth - 1815 - remained parallel for thirty years. From 1844 to 1872 they approached in close collaboration, to oppose themselves suddenly and literally in the years 1872-1883. His social extraction was diverse: poor peasant Giovanni Bosco, wealthy bourgeois Lorenzo Gastaldi. No less different their cultural and ecclesiastical formation: after primary studies not regular, Don Bosco had attended the courses of philosophy and theology in the diocesan seminary of Chieri; mons. Gastaldi, on the other hand, had received a regular and good level instruction, given the times, first, at the Collegio dei Nobili (or Carmen) run by the Jesuits, then at the University of Turin, where,
Everything presented in this communication has been widely presented in my monograph on Gastaldi, to which I also refer for sources, bibliography and documentary references: G. Tu. ~ ni, Lorenzo Gastaldi 1815-1883, vol. I: Theologian, pubblicist, Rosminian, vescovo di Saluzzo: 1815-1871, Rome - Casale Monferrato, Edizioni Piemme 1983 (especially p.122-135); vol. II: Arcivescovo di Torino: 1871-1883, Rome - Casale Monferrato, Edizioni Piemme 1988 (especially pages 259-290: "Il Conflitto con Don Bosco").
Ordained priest in 1841, Don Bosco had completed his pastoral formation in the Ecclesiastical Convent of St. Francesco d'Assisi, the school of Don Luigi Guala and of Don Giuseppe Cafasso, at the same time starting the activity among the abandoned youth; Don Gastaldi, a priest in 1837, had been added in 1838 to the Collegio dei Teologi de la. University, dedicating itself, therefore, to the academic activity, to the study and publication of works of moral theology, introducing itself in the cultural debate, especially in the Rosminian question.
The fact that Don Bosco belonged to the clergy of the Convitto di S. Francesco and Don Gastaldi to the university formation meant that they belonged to two different priestly schools and in many alternative aspects: the first and the second, with rigorist and moderately philogical tendencies, the second , with all the corresponding ecclesiological, spiritual and pastoral implications.
This diverse formation will have its weight in the conflict in question; but at first it did not condition the meeting, the understanding and the collaboration in the activity that took place in the Oratory of Valdocco, already from 1844 or shortly after.
Canon Gastaldi lent his help to Don Bosco in catechesis and preaching, while his mother, a sister and then a niece helped Mama Margarita.
Admirer of the priest of Valdocco, Canon Gastaldi, on April 7, 1849, wrote in the columns of the "Conciliatore Torinese", of which he was a director, a true panegyric of Valdocco and his director, exalted as the "new Filippo Neri" .
And when in 1853 he left for England as a Rosminian missionary, in his secret testament he bequeathed to Don Bosco and his Oratory a considerable sum of money. From England he maintained an epistolary relationship and started collaborating in the collection of the "Letture Cattoliche".
Made bishop of Saluzzo, also thanks to Don Bosco, he wrote the most enthusiastic and commendable commendatory letters to obtain from Rome the approval of the Society of San Francisco de Sales. Finally, his transfer to Turin in 1871, in addition to the appreciation of Pius IX for the open support he gave to the cause of infallibility in Vatican I, must also be attributed to the advice of Don Bosco to the same Pope.
Obviously, Don Bosco, after the serious difficulties he had had with Archbishop Riccardi di Netro for the approval of his congregation, had caught on the plane the possibility of having at the headquarters of St. Maximus a friendly bishop. And with Lorenzo Gastaldi the most promising perspective seemed to be given.
The calculations were wrong. In addition, not only was the dream help lacking, but the opposition came immediately.
What were the causes?
Meanwhile, the role of Gastaldi had changed: he was no longer the friendly bishop, but the direct ecclesiastical superior, therefore committed in the first person to the problems of the Salesian congregation, which had its cradle and its maximum presence in Turin.
Without adding that precisely the role of bishop could bring out the contrasts of his diverse mentalities, matured in remarkably different formative processes. In addition, the bishop had to take into account the attitude of the diocesan clergy in relation to the Salesian congregation, recently recognized by Rome.
Indeed, Don Bosco's conflict with the Archbishop of Turin was not born with Gastaldi, but had already occurred with his predecessor, Alessandro Riccardi di Netro, transferred from Savona to Turin in 1867. That is to say, Gastaldi came across the inheritance of an existing contrast situation.
The real and proper conflict with the Turin Curia had arisen with the arrival of Riccardi di Netro. And the reason is quite simple. The Turin diocese, from 1850 to 1867, had in fact been vacant: from 1850 to 1862, because of the forced exile of Monsignor Fransoni in Lyon, the diocese had been governed by letter through the vicar general; from 1862 to 1867 he had had the guidance of the vicar-capitular Giuseppe Zappata. And all this in a stormy period for relations between State and Church, especially in Turin.
The new archbishop had to face an easy situation, also in ecclesiastical discipline, even though the clergy of Turin was a good clergy as a whole.
In that long period Don Bosco had also become accustomed to a certain freedom of initiative, favored by two other factors: the undisputed confidence of Archbishop Fransoni and the role of substitute lived in the Oratory of Valdocco after the closing of the Turin theological seminary in 1848 by the well-known manifestations of seminarians.
With the arrival of Riccardi di Netro in 1867, a long period of exception was closed. Trying to put order in the things of the diocese, the archbishop found himself in front of the oratory of Valdocco by the presence of the seminarians of the diocese in him.
On September 11, 1867, the archbishop ordered the diocesan seminarians who were in Valdocco to return to the seminary to follow the courses regularly, if they wanted to receive the sacred orders.
The order caused many difficulties for Don Bosco, because he was deprived of a precious staff for his Oratory. More serious still was the negative judgment expressed by the archbishop on the constitutions from which Don Bosco asked for Rome's approval. In addition to the reservations expressed about it, Monsignor was not in favor of the transformation of the Society of San Francisco de Sales into a religious congregation. If not strictly diocesan, I wanted it at least very embedded in the pastoral of the diocese for the purposes for which I was born.
The Holy See on March 1, 1869 did not grant the approval of the constitutions, but only the recognition as a congregation of sim votes. ples to the Society of San Francisco de Sales. However, Don Bosco obtained from the Pope the privilege for ten years of granting the dimissorial letters to the seminarians who had entered their schools or oratories before the age of fourteen; and later he also gave it to those who had entered after that age.
It is evident that from this moment on, when Don Bosco saw that he did not obtain from the archbishops what he thought useful for his purposes, recourse to privileges became a constant in his behavior.
Therefore, when Gastaldi arrived in Turin in 1871, the dispute between the archbishop and Don Bosco was already on the table: the formation of the Salesian seminarians and their sacred ordinations, the privileges obtained from Rome (especially the dimissorial ones), the approval of the constitutions, under examination in Rome. At stake was not only the episcopal jurisdiction, but the very future face of the Salesian congregation.
In this context of already rather tense relations, he got involved with all the strength of his personality and his acute conscience as a bishop, formed in the Turin theological faculty and matured in the school of Rosmini, the archbishop Lorenzo Gastaldi.
The clear beginning of the conflict was given by the letter of October 24, 1872, in which the archbishop, according to canon law, established that the Salesian seminarians should present themselves forty days at least before ordination, with a declaration of Don Bosco on the curriculum of life, formation and study; In addition, each time, the clergy had to suffer, in the curia, the examination of two theological treatises. For the moment, the archbishop refrained from demanding - as was his right - duty - that he attend seminary classes.
Confronted with the understandable resistance of Don Bosco, the archbishop not only did not alleviate the demands, but added that, without a serious novitiate, there was no good organization for religious life and the archbishop would not support the approval of the constitutions. Finally, he pointed out that he believed timely exemptions, but not beyond certain limits, as was the examination of the suitability of the ordinands.
It was the dispute already known, but aggravated by the approval of the esiana, already obtained, and the privileged obtained by Don Bosco's congregation, which the archbishop tried to empty by appealing to common law. and to the fact that the congregation was of simple votes and, therefore, not in this legal uncertainty, full of incomprehensions, will be overcome only in 1884, after the death of Gastaldi, with the granting of the exemption.
The incomprehension was also born from the different way of conceiving the religious congregation and, therefore, the novitiate. The archbishop thought of her in the traditional way, considering the novitiate of the Jesu coitas the model in which to be inspired. Don Bosco, who, among other bears, had no legal training, so it seems he did not want to found a traditional religious congregation, but something more elastic and more adapted to lostitut master made him necebientes juvenilsaes.- This put him before the following dilemma: the novelty of the unusually more dependent of the bishops (which, given the situation, he did not want); autonomy from the bishops was only possible if he obtained privileges from Rome; but the path of privilege was that of the traditional religious congregation.
In order to get out of the impasse, Don Bosco entered with greater determination, porestimating the path of privileges; and he obtained them easily from Pius IX, who much preferred him to the archbishop of Turin.
For his part, the archbishop, feeling overwhelmed by Don Bosco and writing that Pius IX had a predilection for Don Bosco - and he openly admits it in the letters to Roman congregations - more than once he threatened to deny the dimissorial as compelling, with the threat of a striking gesture, to the Pope, so that he had the due consideration with the Archbishop of Turin. And because he felt a certain obsession with the subject of privileges, in his conduct with Don Bosco and his congregation, he always resorted, thanks to his legal training, to canon law, often finding sympathy, if not legal harmony, in congregations. Romans, who tended to the common law. For this purpose, it was significant the approval of the constitutions, closed with the decree of April 3, 1874.
The archbishop had sent his comendaticia letter on February 10, 1873, but raising six precise conditions on the points already mentioned and also asking that the subdiaconate be conferred after the perpetual vows.
Don Bosco, for his part, asked the Pope on March 1 "the definitive approval of the constitutions and full power to grant the dimissorial ones".
Both parties pressured the Holy See to accept their own views.
Among other things, the archbishop, in a letter to the prefect of the Congregation of the Council, declared himself convinced that the Salesian congregation would not survive the death of its founder if the precautions he proposed were not taken into account. Indeed, the consultant of the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars welcomed substantially the observations of Gastaldi on the novitiate, the studies of the clergy and the collation of the subdiaconate after the perpetual vows.
In the meantime - showing what his fundamental concern was - Gastaldi, on July 26, still proposed to the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars the question about the exemption or not of the Salesian congregation. The reply of August 18 clearly revealed that there were two lines in Rome regarding the approval of the constitutions: that of the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars and that of Pius IX. Indeed, the reply stated that, because the Salesian congregation was a congregation of simple vows, it could not be considered exempt from episcopal jurisdiction, "except for the Constitutions when they were approved by the Holy See and the particular privileges obtained by the Holy See. same ». In this regard, he pointed out that if the constitutions were still under examination, it could not be ignored "that more than one particular privilege has obtained the Priest Bosco of His Holiness on the dimissorial to be granted to a certain number of students; and lately in the Audiencia of the 8 of the present one it has obtained another similarity by six years ».
Y la política de la doble vía se verificó en la aprobación de las constituciones. Aprobadas por la Congregación de Obispos y Regulares con decreto de 3 de abril de 1874, acogieron en la sustancia las observaciones de Gastaldi sobre los puntos cruciales que tanto le preocupaban. Pero se concedía por vía de privilegio lo que se excluía en la normativa de las constituciones: con un rescrito del mismo día se concedía a don Bosco por diez años la facultad de conceder las dimisorias a los salesianos que debían ordenarse. Además, el 8 de abril, don Bosco obtenía de Pío IX, vivae vocis oraculo, la exención del tipo de noviciado sancionado por las constituciones.
It became clear to Gastaldi that Rome, in fact, with the weight of Pius IX, was with Don Bosco. But the objective ambiguity of the solution - constitutions on the one hand and privileges on the other - made it even more humiliating. Everything would have been settled, with not too much difficulty, if the archbishop had accepted it without blinking. But this kind of resignation did not suit his character, especially because he was convinced of his legitimate reasons. Stubbornness? Lucid awareness of the rights-duties of a bishop?
The fact is that everything that happened afterwards - when everything became more difficult in the relations between the archbishop and Don Bosco - must also be attributed to Roman ambiguity, oscillating between legislative provisions and personal privileges.
The most critical period of relations between the archbishop and Don Bosco was that of the years 1878-1879, when five anonymous libels were published against the archbishop, in which the conflict we are dealing with occupied a remarkable space. They were truly years of fire for the archbishop, because the publication of the libels coincided with the most delicate moment of the Androscan controversy, in which the archbishop, increasingly alone in front of Rome, was the target of the contumelias of the intransigent.
The first booklet came out at the end of 1877 and had the title: Lettera sull'arcivescovo di Torino e sulla Congregazione di S. Francesco di Sales. A po 'di luce, in which heavy accusations were made to the archbishop for his treatment of Don Bosco.
The fact that the author declared himself "Salesian Cooperatore" guided the suspicions in one direction: the archbishop was convinced of Salesian paternity. In fact, in the ad limina relatio of March 18, 1878, he accused the Salesians of having published the booklet and of having disseminated it everywhere. The author, as it became known later, was the canon Giovanni Battista Anfossi, who had been a Salesian and was later a diocesan priest and who had close relations with the Salesians. The echo of the first libel had not yet died down when, in May 1878, the second one appeared, equally anonymous (the author was, as he himself confessed, Fr Giovanni Turchi, a Salesian alumnus, a friend of Don Anfossi and also he in relation to next with the Salesians). It had the title: Strenna pel clerk ossia rivista sul liturgico calendar dell'archidiocesi di Torino per l'anno 1878 scritto gives a cappellano. The libel was a supposed process to add it against the archbishop, who was accused of being: persecutor of the clergy, especially of Don Bosco; liberal; guilty of having caused Pius IX to die of displeasure; paranoid and unworthy of the episcopal office.
The document was in fact also an incitement to rebellion directed at the Turin clergy. And in a part of the clergy - perhaps remarkable - there was no lack of dissatisfaction: the archbishop was severe and demanding, sometimes authoritarian and easy in repressive procedures.
From the same corporation, formed by Turchi and Anfossi, with the collaboration of the Jesuits Ballerini (from 1841 Adversary of Gastaldi in the Rosminian question) and Rostagno, the other three anonymous libels were published: Piccolo saggio sulle dottrine di monsignor Gastaldi arcivescovo di Torino; La questione rosminiana e l'arcivescovo di Torino. Strenna pel Clero compilata dal Cappellano (do not forget that it was in the middle of an anti-romanian bagarre, in which the archbishop was involved in the first person); and, finally: L'arcivescovo di Torino, Don Bosco and Don Oddenino, ossia fatti buffi, seri e dolorosi raccontati da chierico, born in the context of a violent local controversy
around the Salesian oratory of Santa Teresa de Chieri.
The painful avalanche of anonymous libels, which had wide echo among the clergy and the secular and anticlerical press, not only damaged the image and pastoral prestige of the archbishop, but also did not serve Don Bosco well. The libels definitely undertook, even on a personal level, their relations with the archbishop, who was convinced that he was involved in the defamation orchestrated against him.
At that moment, in the absence of reciprocal trust, things could not get worse; the archbishop more and more convinced of having them to do with a disobedient priest, everything less holy; and Don Bosco convinced that he had a persecuting archbishop.
Several parties tried to bring themselves to conciliation. This came, indeed, by the work of Leo XIII with the act of concord on June 16, 1882. A commitment that was desired and timely, but that was more formal than real, so much had tangled the skein of ideas and of feelings.
The unexpected death of the archbishop, the Easter morning of 1883, on March 25, was what put an end to the conflict, with the tear and questions still open.
What assessment can be expressed about the conflict?
Without pretending an impossible Solomonic sentence, which would be out of place, I think it appropriate to suggest, without pretending to say it completely, some reasons.
First, the temperamental motives: both strong and sure characters of their own reasons, not exempt from a certain stubbornness, more impulsive (but sometimes also authoritarian) that of the archbishop, more tenacious (as in a good peasant) that of Don Bosco In fact, neither one nor the other ever made a substantial concession with a view to a superior pastoral good, beyond what there was of one's own reason, true or presumed.
Second, the reasons for the mentality. The ultramontane formation received in the Convitto di S. Francesco by Don Bosco (also capable, however, of pragmatic and elastic behaviors in certain circumstances of opposite direction) led him to a topological edesiological vision, in which the true authority was that of the Pope , of whom the bishops were, above all, spokesmen. This explains his tendency to pass over the diocesan authority in a systematic way. The moderately Episcopalian formation of Gastaldi, enriched by the patristic lessons of Rosmin. i, which emphasized the centrality of the bishop in the diocese, had not been absorbed by his adherence to pontifical infallibility, personally sustained at the Vatican Council.
Third, the reasons inherent to the collaborators and entourage, which inevitably influence who has government responsibilities. They had excellent collaborators, but there were also people who were not well-lit, pastorally myopic and morally unclear (some easily identifiable, others less, but undoubtedly present), which complicated, whether or not they wanted, the already difficult relationships.
Finally, how can we not attribute a non-indifferent weight to the already recalled Roman ambiguity by producing in the diocese of Turin uncertainties of conduct with painful consequences?
Of all this issue, not exactly luminous, it is worth underlining, as a final, its historical importance, which surpasses its protagonists: the day after Vatican I, which had defined the primacy and papal infallibility, leaving in the shadow the office Episcopal, the conduct of Archbishop Gastaldi and that of Don Bosco also appear as a symptom of a certain edesological distress in the face of a dominant edesiology, the ultramontana, which tended to ignore, we would say with excessive ease, episcopal authority.
Franco MOLINARI
The Church-world dialectic over the centuries has had alternate and contradictory vicissitudes.
In the age of the martyrs, the Gospel exerts a revulsive and revolutionary charge. In the so-called constantiníana age, one arrives at the confusion of the powers and to the identification of the two spheres (Ecclesiam et Imperium esse "unum).
After the fracture of the sixteenth century, the process of secularization began in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, which was accentuated on the occasion of the Enlightenment, the French Revolution, the Risorgimento.
The modern and contemporary age pose a line of tendency hostile to Revelation: the Enlightenment launches the attack against the divinity of Christ and against the Church, because it is considered as a teacher of intolerance. The nineteenth century shows the upward movement of disbelief to atheism, which will become social atheism. In this last phase, Catholicism is considered as a city besieged by hostile forces, such as Noah's ark, the only one that offers salvation. The frontal opposition is followed by the Church's competence with the world through Catholic structures, until the Second Vatican Council launches dialogue and service.
The pontifical documents (from the Roman encyclicals to the diocesan pastorals) trace with ardor and controversy the itinerary of modern civilization. Luther rebels against the Pope, the Enlightenment rejects supernatural Revelation, until atheism explodes, which initially is a bourgeois phenomenon and then transmitted to the working class.
In the field of ideas, the Maritain of the three reformers unites and situates. in the same descending plane the free examination of Luther, the methodical doubt of Descartes and the free education of Rousseau; and it is significant that until the young Montini translated into Italian in 1928 the Three Reformers, 'with the merit of
1 J. MARITAJN, Tre riformatori, Brescia, Morcelliana 1938 (2nd ed. 1964). Maritain considers contributing to the deprovincialization of Italian culture and the success of a preface open to dialogue, but with the serious disadvantage of contradicting the cliché launched, among others, by Cornoldi, who affirmed around 1870 that the history of modern thought does not it is more than the pathology of reason has. mana.2
What is the reading that the young man does? Bosco of that question in the stork ecclesiastica? Note that he publishes this remarkable youth work at the age of thirty years, with the desire, not to put himself in the line of scientific histories to
scientific still immature in the Catholic field, 3 but to contribute to the formation of young people in the total and enthusiastic fidelity to the Holy See. The leitmotiv of the volume, which is modeled on Loriquet, Soave, Bercastel, is well defined in the apologetic end about the triumphs of the Church described in the closing part of the Ecclesiastical Storia.
And yet, some scholar places Don Bosco next to Father Curci, among the famous conciliators crushed and reduced to silence by the supremacy of intransigent combatants; and the reason is that he had many friends among the influential politicians and acted frequently as an intermediary between the government and the Holy See.4
This thesis of the Englishman Seton Watson has a kernel of truth, that is, that Don Bosco acted as a mediator5 in the appointment of the bishops for the countless vacant dioceses and for the exequatur (see the exemplary and documented studies of Francesco Mono). But having made a bridge between the government of Vittorio Emanuele II and the Holy See does not mean that
Luther, Descartes and Rousseau as three great of the modern civilization, initiated in the Renaissance, arrival at the apex with the Enlightenment and with the French Revolution. Maritain grants too much to the apologetic genre, tinged with Manichaeism, which separates good and evil with a clear cut, and issues a sentence of global condemnation of modern thought, which has had, however, the great merit of defending the dignity of the human person, brutally trampled on the Anden Régime.
2 CM CORNOLDI, Lezioni di filosofta ordinate alio studio delle altre scienze, Firenze 1872, p. XXIII. Such a global disqualification of the modern mentality is not something typical of Cornoldi, but rather a commonplace of Catholic culture, and appears as a programmatic component of the "Civiltá Cattolica." Cf. CM CURCI, II modern giornalismo and il estro programma, in "Civiltá Cattolica" 1 (1850) 5-24 (here speaks the intransigent and temporalist Curci).
F. TRANIELLO, Ecclesiastical culture and cattolka culture, in: Chiesa e religiositá in Italy dopo l'Unitá (1861-1878), Relazioni II, Milano, Vita e Pensiero 1973, p. 3-28; Also, Cursi in the second phase of his thought denounces the poverty and scientific backwardness of the edesiá.16cos studies: CM CURCI, La nuova Italia ei vecchi zelanti, Firenze 1881; GD MUCCT, Carlo Maria Cura fondatore della "Civilta Cattolica", Rome, Studium 1988; ID., II cousin direttore della «Civiltá
Cattolica». Carlo Maria Curd tra la culture dell'immobilismo e la cultura della storicitá, Rome, Ed. Civiltá Cattolica 1986.
SE, 387-388. (This acronym refers, as indicated in the "Acronyms and abbreviations," to the edition of 1845. The following editions will be quoted indicating, after the acronym SE, the year of edition and the corresponding page). About conciliatory Catholics and the various currents: F. TRANIELLO, Cattolkesimo conciliatorista, Milano, Marzorati 1970.
5 C. SETON WATSON, Stork d'Italia from 1870 to 1925, Bari, Laterza 1967, p. 73. 813.
halfway between Rattazzi and Pius IX and even less that he worked for reconciliation between the Church and the modern world; indeed, on the one hand he was a fervent faithful of the Roman pontificate6 and a convinced asserter of the temporal era, of the Syllabus, of papal intransigence; on the other hand, he enjoyed the power of the liberals for his selfless philanthropic action in favor of dispersed, socially dangerous trust and for his vertiginous dynamism and the spirit of sacrifice manifested in the negotiations. And it is precisely his total surrender to the papal cause that allowed him to overcome formidable obstacles such as the final hostility of Archbishop Gastaldi and wrest from the Vatican summits the approval of a revolutionary work such as the creation of the Salesians: revolutionary because of the atmosphere that unleashed , for the atmosphere that he was trying to reach, for the new figure of a priest in the chaotic and noisy mass of young people who played and shouted in a courtyard; a figure so different from the Tridentine priest, conceived as a man of the sacred, separated from the people even in the mass (and the walls of separation were the Latin language, the balustrade, the cural house, the lack of familiarity and the total separation of the laity , so warmly inculcated by San Carlos in the Acta ecclesiae mediolanensis). Precisely because of that boldly innovative character, Don Bosco will be forced to repeatedly modify his rule, before it was acceptable to official demands, concerned to contain new initiatives in formulas approved in the past.
• F. Morro, L'azione mediatrice di don Bosco nella questione delle sedi vescovili vacanti in Italy from 1858 alla morse di Pio IX, in: BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 251-328. Motto, who is currently preparing the critical edition of Don Bosco's correspondence, thinks that an unpublished manuscript can be found.
• M. BELARDINELLI, Don Bosco and the Vatican Council I, in: BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 239-250; among other things, it is known that Don Bosco was one of those who convinced Gastaldi to unconditionally vote for pontifical infallibility in Vatican I; and that the Saint had met the future Bishop Scalabrini when he was rector of the Seminary of Como.
• R. AUBERT, La Chiesa Cattolica dalla crisi del 1848 alla prima guerra mondiale, in: Nuova Storia della Chiesa, 5/1, Torino, Marietti 1977, p. 156: about the novelty, in a certain revolutionary sense, of the image of the Salesian priest, cf. the cidostilado: P. STELLA, II prete piemontese dell'800 in the French rivoluzione e rivoluzione industriale, Torino 1972 («Center of Studi sulla Storia e la Sociologia Religiosa del Piemonte»).
9 You can find more extensive news in: F. MOLINARI, The "Storia ecclesiastica" di Don Bosco, in: BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 203-238; very interesting volume: M. MIELE, Tommaso Michele Salzano (1807-1890), separate "Campania Sacra" 1986.
This book was published in 1845 and belongs to the youth phase with all the merits and all the defects of age.9 Among the positive aspects of the work is the immediate and communicative clarity, facilitated by the catechetical form of questions and answers (with Saint Augustine, Don Bosco thought: I prefer that the learned correct me so that the rudos do not understand me). The book received applause and had several re-editions, not only for the popular and luminous style and for an adequate and benzine lcugua, free of archaisms and chalectal piamontesismos, but also for its scholastic use, especially among the brothers of the Christian Schools. reediciones did not please the author, because this. were plagued by typographical errors. Yes it was reflected, however, in the 1871, which is presented as an improved fourth edition. The review is undoubtedly positive: the virulent controversies of the first edition are filed and the matter is distributed more organically. Disputable and debatable, on the other hand, is the abandonment of the catechetical form of questions and answers and the transformation into a purely narrative text by the work of Don Giovanni Bonetti, who were a faithful collaborator of Don Bosco. It would be interesting to know the reasons for these two metamorphoses. Of course it is curious and singular that, while the Catholic polemic raises and exasperates towards 1870, the new edition of Don Bosco, even through the intervention of Bonetti, moderates the previous tones, for example, on the «Divine vendetta »against the heretics. But not much more. instead, it is the abandonment of the catechetical form of questions and answers and the transformation into purely narrative text by the work of Don Giovanni Bonetti, who were a faithful collaborator of Don Bosco. It would be interesting to know the reasons for these two metamorphoses. Of course it is curious and singular that, while the Catholic polemic raises and exasperates towards 1870, the new edition of Don Bosco, even through the intervention of Bonetti, moderates the previous tones, for example, on the «Divine vendetta »against the heretics. But not much more. instead, it is the abandonment of the catechetical form of questions and answers and the transformation into purely narrative text by the work of Don Giovanni Bonetti, who were a faithful collaborator of Don Bosco. It would be interesting to know the reasons for these two metamorphoses. Of course it is curious and singular that, while the Catholic polemic raises and exasperates towards 1870, the new edition of Don Bosco, even through the intervention of Bonetti, moderates the previous tones, for example, on the «Divine vendetta »against the heretics. But not much more. Of course it is curious and singular that, while the Catholic polemic raises and exasperates towards 1870, the new edition of Don Bosco, even through the intervention of Bonetti, moderates the previous tones, for example, on the «Divine vendetta »against the heretics. But not much more. Of course it is curious and singular that, while the Catholic polemic raises and exasperates towards 1870, the new edition of Don Bosco, even through the intervention of Bonetti, moderates the previous tones, for example, on the «Divine vendetta »against the heretics. But not much more.
It is necessary to point out a fact. Write the schematic Storia ecclesiastica in the years 1844-45, under the poritificado of Gregorio XVI, a man so open in the missionary aspect as closed and conservative before the modern civilization (he said "no" to the railroad and the illumination in the Papal State, for fear that they would serve for the circulation and nightly meetings of the liberals). That is why it is understood why the continuo is the De Triumphis Ecclesiae published by Cappellari in 1799 and whose echo seems to be heard in these paragraphs: "At all times was fought with the iron and the sword, and triumphed. She has seen the kingdoms, the republics and the empires crumble completely and ruin themselves around her; she alone remains firm and immobile. The nineteenth century has run since it was founded, and it is shown today in the most flowery age ».
Among all the greats of history, Napoleon was the symbolic character whose history, full of alternatives, teaches the unwavering strength of the persecuted Church, the uselessness of descending to compromises with the world (see Napoleon's ingratitude towards the pope, who had crowned Emperor in Paris), the penalty of the stumbling that God applies against the reprobate.
I ° The work is dedicated to Brother Hervé de la Croix, Provincial of the Brothers of the Christian Schools, friend of Don Bosco.
"SE, 387-388, the formula used in 1871 is less controversial, which states:" Finally commune Vedism the Chiesa perseguitata, nulladimeno dobbiano rimanere fermi nella fede; having per ceno the war will end col trionfo della Chiesa e del suo supreme Pastore "(SE 1871, 371) As can be seen, the paragraph on the fall of the kingdoms, republics and empires was crossed out, perhaps because the previous year the Pontifical State had disappeared.
When PIO VI died, the revolutionaries of France declared: «The last country has died» «But it is God who founded and governs the Church, that is why all the efforts of his enemies are futile»
Napoleon is waiting for a sweeter and less bloodthirsty government. "That is why Pius VIL, who had been elected in Venice despite the auguries of misfortune, stipulates with him the Concordat, which he hastens to violate. crowned emperor, but he "rewarded the condescension of the pope with the most monstrous ingratitude, letting himself be carried away by excesses against him, of which until then there were no examples." Napoleon laughed and mocked the papal sanctions, exclaiming: "Does the pope believe, perhaps, that his excommunications will drop the weapons from the hands of my soldiers? ".16 But he had to experience that to favor the Church is a principle of greatness, and to pursue the principle of ruin. '
The insolent emperor "is taken by force and taken prisoner, he is taken to Fontainebleau, in that same palace in which he held the Holy Father in chains, and waters with the tears of his despair those same places, where he shed the tears of the Vicar of Jesus Christ ».18
The world, for Don Bosco, as for San Agustín and San Alfonso, is dirty. The good and the bad are divided by towering walls, like poor Lazarus in the bosom of Abraham and the rich Epulon in the fire of hell. But, while the author of the De civitate Dei finds "in the powerful and illustrious Roman empire the preciousness of civil virtues, though without the seal of true religion," Don Bosco does not find any true soul outside the Catholic perimeter, or seminal reason, as affirmed by the line opened by the philosopher Justin who, although persecuted and martyred by paganism, had a deep understanding of the Christian values that were also in paganism as scattered seeds of the full Truth.
In this psychology of rejection, Don Bosco follows the school of the counterrevolutionary and romantic current (De Maistre, Chateaubriand, Donoso Cortés, etc.), from San Alfonso de Lígorio, the Popes of the Restoration. No new expression or nuance is missing.
The well-wishers, like the Catholic Mason Joseph De Maistre, consider the revolutionary and Jacobin events as "disorder, madness, impiety, ruin of all principles and all political supporters and dwells. of all civil coexistence ».
2 SE, 371; in the 1871 edition (p.330) the phrase is omitted and replaced with an expression that is limited to narrating the facts.
"SE, 359." SE, 360.
15 SE, 361.
16 SE, 366.
"Ibid.
"SE, 367: identical to the wording of 1871 (page 335).
"Patrologia latina, 33, 533. Agustín continues:" so that it would be understood that with the addition of it [the true religion] men become citizens of another city, in which the sovereign king is the truth, the law is charity and the measure of life is eternity ».
Catholic apologetics denounces the deaths, the anarchy, the assault on property, the persecution of the Church in the non-sworn clergy and in the pope. Also the immortal principles "freedom, equality, fraternity", sunk in the land of the Gospel, are rejected in block that even, because they violate the rights of the authority of divine origin, favor religious indifference, deform freedom and transform it into license.
Don Bosco, lacking historical perspective and cultural solidity, does not share the position of Rosmini who thinks that impoverishing the Church means saving it. The Church emerges from the impoverished revolution and stripped of political power. But was that a serious damage?
Rosmini compares the riches of the Church with the armor of Saul that made David powerless, and exclaimed: "In what part will we find an immensely rich clergy, who has the courage to become poor? Or that it has at least the light of untamed intelligence to realize that the hour has sounded, in which to impoverish the Church is to save it? "" Although aligned in counterrevolutionary intransigence and in traditional moralism, Don Bosco , perhaps in the name of practical experience and contact with reality, attenuates certain positions of St. Alphonsus, who had written: "Non sei nato né per vivere, né per godere, per farti ricco, per mangiare come bruti". The founder of the Salesians softens this rigorist conception and adds: «Non sei al mondo only per godere, per farti ricco, per mangiare». 22 Reproduces in the Giovane provveduto the Alphonsian song "mondo piú non sei per me", understanding by world, not the creation that came out of the hands of good God, nor the collaboration of human work with God, but the world dragged by sin original and possessed by Satan. But he softens Saint Alphonsus with the spirit of Saint Philip Neri, who recommended his students: "Be cheerful: I do not want scruples, nor melancholy; It is enough for me not to commit sins. "23 Here is the historical origin of the Salesian saying: Servite Domino in laetitia. But he softens Saint Alphonsus with the spirit of Saint Philip Neri, who recommended his students: "Be cheerful: I do not want scruples, nor melancholy; It is enough for me not to commit sins. "23 Here is the historical origin of the Salesian saying: Servite Domino in laetitia. But he softens Saint Alphonsus with the spirit of Saint Philip Neri, who recommended his students: "Be cheerful: I do not want scruples, nor melancholy; It is enough for me not to commit sins. "23 Here is the historical origin of the Salesian saying: Servite Domino in laetitia.
20 G. MARTINA, La Chiesa nell'eta of liberalism, Brescia, Morcelliana 1979, p. 8; As regards the counterrevolutionary mentality breathed by the young Bosco, one can see: C. BONA, Le Amicizie Societá segrete e rinascita religiosa (1770-1830), Torio, Societa Subalpina 1962; L. MEZZADRI, La Chiesa e la rivoluzionefrancese, Milano, Edizioni Paoline 1989.
21 A. ROSMINI, Le cinque piaghe della Chiesa, a cura di C. Riva, Brescia, Morcelliana 1966, p. 163; the opposite mentality, that is, the one that detects in an ecclesiastical patrimony an attack to the faith, emerges with force in the ecclesiastical journals of the Restoration: Encyclopedia ecclesiastica (Napoli 1821-1823), Memorie di religione, morale e letteratura ( Moderator 1822-1823), Amico d'Italia (Bacon 1822-1830).
STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 41; the different nuances, perhaps, are not explained as much by different theological approaches (Don Bosco follows the benignist line of San Alfonso) as by the different times and contexts in which both operate: Alfonso addresses the man of the 700, Don Bosco is in contact with young people of the 800.
23 Ibid., P. 56-57 (Don Bosco also uses various resources such as gymnastics, music, declamation, the "teatrino", the walks, as, on the other hand, he had done since childhood).
As for the popes of the Restoration, his presence in Don Bosco is attested by the harsh negative judgment he makes of the French Revolution, Freemasonry and secret societies, to which he attributes the constant objective of wanting to demolish at the same time the throne and the altar, 24 of the liberal and socialist society, which opposes all kinds of obstacles to the Catholic school and to the social exposure of religion, while opening the dams to the blasphemous and obscene press, to anti-educational shows, to pagan fashion.
The itinerary of modern dechristianization in the pontifical documents as in the Ecclesiastical Storia proceeds through some fundamental stages, which are: Luther, Freemasons, Encyclopedists (Voltaire, Rousseau), Jacobins (Robespierre). These characters are nothing but disguises of Satan. The identification of the devil with the Revolution will be a leitmotif of Pius IX after 1849 and is already in our author, who claims that emonio "under the mantle of secret societies, modern philosophy, excites rebellions, arouses bloody persecutions ». In homage to free examination, Protestants must say: "Do whatever you want: steal, disobey, kill the king."
After Luther and Calvin °, whose "monstrous" life was punished by the "Divine vendetta" with a horrific death, 26 the other black beast is the Máso
24 F. MOLINARI, Massoneria nei documents pontifici dell'Ottocento (in press); JA FERRER-BENIMELI - G. CAPRILE, Massoneria e Chiesa cattolica ieri oggi domani, Rome, Edizioni Paoline 1979, p. 17 (the anti-Masonic documents are very repetitive: the Providas constitution of Benedict XIV reproduces practically the constitution In eminenti of Benedict XIII and defines the objective of the masonic associations with the formula, later repeated always by the Popes of the Eight hundred: machining against religion, the State, the laws, the French Revolution, as a Masonic plot, is part of the Catholic heritage of the nineteenth century, but is "resized" by the convergence of many facts: Freemasonry is progressive and preaches the constitutional monarchy, but not the Jacobin terror supports the programmatic trinomial "freedom, equality, fraternity ", but it walks in the direction of the reforms, not of the revolution; among the guillotined ones of the Revolution many were Masons, among whom the priest Jean Marie Galot (1747-1794), beatified by Pius XII. You can see his profile in: Liberi muratori di ieri e di oggi, Rome, Camelo Editore 1986, p. 219; On the other hand, Napoleon was very close to Freemasonry, and probably he himself was a Freemason (see F. Collaveri, Napoleone imperatore e Massone, Firen7e, Narclini 1986). In Italy the best-informed historian is: A. MOLA, Storia della Massoneria italiana dall'Unita alía Repubblica, Milano, Bompinni 1976; the thesis of the Masonic plot is attributed to A. Barruel, who, however, distinguishes some freemasons from other lotteries; therefore, neither does Barruel accept the thesis of the Masonic plot, which was emphasized after him.
2 'SE, 278s; the phrase is repeated identically in: SE 1871, 267; the "Ri mentalidad di of Pius IX is illustrated with vigor in: PG CAMMANI, diavolo, Rome e la rivoluzione, sight Storia e Letteratura Religiosa" 8 (1972) 485-516; identical themes resonate in the article by the same author in: Chiesa e religiosita in Italia dogo? Unita (1861-1878), Relazioni II, Milano, Vita e Pensiero 1973, p. 65-128; very well informed is: C. BRE221, Orientationi della Massonetia intorno al 1870, in: Ibid., Comunicazioni II, p. 307-340 (Brezzi analyzes the Masonic anticlericalism through the microscope); it should be noted that in the 1871 edition, the Eminence of Don Bosco greatly enlarges the presence of Freemasonry in Italy; the Saint probably received the influence of the climate that formed after the «Breccia di Porta Pia».
26 SE, 301.306; in SE 1871, 285, the disappearance of Luther is described identically;
He felt that, according to him, it was the one that unleashed the French Revolution.
The responsibility of Masonry over the apostasy of the modern world reaches such a point of simplification and violence that Pope Benedict himself (1740-1758), of whom the openness to culture and correspondence with Voltaire is well known, is for the gift Bosco almost only the champion of the anti-Freemasonic struggle: «he used the eighteen years of pontificate fighting the heretics, repressing the plots that Freemasons and philosophers tended to religion» .27
Our author says that Freemasons receive their doctrines from Manes and that they caused all the evils that derived from the French Revolution "to conspire with implacable hatred against kings, popes and priests, and against the God of Christians, to destroy God and the religion, and with this same religion they are forced under oath before that God that is tried to destroy; Later, the Freemasons also received the name of Jacobin from the temple dedicated to S. Jacobo, where they had met ".28
The Freemasons, the enlightened philosophers, the Jacobins are twin brothers, united by the same thought that the freemasons cultivated in secret, the philosophers made known and the Jacobins transformed into ruthless slaughters. Don Bosco writes: "The secret societies, some fanatics called enlightened, united with the philosophers, with the pretension of wanting to reform the world, producing in all equality and freedom, provoked a revolution, which having begun in 1790 lasted 10 years and it was the cause of the shedding of much blood ».29
Resistance and survival of the Church as a stone, against which the efforts of the impious were broken, the infamous death of these ungodly: those are the constants of history, in which the gates of Hell do not prevail. Voltaire, even having confessed, died desperate; Rousseau took poison and then killed himself with a pistol; Robespierre, anthropophagous monster (in the literal sense of the term) "to avoid the embarrassment of a public death like another Nero, a pistol shot is fired in the mouth, the upper jaw is destroyed and does not die. He is left to agonize for a long time in the midst of them, but the phrase from the previous edition that said "cessó di vivere qui per adar nell'inferno to give birth to a demon, i quali aveva pio volte implorato in suo aiuto" is omitted. corrected the date error, that he killed Luther in 1545 instead of 1546); in the 1871 edition, "Divina vendetta" was removed, which, in the first edition, caused Calvin to expire amidst atrocious tortures.
27 SE, 334; SE 1871, 314-318 (antimasonism is a constant, which is maintained, is more, is accentuated in the second edition, which repeats and emphasizes the inaccuracy of the first, for example, that the Masonic doctrine is that of Manes and that masonic laws are schools of atheism).
28 SE, 335-336; SE 1871, 321-322 (also in this edition repeats the well-known thesis of the French Revolution Masonic plot and the atheist and materialist Masonry: just read the Constitution of Anderson [1723], to realize that the atheist is not admitted in Freemasonry, whose ultimate goal is to build the «Universal family of loving brothers» and not to be carried away by Manichaeism or by classical «fractionism».
29 SE, 343.
sharp insults of the plebs, and already very close to abandon this life, is driven on the box and cut his head in 1794 »
lustrado, the socialist
The atrocious death of the heretic, of the persecutor, of the saint-Simon, 3 'which corresponds to the classic canon De mortibus persecutorum de Lactando, does not reveal to the God-Love, cuius proprium est misereri semper et parcere, but rather to the God Justiciero that manifests the "Divine vendetta", not only with hell, but also with despair on earth. Non est pax impiis is the counterposition of the Domino in laetitia servite. On the other side of this infernal corner with all evil without any good, which is the sinful world, the Catholic community is opposed to all good without any evil. One could speak of historiographical monophysitism, in the sense that Don Bosco puts in parentheses and silences the human material only the Church and the inevitable weaknesses of the creatures, to underline any,
The apologetic-polemic strategy, together with the aim of keeping young people away from the Waldensians of Piedmont and the corruption of modern civilization, means that in the interpretation of the great ecclesial fractures of the 11th and 16th centuries and even of abuses of colonialism, the responsibility is attributed exclusively to the "dry branches" and never to the Catholics. With regard to the Eastern Church, the bitter comment links it with the fall of Constantinople (1453), during which the soldiers of Mohamed II devastated churches, desecrated convents, martyred the people: «That Greece - comments the intransigent historian - who gave the Church great saints and distinguished doctors, now lies debased in the midst of vice and ignorance.
The dark page of the Spanish and Portuguese conquerors is the weakest sotica was always that of paradise); the historian Delumeau, fervent Catholic, tells that the root of his research on fear in the West is in the traumatic effect of the litanies of good death, recited in the Salesian College of Nice Maritime, to which he was taken, at thirteen years, after the death of his father (see J. DELUIvIEAU, La peur, in Occident [XIV-XVIII], Une cité assiégée, Paris, Fayard 1978, pp. 25-27).
"SE, 338-339.345-346; SE 1871, 317-318,323 (identical version of the death of Voltaire, Rousseau and Robespierre, about the latter, the" Divine vendetta "is repeated, with abundant distortion of facts real).
33 SE, 375s (in the 1871 edition the life and death of Saint-Simon is omitted); the pedagogy of fear, which is implicit in the entire SE and emerges, above all, from the motif "de mortibus persecutorum" resonates throughout the catholic education of the Eight hundred, which in the spiritual exercises always includes the description of death, judgment, hell , purgatory, paradise p
"SE, 275, SE 1871, 258-259 The absolute lack of ecumenical spirit is a sign of the times rather than a characteristic of Don Bosco, the hegemony of the reciprocal and bitter controversy over fraternal dialogue in Catholic-Waldensian relations emerges in the booklet of: ML STEANIERO, Don Bosco ei valdesi, Torio, Claudiana 1988. It is a booklet poor from the scientific point of view, but interesting as a mirror of mentalities.
brevolada and almost eliminated by the benevolence of the missionaries.
Our author writes : "And in spite of the fact that the travelers, who by the mere thirst for money
went there, have carried out many cruelties, not in a lesser degree in the teachers of the Gospel, moved by the sole desire to win souls for God,
they made many conversions ».33
In the etiology of causes, there is no shadow of critical doubt. If Pope Adrian VI in the institutions to Nuncio Chieregati had recognized with courageous humility that the ecclesial crisis was due to the sins of men and especially those of priests and prelates, Don Bosco, instead, instituted a process of directing unique: demonization of the "others", which are the bad, hagiographic exaltation of the saints, as if Catholicism were an association of angels and not a community of sinners saved by the pure and gratuitous mercy of God. The "others" can be Luther, Calvin, Henry VIII, who by their dissolute behavior or by their perverse doctrine have led crowds to hell, or the enlightened and socialist philosophers, who die desperate or even suicidal,
The painful fracture of the sixteenth century is not, according to Don Bosco, more than the arrogance, ambition, petulance, impudence and all the vices of Luther who "formed a doctrine that contaminates all sacred things, violates the sacraments , destroys the freedom of man, saying that good works are useless, awakens the license to sin, places in God the cause of all evils, rejects in the end all law and reduces man to the state of brutes ".34
In turn, Calvin wanted to take revenge on the Catholics, because he had not received a benefit and fled so as not to pay the penalty for a crime that Don Bosco defines as a nefarious one, he taught the arbitrary predestination of most men to hell, acted as He was a true tyrant and condemned Michael Servetus to the penalty of fire.33 The King of England, Henry VIII, rebelled against the pope, because he was vicious and wished to repudiate his legitimate wife, Catherine, to marry other women, all of which he abandoned afterwards or came to kill.36
Even more horrifying is the end of the coryphaeans of the contemporary world, as we have seen.
Faced with this hecatomb of anger in punishment, with the dark background of the Revolution incarnation of Satan, shines, in contrast, the epic of saints and martyrs. Don Bosco emphasizes the presence of holiness to which he attributes four roles: 1) it is the proof of the nine of the monolithic solidity of the true Church; 2) infusion of the Holy Spirit; 3) expression of fraternal love inculcated by Christ; 4) adequate response to the demands of the time and the hostility of the enemies.37 I will pause briefly on the last two aspects. Holiness as an expression of fraternal love has, above all, an autobiographical value, from the moment Don Bosco is the saint of charity put into action, in the same way that Cafasso can be defined as the saint of charity Silent (and all the saints are Cottolengo, Cafasso,
33 SE, 282; SE 1871, 262 (the version is almost literally identical).
34 SE, 290; SE 1871, 269
35 SE, 291-293; SE 1871, 271.
36 SE, 294-295 (on page 296 a small slip appears: Tomás Moro is killed in 1534, instead of 1535, the same small error is repeated in SE 1871, 273).
All the heroes of Christ are geniuses of charity: Pier Damiani attends a crowd of poor people every day; Sunday is animated by a spirit of charity only; Francisco de Asís imposes the norm of not rejecting anyone's alms; Brigid of Sweden founds a hospital next to her palace; Francisco de Paula performs prodigious prodigies in favor of the poor; Amadeo de Saboya goes in person to perform the lowest services for the good of the sick; Juan de Dios creates the holpitalaria order; Luis Gonzaga is a martyr of heroic charity towards the plagued; Felipe Neri puts his cheerful joy at the service of the poor and the sick; Vincent de Paul is, par excellence, the saint of the poor.
By putting the accent on the principle of love, Don Bosco kills several birds with one stone: he presents the young with the ideal of oblativity, throws licatora rays of light on the social benefits of the Gospel, presents the cism under a sympathetic light, correcting the negative effect of the angry and indignant God, as it appears with the "Divine vendetta".
Holiness, in the view of Don Bosco, also represents the divine response to the crisis of the world totus positus in malignant. I mention two cases. The Iron Age gave the "pornocracy" of Marocia and Theodora: "But there is no other century that has given such a conspicuous number of saints to the Universal Church." Pity that of that so conspicuous number only it names two names: San Bernón and San Romualdo.
Thus, in the face of the deluge of Protestantism, the true Catholic reform was the century of the saints: "It was a special disposition and Providence of God that at a time when the heretics tried to ruin the Church, squads of religious, of holy doctors, arose. , that with many glorious events "On these aspects, see: F. MOLINARI, I santi nella Storia Ecclesiastica di Don Bosco, in:" Credere oggi "8 (1988) 5, 45-46, on the psychology of the Saint: G. DACQUINO, Psychology of Don Bosco, Torino, SEI 1988 (the volume, valid from the psychological point of view, has the defect of relying on critically debatable documents, such as the Memorie biografiche, which are currently the object of careful analysis from the point of view of philological view: F. DESRAMAUT, Les Memorie I by Giovanni Battista Lemoyne. Étude d 'a livre fondamental sur la jeunesse by Jean Bosco, Lyon, Maison d'études Saint-Jean-Bosco 1962.
SE 38, 197; SE 1871, 205-206 (the exhibition of the iron century is more positive than in the previous edition).
They would make a number, a very phalanx of saints, flourish for the Church in all parts of the world. "39
Follow the list, which begins with Cayetano Thiene and closes with Carlos Borromeo.
Don Bosco speaks and writes of Catholicism as the homeland of the Saints with a hagiographic emphasis of equal strength as its polemic severity when it stigmatizes the world. Very different is the attitude of other eminent Catholics, whom Traniello calls "conciliatoristi", such as Manzoni, Rosmini, Curci, Newman.
Manzoni expresses the dialogical relation with this famous observation: "When the world has recognized a true, magnanimous idea, to contrast it, it is necessary to vindicate it to the Gospel. [...] What religion can condemn in those ideas is all that is not reasonable enough, not quite universal, or rather disinterested. " And he points out that not only is Christianity the source of true freedom, because it imposes on man respect for others and self-control, ensuring inner freedom and overcoming despotism.
Manzoni was united in intimate friendship with Rosmini, whose activity had a precise objective, the reconciliation of the Gospel with modern ideals through a renewal of the Church and society, as it augurs in the two works Delle tinque piaghe della Santa Chiesa and La constitution secondo la giustizia sociale (1848). The active and active participation of the laity in the community is lived through the vote, even if it is a census; and in the ecclesial community, through lay participation in the election of bishops. This makes Rosmini, like Newman, though by different titles, two pioneers of the theology of the laity. "
The most active and audacious, however, remains Carlo Maria Curci (1809-1891), who in 1849 had founded the "Civiltá Cattolica" with a program of temporary intransigence; but afterwards he was not afraid of the "terribile sonaglio", that is, of the liberal Catholicism that, as Gian Domenico Mucci demonstrates, he embraced with audacious reformism. And in the one that saves the infallible authority of the Pope and all the Catholic doctrine, but maintains that the renewal of Christianity is the premise for the political renewal of States. And in such internal reform of the Church, the participation of the laity in the ecclesial life, including the election of the parish priests, the acceptance of the breach of Porta Pia as a providential purification of the Church, the spiritualization of the Roman Curia, which is too politicized, the passage from the closed and immobilized synagogue church to the dialogue phase; the pastoral dialogue with the world, whose positive values must be appreciated; it is the new life of evangelization that must be realized through the laity and that produces the true nature of the Church, which is the incarnation of divine love on earth.42
39 SE, 297; SE 1871, 274-284 (a happy feature of the 1871 edition is the division into chapters, in which the positive values of Catholicism through the saints and the orders appear more underlined, in the titles and in the contents, religious.
4 U. COLOMBO, Alessandro Manzoni, Rome, Edizioni Paoline 1985, p. 263-280; A. MANZONI, Osservazioni sulla Morale Cattolica to cura di U. Colombo, Rome, Edizioni Paoline 1965, p. 319-354 (the chapter is entitled: "Degli odi religiosi").
41 On Rosmini, cf. Delle cinque piaghe, already quoted, and on Newman: HF DAVIS, Le rôle et l'apostolat de la hiérarchie et do larcat dans la theologie de l'Eglise chez Newman, in: L'ecclésiologie au XIX siécle, Paris, Ed du Cerf 1960, p. 329-350.
The Storia ecclesiastica of Don Bosco stands at the opposite extreme of these Catholics from dialogue. But his intransigent mentality is linked to an extraordinary practical ductility, which makes him a sincere friend of the "compromising" bishops Scalabrini and Bonomelli, 43 as well as co-curate, the confidant of many anticlericals such as Rattazzi, Lanza, Vigliani, Ricasoli, C.Crispi. "That is why it does not cause surprise that in our author I was able to obtain the participation of Prince Anadeo in the co-location of the first stone of the sanctuary of Mary Help of Christians." They were the Aryans in which Vittorio Emanuele II tried to close the asperities with the Vatican. for Pius IX Don Bosco was a very faithful priest, prudent and active, for the anticlerical media he was a jealous priest who, despite his outdated ideas, contributed to the education of the people.49
A final difference points out the distance of the Turin Saint with respect to integrisnium: the contact with the concrete of the daily history that facilitated not so much the study of the past as the ability to read the present (for example, his attention towards the young «object» , exploited by the nascent industrial civilization, the sensibility towards the professional school the opportune perception of the problem of the press). His love for history was not inferior to his passion for the Church and to the desire for his own personal sanctification.
42 MUCCI, II primo direttore della "Civiltá cattolica"; ID., Carlo Maria Curci il fondatore della "Civiltá Cattolica"; C. PiccuuLL0, Le idee nuove del p. Curci sulla questione r ore omana, p. in: Cbiesa e
Stato nell'Ottocento Miscellanea in onore di Pietro Pirri, Padova, Ed. Anten 1962, 607-658.
"On Bonomelli e Scalabrini, see G. GALLINA, II religious problem in the Risorgimento and il pensiero di Geremia Bonomelli, Rome, Ed. Universitari Gregoriana 1974, C. MARCO (ed.), Carteggio Scalabrini-Bonomelli (1868-1905), Rome, Studium 1983, on the emigration, the studies of Rosoli are fundamental, in our case it is especially useful: GF ROSOLI, Impegno missionario e assistenza religiosa agli emigranti nella visione e nell'opera di don Bosco e del 28 salesia 293.ni, in: TRAMELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, Torino, SEI 1987, page 9 - It should be noted that the subject of emigration frequently appears in the pages of the SE, especially in relation to missions STELLA, Don Bosco II, pp. 90-95.
Many young people were entrusted to Don Bosco by the same civil authority, which was obviously considered bound and grateful to him.
As the basis for all the Storia ecclesiastica of Don Bosco, there is a doctrinal concept that underlies the story, conditions the choice of facts and appears as a reference in the interpretation of documents.
The idea-mother is the idea of the world, 46 as a totally negative pole in opposition to the Church as a totally positive pole and is expressed in the motto Extra Ecclesiam nulla salus. The world is totus positus in malignant: it is the typical concept of intransigence, in dialectic with the doctrine of conciliatory and dialoguing Catholicism, which, outside the closed circle of the Church, knows how to find the soul of truth, the germs of the positive , the seeds of the logos.
The world as an anti-divine reality, the nest of vipers hostile to God, knows the Fourth Gospel, the tradition of Plotinus with manqueous veins, a counterrevolutionary mentality, typical of the Restoration, when one dreamed of an era in which the Church pronounced itself, only on matters of faith, but also on norms and customs, in which he promulgated disciplinary laws, established hierarchies and deposed them, corrected the faithful and removed corrupt members from their
womb.47 "R. GUARDINI Mondo e persona, Milano 1964, F. GOGARTEN, L'uomo tra Dio e il mondo,
Bologna 1967, HU Von BALTHASAR, Cosmic Liturgy, Rome 1976, JB METZ, Sulla theology of the world, Brescia 1969.
47 B. PLONGERON, Archetipo e ripetizioni di una Cristianita, in: «Concilium» 7 (1971) 1366.
These pages intend to shed some light on the historical climate in which Don Bosco lived and acted, about the essences of those who nourish their spiritual guidelines and their educational action. I think that to understand Bosco, it is necessary to confront his time, even knowing that he has an outstanding personality and very original features.
Don Bosco was trained in the climate of the Restoration. Although this term usually assumes a politico-social meaning. (it evokes the Congress of Vienna and the Holy Alliance, the repressive policy of governments, the postrevolutionary situation), it also has relevance in the picture of culture and religious life. Typical of the Restoration era is the work aimed at rebuilding the Christian fabric of society, torn apart by the French Revolution (the "flood", according to Cardinal Consalvi, "the desolation of the universe," according to Brunone Lanteri). There was the conviction that a great diabolical operation aimed at destroying the designs of God, of which the Church is the guardian, was in operation and that it was necessary to contain the assaults of the evil one and reconquer society for God and for the Church.
The Society of Jesus, restored by Pius VII in 1814, becomes the center of the movement of religious revival in Piedmont. It counts on men of great prestige, like the father Roothaan, rector of the school of San Francisco de Paula of Turin, later prepósito general of the Order, like Francesco Pellico and Antonio Bresciani. '
P. PIRRL P. Giovanni Roothaan XXI Generale della Compagnia di Gessi (1785-1853), Isola del Liri 1930; I. RINIERI, Il padre Francesco Pellico ei suoi tempi, vol. I: The Restaurazione e l'opera
della Compagnia di Gesti, Pavia 1934.
New religious orders are born, such as the Oblates of Maria Virgen de Brunone Lanteri and the Institute of Charity of Antonio Rosraini. The nuns of the Charity of Antida Thouret are introduced. New lay associations emerge. Among these stand out the «Christian friendship», an expression of aristocratic and bourgeois environments with a philo-Jesuit orientation, which proposes the spiritual formation of the associates and the fight against the spirit of the encyclopaedists through the systematic diffusion of works of Catholic inspiration (« good books »), carried out through loans or free distributions. ' The central motive of the "Friendship" is constituted by the devotion to the Heart of Jesus, according to the orientation supported by the Jesuits, by frequent communion and by daily meditation:
Disappeared in the Napoleonic era, the Christian friendship reappeared in 1817 under the name of "Amicizia-cattolica" on the initiative of Brunone Lanteri. Some of its members (Cesare Taparelli d'Azeglio, Rodolfo and Giuseppe de Maistre, Luigi Provana di Collegno, Pietro Pallavicino, Renato d'Agliano, Giovanni Carlo Brignole) occupy important positions in the politics and administration of the Savoyard State. Also the Catholic Friendship was concerned with the free dissemination of the «good press». Since the legitimist, ultramontane, Demaistrian inspiration dominates, the books disseminated defend the alliance between throne and altar, profess an unconditional devotion to the Holy See, defend the personal infallibility of the Pope, refute the "modern errors", favor the theological tendencies and spirituals animated by the Jesuits, they preach a moral orientation modeled on benign probabilism. It was precisely the Catholic Friendship that promoted in 1825 the edition of the works of Alfonso de Ligorio in the Giacinto Marietti publishing house of Turin.3. In 1828 the Catholic Friendship was suppressed by the Piedmontese government
2 The first circle of the "Amicizia" was constituted in Turin in the years 1779-1780 at the initiative of a former Jesuit, Nicolaus Joseph von Diessbach (1732-1798). Cenacles later emerged in Milan, Vienna, Florence, Rome, Paris. The members were committed to secrecy, according to the taste of time and also not to expose themselves to the sarcasm of "strong spirits" and to the annoyances of the police. To the «Christian Amicizia», secular, was added in 1782 a «priestly, anti-Janissary and Alphonsian friendship», which promotes spiritual exercises according to the method of St. Ignatius and retreats, the practice of mental prayer and the examination of conscience. Cf. C. BONA, Le «Amicizie». Societá segrete e rinascita religiosa (1770-1830), Torillo 1962. See the recensiones of this work made by P.
Cf. C. BONA, Le «Amicizie», p. 361-371. Works of Lamennais, De Ronald, Von Haller, Bossuet, Gerdil were disseminated. Among the spiritual authors include the Jesuit Pinamonti, the barna-bita Quadrupani and especially Alfonso de Ligorio. Don Bosco also understood the possibilities because of his philo-Jesuitism. Some of its members (for example, Provana di Collegno and Renato d'Agliano) joined the conferences of San Vicente de Paul, founded in France by Federico Ozanam and introduced in Turin in 1850.4
Many of the aims of the Friendship were assumed by the institute of the Oblates of Mary Virgin of Lanteri (1759-1830), who as a cleric had been part of the Christian Friendship and had founded, as we have said, the Catholic Friendship. The Oblates promote the preaching of spiritual exercises according to the method of St. Ignatius, developing the missions among the people, preparing the new priests for the healing of souls, spreading the "good press". The pastoral activity of Lanteri and his Oblates is inspired by the doctrine and spirituality of Alfonso de Liguori. Jean Guerber traces the beginning of the penetration of the Alphonsian theology in France to 1823, when the Réflexions sur la sainteté et la doctrine du bienheureux appear in Lyon A. De Ligouri de Lanteri.5 1.2. The ecclesiastical "Convitto"
On the initiative of Lanteri and one of his disciples, Luigi Guala, "Christian friend", the ecclesiastical Convitto arose in Turin in 1817 for the pastoral preparation of novice priests. The Convitto was one of the crucibles in which the ecclesiastical and religious style that prevailed in the second half of the 19th century was expressed. In the Convitto some eminent figures of priests were formed: Cocchi, Borel, Cafasso, Bosco, Murialdo, Bertagna, Allamano. Don Bosco, who after his priestly ordination (1841) spent three years there (1841 1844), defines the Convitto as "a wonderful seedbed, from which the Church comes very well, especially to eradicate some jansedes roots from the" buona stampa " for the evangelization of the popular classes, and promoted numerous editorial initiatives (see Malgeri's communication in this volume).
4 F. MOLINARI, Le conferenze di San Vincenzo in Italia, in: Spiritualitá e azione del italiano laicato, vol. I, Padova 1969, p. 67
The Rules of the "Oblati di Maria Vergine" were drafted by Lanteri in 1816. Suppressed in 1819 by the archbishop of Turin, Colombo Chiaverotti, they were reconstituted in Pinerolo in 1825 under the protection of Bishop Rey. R. Romeo recalls that the Marquis Michele di Cavour, father of Camillo di Cavour, was several times in Santa Chiara di Pinerolo to do the spiritual exercises under the direction of Lanteri (see R. ROMEO, Cavour and il suo tempo, vol. I, Bari 1971, p.94-95). On Lanteri, cf. P. CALLIARI, Pio Brunone Lanteri (1759-1830) and the controrivoluzione, Totino 1976, but above all: P. CAIDAR1 (ed.), Carteggio del venerabile father Pio Brunone Lanteri (1759-1839) fondatore della Congregazione degli Oblati di Maria Vergine, 5 vol., Torillo 19751976. On the Reflections of Lanteri and the penetration of the Alphonsian morality in France, cf. J. GUERBER, Le ralliement du clergé franqais à la morale liguorienne. L'Abbé Gousset et ses précurseurs (1785-1832), Rome 1973. On Lanteri and the spirituality of Saint Francis de Sales, cf. T. LUDO, Il come. Pio Brunone Lanteri and the Salesian spirituality in Piemonte of the cousin Ottocento. Aspetti storico-ascetici, in «Palestra del Clergy» 61 (1982) 1236-1247.1308-1320.1366-1373.
nism that were still preserved among us », and in which« one learned to be priests ».6
The ecclesiastical Convitto spread the doctrine and spirituality of Alfonso de Ligorio, considered by Guala and Cafasso as the author capable of mediating between rigorist currents and a certain benignist superficiality, 7 but it was also a center of irradiation of Salesian and Filipino spirituality. The Convitto was presented as a counterpart to the diocesan seminary and the Faculty of Theology of the University of Turin, which were characterized by adherence to rigorous morality and a critical ecclesiology with respect to the infallibility and primacy of jurisdiction of the pope. In short, the Convitto wanted to uproot Jansenist Gallican tendencies or, strictly speaking, rigorists. that still meandered among the Piedmontese clergy.
A red thread unites, then, the Friendships, the Oblates of Virgin Mary and the ecclesiastical Convitto, but with a difference worthy of being underlined. If the Friendships had been aristocratic and elitist and had played a limited role, the Oblates of Mary the Virgin and the Convitto broaden the radius of action with a rich range of initiatives promoted between the clergy and the people.8
It is not without meaning in this painting, as Francesco Traniello has pointed out, the fact that the first spiritual treatise, the Massime di pelfezione, in which, according to Rosmini himself, the spirit of the Institute of Charity was condensed , had a Turin edition in the Marietti in 1832. The Massime di peocezione was founded on abandonment in Providence ("the principle of passivity") and were, therefore, suitable for tempering the typical regime of Piedmontese spirituality.9
6 Bosco, Scritti sul preventive system, p. 80
P. BRAMO (ed.), Esperienze di pedagogía cristiana nella storia, vol. II, Rome, LAS 1981, p. 305s.
8 On the ecclesiastical Convent of Turin, cf. G. USSEGLIO, Il theologo Guala and il Convitto ecclesiastico di Torino, Torino 1948; G. TUNINETII, Lorenzo Gastaldi (1815-1883), Casale Monferrato, Piemme 1983, p. 179ss. The ultramontane currents did not limit themselves to founding the ecclesiastical Convitto, but also tried to influence the same theological faculty of the University of Turin. They obtained a triumph with the dismissal, in 1829, of Giovanni Maria Dettori and his substitution with Luigi Massara, repeater in the Jesuit school of San Francesco di Paola. Dettori, who occupied the chair of moral theology from 1814, professed antiprobabilist and antialfonsian ideas. Cf. F. TRANIELLO, Cattolicesimo conciliarista. Religione e cultura nella tradizione rosminiana lombardo-piemontese (1825-1870), Milano 1970, p. 25-27; P. STELLA, Giurisdizionalismo e giansenismo all'Universitit di Torino nel secolo XVIII, Torino 1958. Luigi Guala was influenced by the Jesuit spiritual tradition. It is significant the epistolary correspondence that, between 1831 and 1847, maintains with the general prepossess of the Jesuits, Father Roothaan, on the way of doing the exercises. Guala, aided by Lanteri, had restored the sanctuary of San Ignacio on the mountain of Lanzo, and in 1808 had established there the "Opera degli Esercizi spirituali" for priests and laymen.
9 TRANIELLO, Cattolicesimo conciliarista, p. 30
There has been talk of Alfonsian moral doctrine, of rigorist attitudes, of Jansenism. The issue is important and requires some clarification. It is necessary first of all to avoid an excessive use of the term Jansenism: Who is anti-imperialist is not necessarily Jansenist, who is anti-Jesuit is not necessarily Jansenist, who holds jurisdictional positions in political-ecclesiastical field is not necessarily Jansenist. Who is rigorist in morals is not necessarily Jansenist. Jansenism in the strict sense can be considered in decline in the first decades of the eight hundred; The same can not be said of the rigorism that, on the contrary, appears widespread in pastoral praxis. It is known that Jansenist or Jansenizing circles cultivate a severe ideal of Christian life. They recommended the conversion of the heart, they fought against the routine Christianity made of exterior devotions, of transient enthusiasms, of caramelized traditions; they reproved the abuse of mechanically repeated formulas in prayer. The ideal is a pure religiosity, free of incrustations, alien to accommodations, nourished by biblical and patristic sources, fleeing contact with the world involved in sin. The delay or rejection of absolution to penitents whose perseverance was not sufficiently certain and in any case who had not fulfilled the imposed penance, were considered as normal means to provoke the psychological shoc and in this way favor a true conversion and lasting. The grace of the sacrament of penance is conceived as a reward, rather than as a healthy and comforting aid in the fight against evil. It can be received only if the soul has reached a convincing degree of purification. For Alasia, author of a treatise on moral theology widely spread among the Piedmontese clergy and well known by Don Bosco in the seminary of Chieri, to defer absolution was a medicinal remedy that the confessor could adopt when he considered it appropriate.
Also the withdrawal from the community for a certain period was considered a practice of penance imposed on those who easily fall into sin (the so-called "recidivists"). It was based on the assumption that the Eucharist was not a medicine for the weak, but a reward for the saints, and that the faithful had to acquire before communicating an inner strength that would make him fit to receive Christ the Lord.
"Cf. P. STELLA, Giurisdizionalismo e Giansenismo, ID., Crisi religiose nel primo Ottocento piemontese, Torillo 1959, ID., Giansenisti piemontesi nell'Ottocento, Torino 1964. Even on the conditions for the validity of the sacrament of penance boiled a lit debate: Is enough the attrition, which is the pain of having offended God for the pains that have been deserved, or is necessary contrition, that is, the pain of one's sins, because God, good, is worthy of To be loved above all things For the rigorists, the attrition was insufficient to obtain the forgiveness of sins, Indeed, the pain of guilt, inspired only by the fear of hellish pains, belongs to the logic of selfishness.
There is a lack of adequate fundamental research on the sacramental practice in Piedmont in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, but it seems that it can be affirmed with sufficient certainty that the sacramental pastoral, which was on the rise in parishes and seminars, was, in general, marked with rigorous lines . Giuseppe Cafasso writes, and his testimony is significant, that according to the pastors of the time it was "difficult to observe the commandments, difficult to receive holy communion, difficult, even to hear a mass with devotion, difficult to pray as it should be, difficult, everything, to be saved, and that very few were saved »."
The exaltation of the figure and doctrine of St. Alphonsus, who was given prestige by both the beatification, which took place in 1816, and the beginning of the process of canonization that was concluded in 1839, as well as the edition of the works begun in Turin in 1825, is characteristic not only of the diverse currents of the Piedmont ultramontane movement that was grouped around Roothaan, Lanteri, Guala, Cafasso, Bosco, but, in general, of the activity of the missionaries engaged in the rural world and the clergy in healing of souls. Alfonso de Ligorio and the congregation founded by him exercised a decisive influence on the orientations of moral theology, favoring the abandonment of rigorist attitudes in sacramental praxis. Saint Alphonsus, in the first phase of his priesthood, He was a rigorist because he had trained in rigorist manuals (for example, in Frangois Genet). The conversion took place, according to his own confession, when he dedicated himself to the missions among the people, that is, when he confronted the reality of the man involved in misery and a superficial Christian life. St. Alphonsus understood that southern Italy could not be conquered with a sullen and oppressive pastoral, centered more on a God-judge than on a God-father, more on sin than on forgiveness, more on hell than on paradise . Rooting in popular reality made St. Alphonsus a more human theology, marked by the reference to the goodness and mercy of God, to trust in him, to hope. ' two when he dedicated himself to the missions among the people, that is, when he confronted the reality of the man involved in misery and with a superficial Christian life. St. Alphonsus understood that southern Italy could not be conquered with a sullen and oppressive pastoral, centered more on a God-judge than on a God-father, more on sin than on forgiveness, more on hell than on paradise . Rooting in popular reality made St. Alphonsus a more human theology, marked by the reference to the goodness and mercy of God, to trust in him, to hope. ' two when he dedicated himself to the missions among the people, that is, when he confronted the reality of the man involved in misery and with a superficial Christian life. St. Alphonsus understood that southern Italy could not be conquered with a sullen and oppressive pastoral, centered more on a God-judge than on a God-father, more on sin than on forgiveness, more on hell than on paradise . Rooting in popular reality made St. Alphonsus a more human theology, marked by the reference to the goodness and mercy of God, to trust in him, to hope. ' two centered more in a God-judge than in a God-father, more in sin than in forgiveness, more in hell than in paradise. Rooting in popular reality made St. Alphonsus a more human theology, marked by the reference to the goodness and mercy of God, to trust in him, to hope. ' two centered more in a God-judge than in a God-father, more in sin than in forgiveness, more in hell than in paradise. Rooting in popular reality made St. Alphonsus a more human theology, marked by the reference to the goodness and mercy of God, to trust in him, to hope. ' two
11 Quoted by F. ACCORNERO, La dottrina spirituale di S. Giuseppe Cafasso, Torillo 1958, p. 110. On this problem, cf. STELLA, L'Eucaristia nella spiritualita italiana gives Seicento goal to the prodromi of the liturgical movement, in: Eucharist, memoriale del Signore e sacramento permanente, Torillo 1967, p. 157-159; J. SCHEPENS, L'activité littéraire de don Bosco au sujet de la penitence et de l'Eucharistie, in "Salesianum" 50 (1988) 9-50.
Th. REY-MER / vIET, Holy II of the secolo dei lumi. Alfonso de Liguori (1696-1787), trans. it., Rome 1983 / ed. France, Paris 1982; G. DE ROSA, S. Alfonso and il secolo dei lumi, in "Rassegna di Teologia" 28 (1987) 13-31; G. ORLANDI, S. Alfonso de 'Liguori and l'evangelizzazione del Cilento nel Settecento, in: La societa religiosa nell'eta moderna. Atti del convegno di studi di sociale sociale e religiosa, Napoli 1973, p. 845-851; G. CACCIATORE, S. Alfonso de 'Liguori and it Giansenismo, Firenze 1942.
The missionaries, who preached among the rural populations, the most abundant, while the cities were supplied with clergy, secular and reguda preachers and catechists, followed St. Alphonsus in the desire to delar, adapt their own pastoral action to the concrete situations of life of the poor people. The Redemptorists of Alfonso de Ligorío, the priests of the Precious Blood of Gaspare del Bufalo, the priests of the Mission of Vicente de Paul, the Passionists of Pablo de la Cruz, the Oblates of Rho de Giorgío M. Martinelli, the Jesuits, were aware that in relation to the penitent the application of the norms was not enough, but it was necessary to evaluate, in addition to the internal dispositions, also the situation in which he was.
edsepsirdeituf802, in Pietro Leonardi, in Vincenzo Pallotti, in Luigi Biraghi, in Giuseppe Frassinetti) move in the same anti-reinforcement line. "The success of the Alphonsian moral doctrine with a tendency towards availability and understanding parallel to the march is a growing interest of the Church by the rural populations and with the increasing sensitivity towards the living conditions of the faithful.'5
The comparison with Vicente de Paul is obvious to the historian, who
discovers in the south of Italy the atmosphere of the France of the sixteenth century. Paul, Eudes, Olier, had opposed Jansenism for pastoral and spiritual reasons, they, in contact with the peasants of the French camps,
"St. Alphonsus and the Redemptorists, from the 30s of the 18th century, work among the rural masses of southern Italy and Sicily On the missions of the Redemptorists, see G. ORLANDI, Missioni popolari e drammatica popolare, in" Spicilegium " Hist. Congr. SS Redemptoris »22 (1974) 313-348; S. GiAmmusso, Le missioni dei redentoristi in Sicily dalle origini al 1860, in Ibid., 10 (1962) 51-176; 0. GREGORIO, Contributo delle missioni Redemptorist alfa-socio-religious tradition dell'Italia meridionale, in Ibid., 21 (1973) 259-283 On the anti-Janissary and anti-Renewal conception of the Redemptorists, see G. ORLANDI (ed.), Apostolic Directory ossia metodo di missione, Rome 1982, G. DE ROSA, Linguaggio e vita religiosa attraverso le missioni popolari del Mezzogiorno nell'etá moderna, in "Orientamenti Sociali" 36 (1981) 24.
"On Gaspare del Bufalo (1786-1837) and the missionaries of the Most Precious Blood, see G. DE LIBERO, S. Gaspare delBufalo, Roman, Rome 1954, A. REY, Gaspare delBufalo, 2 vol., Albano Laziale 1987, 3 on the Passionists, see E. ZOFFOLI, S. Paolo della Croce, Critical Storia, 3 vol., Rome 1963-1968 On the Oblates of Rho, see G. BARBIERI, A prete of the Lombard Settecento. Martinelli fondatore degli oblati di Rho, Milano 1982. R. RUSCONI (Predicatori e predicazione (secoli IX-XVIII), in: Storia d'Italia, Annali, vol.4: Intellettuali e potere, Torno 1981, p.10061018) observes that the missions of the Eight hundred are inserted in the channel of the missions of the Seven Hundred, but with some novel aspects, like the importance given to the catechetical instruction and the attention devoted to a more profound renovation of the town.(At this point, it refers to the Italian edition, to have broader bibliographical references on figures of preachers and missionaries in various regions of Italy [nde]).
15 G. VERUCCI, Chiese e societa nell'Italia della restaurazione, in "Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia" 30 (1976) 25-72; G. MICCOLI, Vescovo e re del suo popolo, in: G. CPATTOLINI G. MICCOLI (eds.), Storia d'Italia, Annali, vol. 9: La Chiesa e il potere politico dal medioevo all'etá contemporanea, Torino 1986, p. 919-922.
oppressed by famine and war, brutalized by helpless despair before the powerful, they realize that they can not preach, to the suffering people, the doctrine of a God, who from the "masca dannata" chooses a group of privileged . The message of the Jansenists, so peremptory and radical, so elitist and aristocratic, could be suitable for bourgeois devotees, not for the poor country people. The French spiritualists saw in Jansenism an obstacle for the consolidation of the reform in the popular classes. "Alfonso de Lígorio, Gaspare del Bufalo, Vincenzo Pallotti discovered, like Vicente de Paul, the same reality and opted for the same solution.
The influence of these pastoral orientations is also reflected in the field of piety. In the nineteenth century, a warm, human, popular piety prevails, which tends towards feeling, toward affectivity, towards fantasy, towards a taste for the marvelous, which values, sometimes to the detriment of depth, sensitive, palpable, carnal elements, which is based on a frequency more assiduous to the sacraments, which is nourished by a consistent number of devotional practices. Marian devotion, which is one of the most significant expressions of the piety of the nineteenth century, flourishes with processions and pilgrimages, with a vast literature on the month of May, on the rosary, on the prerogatives of Mary the Virgin and Mother, and they fall, sometimes, in sweet, affected and tender tones. "
Also the devotions to the passion of Christ, to the Sacred Heart, to the Precious Blood, to the five wounds, to the three hours of agony with their reparative and expiatory inspiration stimulated the affective and sensitive motives. Alfonso de Ligorio knew the mystics (for example, Santa Teresa and San Juan de la Cruz), but he values them in a spiritual perspective that is meant to be available to everyone. St. Alphonsus interpreted the demands of simple souls better than any other Italian spiritual writer. His works full of affection, responded well to the sensibility of the time. Here lies the reason for its immense success. It should also be noted that they are not alien to
such an orientation of romantic climate piety with their taste for fantasy.
Yes, the affectivity, the sentimental emphasis, the reasons of the heart. The Church,
then, as a reaction to the austere, demanding, elitist character of Jansenist spirituality, steeped in spiritual refinement, and as a reaction to the cold rationalism of the eighteenth century, favored a warm, kind, popular piety, accessible, above all, to the masses. This spiritual orientation has its weak sides
16 L. MEZZADRI, Fra giansenisti and antigiansenisti. Vincent Depaul and the Congregazione della Missione (1624-1737), Firenze 1977.
"R AUBERT, Il pontifiCato di Pio IX (1846-1878), Torillo 1964, pp. 694-707.
in the insistence on the multiplicity of devotional exercises, on the excessive emphasis given to the praxis of indulgences, on the proliferation of debatable and secondary devotions, on the condescension to sentimentality. The proliferation of pious exercises increased the distancing of the Bible and the
Liturgy, leading to a poor piety in theological contents.18
Don Bosco promoted some standing practices in the Oratory
dad (the visit to the Blessed Sacrament, the Via Crucis, the devotion to the Virgin and the Guardian Angel, the monthly exercise of the Good Death, the novena in honor of San Luis Gonzaga and San Francisco de Sales), but did not yield the typical devotional exuberance of nineteenth-century Catholicism for fear of irritating or tiring young people. The devotions, for example, to the Sacred Heart and the Most Precious Blood, which played an important role, along with the devotion to Mary, in the Catholic spirituality of the nineteenth century, do not seem to have for Don Bosco that importance they had, however, for other ecclesiastics, such as Gaspare Bertoni, Gaspare del Bufalo, Vincenzo
Maria Strambi. "
In this painting we can understand the success of San Francisco de Sales and San Felipe Neri. In Piedmont, for historical and geographical reasons, the environment was-impregnated with Salesian essences. Effective vehicles of the diffusion of Salesianism had been the home of the Visitation of Turin, founded in 1638 by Juana de Chantal, the wide circulation of the works of Francisco de Sales, who had had numerous editions during the eighteenth century, and the life of the saint, written by the Piedmontese priest Pier Giacinto Gallizia (1662-1737), published in Venice in 1720 and reprinted many times. "They also circulated in Pia
According to G. Lanza, his best biographer, the Marquise Barolo had a very special devotion to the Most Holy Trinity, to the Sacred Heart, to the Blessed Sacrament, to the Three Hours of Agony, to the consoled and painful Virgin, to the Guardian Angels, wings Souls of purgatory, to San Jose, Santa Teresa, Santa Julia, Santa Ana, Santa Maria Magdalena, Santos Cosme and Damián (La marchesa Giulia Fallen: di Barolo, cream Colbert, Torino 1892, p 178). P. Stella notes that "non doveva essere a case singolare quello della marchesa Barolo" (Don Bosco I, page 89).
"In the Giovane provveduto (second part), appear among the particular exercises of Christian piety the" crown of the S. Cuore di Gesu "and the" Orazione al sacratissimo Cuor di Maria. "On the other hand, the devotion to the" Preziosissimo "is absent. Sangue », that had its maximum diffusion in Rome and in the region of Lombardy-Venice.
20 Nor in Piedmont are editions of the works of San Francisco de Sales lacking. It should be noted a devout introduction olla vita ..., Torillo, Guibert and Orgeas 1779. They also circulate: Massime ricavate dalle opere di S. Francesco di Sales ..., Torillo, Marietti 1837; Massime distributes U3, cavate dalle opere di S. Francesco di Sales, Torillo, Paravia 1838; Brief dizionario delle massime di S. Francesco di Sales ..., Torillo, Paravia 1838. Cf. V. BRASIER - E. MORGANTI - M. DURICA, Salesian bibliography, Torillo 1956. La Vita de Francisco de Sales written by Gallizia (16624737 ), who had been chaplain of the monastery of the Visitation of Turin, is work of ultramontane orientation mount small works impregnated with Salesian spirit as L '
The success of Francisco de Sales is more citizen than rural, it touches more on the Introduction to the devout life than on the Treaty of the Love of God.22 In fact, the Francis de Sales received in Piedmont is the one who affectionately indoctrinates about the way of life Christianly in the world, for which the "devotion", which consists of love of God and neighbor, is not a privileged condition, prerogative of religious and cloistered, but an objective that can be achieved by all Christians with the fulfillment of the duties of the state itself.
Francis de Sales had affirmed, against Calvinist pessimism, the continuity of nature and grace, the balance of the relations between God and man, and had suggested a spiritual perspective characterized by a great rich concretion of psychological wisdom, free from worry, nourished by sense of measure, founded on dialogue with God, who wants the salvation of all, and for this he has sent a Redeemer, and who has guaranteed a universal redemption.
Brunone Lanteri, Guala, Cafasso, Cottolengo, Bosco, - the biography of Pier Giacinto Gallizia, the panegyrics, disseminate an image of the Bishop of Annecy made of sweetness and charity. If throughout the 17th century Antonio Arnauld and Étienne Le Camus, Bishop of Grenoble, had carried out a rigorist reading (more jansenístico) of Francisco de Sales, presented as a severe pastor, a reading that had also been disseminated in Piedmont, the Piedmontese spirituals make in the first half of the nineteenth century a reading of Francisco de Sales in an anti-reinforcement key, which discovers his sweetness and his reasonable piety and without excesses. "
and benignist. In 1839 the publisher Marietti published the Compendium delle vite di S. Francesco di Sales e di Giovanna Francesca Frémiot di Chantal scritto da barnabita, Torillo 1839. It is about the Alessandro barnabite. Gavazzi Circulated also the work of CA SACCARELLI, Vita della S. Mother Giovanna Francesca Frémiot fondatrice dell'ordine della Visitazione di Santa Maria, Rome, Komarek 1734, reprint: Venezia, Simone Cocchi 1785.
2 'P. STELLA, Valori spirituali nel «Giovane provveduto» di san Giovanni Bosco, Rome 1960.
22 P. STELLA, Don Bosco and Francesco di Sales: incontro fortuito or identitá spirituale ?, in: J. PICCA - J. S'FRUg (eds.), San Francesco di Sales ei salesiani di don Bosco, Rome, LAS 1986, p. 139
159. It is necessary to emphasize that the Trattato dell'amore di Dio, because of its speculative and
mystical density , is less accessible than the Introduzione alía vita devota. Don Bosco himself preferred the
latter. "
23 STELLA, Don Bosco and Francesco di Sales, pp. 144-146.
With the Salesian thread, the Philippine spiritual tradition is interwoven, maintained in Piedmont by the Oratory of Turin and by the extraordinary figure of viva enValfré (t 1710), 24 by the biography of the saint written in the seventeenth century by Bacci "and by a series de Ricordi ai giovinetti, which Don Bosco knew well.26
The osmosis between the Salesian reef and the Philippine reef should not be surprising. In the harmonious relationship between nature and grace is also founded, in effect, the spiritual program of San Felipe Nerí, which is nourished by trust in human nature and love of art (the musical oratorio was born in the context of the meetings promoted by Felipe Neri), shuns the sullen and sad tones, is illuminated with a festive spirit and joy. Alfonso de Ligorío, although open to the suggestions of Teresa de Ávila, is the spiritual son of Felipe Neri and Francisco de Sales. He matures, in effect, his spirituality under the guidance of the Oratorian Tommaso Pagano, then passes under the direction of Mons. Falcoia, imbued with Salesianism. ' Francisco de Sales was one of the most read authors in the field of the Oratory. ' The young Rosmini was attracted to the Salesian readings thanks to the oratorian influences.29 Cottolengo breathes the air of the spirituality of Felipe Neri (his spiritual director was the Filipino Michele Fontana) and Francisco de Sales, although he discovers his vocation reading life of Saint Vincent de Paul. For Don Bosco, Francisco de Sales and Felipe Neri are the models in which he is personally inspired.
24 Cf. SE, in: OE I, 489.
"G. BACO, Vita di S. Filippo Neri, fondatore della Congregazione dell'Oratorio, Rome 1622. He had numerous Italian editions and in other languages.
26 P. Stella has emphasized that the Ricordi ai giovinetti of San Felipe Neri are in the anonymous work, which Don Bosco knew well, entitled: A mazzolino di ftori ai fanciulli e alie famiglie ..., Torillo 1836 (cf. STELLA, Valori spirituali, p 41s.). I ricordi generali di san Filippo Neri alta gioventit were edited by G. Bosco, Porta teco cristiano (1858), in: OE XI, 34-36.
27 G. CACCIATORE, Fonti storico-letterarie dell'insegnamento ascetico di S. Alfonso M. De 'Liguori, in: AM DE' LIGUORI, Operate Ascetiche, Introduzione generale, Rome 1960, p. 127
28 The Salesian influence is very strong in Antonio Cesan (1760-1828) of the Veronese congregation of the Oratory, and is mixed with Ignatian and Vincentian motives, as well as Filipinos. This framework is especially present in: Lezioni storico-morali sopra the Sacra Scrittura, Milano 1815-1817 (see A. VECCHI, La dottrina spirituale di A. Cesad, in: Chiesa e spiritualitá nell'Ottocento italiano, Verona 1971, p. 173s.).
29 VECCHI, La dottrina spirituale, in: Ibid., P. 185; A. VALLE, Momenti e valori della spiritua
litá Roma 1978, p. 43s. An enthusiastic portrait of San Felipe Neri was sketched by
Rosmini, when he was little more than twenty years old: Delle lodi di S. Filippo Neri, Venezia, G. Battaggia 1821.
The case of Cottolengo reveals the wide attraction also exerted in Turin by the Vincentian tradition, kept awake by the religious of the congregation of the Mission, which in 1827 had six houses in Piedmont, by the Congregation of the Daughters of the Charity and for the foundations that, although broken off from the trunk of the Daughters of Charity, conserve their spirit and adopt their Rule? ' If the paules promote the popular missions in the towns of the Piedmont, the Daughters of Charity dedicate themselves to the care of the poor, the sick, the soldiers admitted to the military hospitals?
This interweaving of spiritual currents encourages the extraordinary era with initiatives oriented to the spiritual and material needs of the poor, the sick, the imprisoned, the endangered and straying women, which characterizes the first decades of the 19th century in Piedmont. The small House of the Divine Providence arises in 1832 under the auspices of Vincent de Paul and welcomes the sick rejected in other hospitals because of their deformities. The spirituality of Cottolengo is characterized by total abandonment in Divine Providence and by dedication to the poorest brothers. Charitas Christi urget is the motto that Cottolengo leaves for his «Piccola Casa» .32
Giulia Barolo, penitent of Lanteri, of Guala and later of Cafasso, promoted works for the assistance of the incarcerated, for the rehabilitation of the strayed women, for the care of sick youngsters.33 Don Cafasso is dedicated to the assistance of the chimney sweeps come to Turin from the valley of
3rd Animator of the Vincentian works in Piedmont was Father Marcantonio Durando, friend and adviser of Cafasso, Cottolengo, Bosco, Murialdo, Allamano. Superior of the house of Turin (1831), introduced in 1833 the Daughters of Charity and founded in 1836 the association of the Ladies of Charity, noble extraction, dedicated to the assistance of the poor and the sick. Cf. L. CHIEROTTI, II p. Marcantonio Durando (1801-1880), Sarzana 1971. In 1842, the Daughters of Charity had twenty houses in Piedmont and forty in 1848 (see CHIERarn, II p. Marcantonio Durando, p.122). Among the foundations that, despite having separated from the Daughters of Charity, retain their spirit and adopt, their rule, we must remember the Daughters of Charity of Antida Thouret and the "Suore di Carità dell'Immacolata Concezione", founded in 1828 in Rivarolo Cana
see (Turin) by Antonia Vema (see F. 'TROCHO, Saint Giovanna Antida Thouret, fondatrice delle Suore della carita, Milano 1961, A. PIERot n, La vita e' opera della serva di Dio Mother Antonia
Maria Venza, fondatrice delle Suore di Carita dell'Immacolata Concezione d'Ivrea (1773-1838), Firenze 1938).
"The initiative to assist the sick soldiers caused confusion in the Turinese church world, and an influential representative said that if Father Durando went to confession with him, he would not have the courage to give him absolution, for this his Audacity (see CHIEROTH, Il P. Marcantonio Durando, p 276).
32 V. DI MEO, La spiritualita di san Giuseppe Cottolengo studiata nei suoi scritti e nei processi canonici, Pinerolo 1959.
33 RM BORSARELLI, The Marchesa Giulia di Barolo e le operation assistenziali in Piemonte nel Risorgimento, Torillo 1933. In the month of October 1844, Don Bosco became chaplain at one of the institutes of the Marquesa Barolo, «l'ospedaletto di Santa Filomena »for sick girls.
Aosta, consoles the imprisoned, accompanies the condemned to death, implying in this experience the young Bosco, a priest of 26 years, who was strongly impressed. 34 The poor quarter of Valdocco became the heart of this operative charity, welcoming the Little House of Cottolengo, the works of the Marquesa Barolo and in 1846 the stable Oratory of Don Bosco.
From the picture that I have tried to delineate, a significant piece of information emerges. In the Piedmont of the Restoration a spiritual milieu is formed in which diverse elements converge, but whose common denominator is constituted by the humanistic dimension. Using an expression that is pleasing to Bremond, we can say that Piedmontese spirituality moves in the line of devout humanism.
Devout humanism realizes in the field of spirituality the principle of Catholic theology, according to which grace does not suppress nature, but rather heals it, elevates it, perfects it. The basic intuition is that nature, despite having been wounded by sin, remains fundamentally oriented towards God, grace acts on such a disposition of nature. If the Jansenists had claimed the primacy of grace over nature, the action of God over the action of man and had established a dichotomy between sinful man and the God of grace, devout humanism affirms the continuity between nature and grace. , the harmonious relationship between nature and supernature.
It is significant that there are missing in Piedmont echoes of the French spirituality of Augustinian orientation (think of Berulle and the Berullians) with its theme of the Christian life as adherence to Christ in his death on the Cross, as «annulment» (anéantissement), that is to say , abnegation, inner death, mortification of nature contaminated by sin (Bérulle), as oblation, sacrifice, immolation, so that the creature renders honor to the Creator not through adoration, which is the recognition of his nothingness, but through sacrifice, which is the destruction of oneself as an immolated victim (Condren, Maria de la Encarnación, Beméres, Mectilde of the SS Sacrament). The same Murialdo, who was influenced by French spirituality and in particular by Olier, because he lived in Saint-Sulpice,
"In the MO Don Bosco uses the verb" inorridire "(see Bosco, Scritti sul preventive system, p.81) In this picture of active charity, we must point out a lay charitable institution, called" Mendicitá Istruita ", regia pia turinese work, created in 1771, which during the period of the Restoration exercised a renewed commitment in the field of education and education of the poor youth, its schools were entrusted, in the masculine section, to the brothers of the Christian Schools, in the female section, the so-called "suore di San Giuseppe".
"Footprints of the French oratory tradition are in Lombardy and in the region see
2. Attitude and mentality of Don Bosco
Don Bosco deepens his roots within this spiritual humus, from the language of essences and lymph, 36 but, above all, an inspiration, an attitude, a mentality. Priest of the rural class feels with a lively sensitivity the new reality of the young people who, out of prison or emigrated from the countryside to Turin in search of work, had badly integrated into the city in the co. the beginnings of industrialization. Don Bosco bases his educational action on "poor and abandoned" young people on "kindness" (amorevolezza) and on "charity," adapting the same pastoral methodology to them, characterized by the sweetness that had guided the preaching of the missionaries of Alfonso de Ligorio, of Vicente de Paul, of Gaspare del Bufalo in the midst of rural populations? ' Young people would be led to God not with the rigor, but with the sweetness. In a letter, which dates back to August 31, 1846, a few months after the Oratory was established in Valdocco, and therefore at the beginning of his educational experience, Don Bosco recommends that "oil spice up all food in our Oratory" .38
2.1. Priestly training in rigorist climate
Let us try in this sense to specify some points. It is necessary, first of all, to point out that Don Bosco had acquired his philosophical and theological formation in the seminary of Chieri (1835-1841), in a climate of great austerity. The young cleric had approached the theses favorable to rigorism through the study of the treatise on moral theology of Aphasia, which was the text used in the seminary. Don Bosco recalls that relations between clergy and superiors were characterized more by fear than by familiarity. "The Lima () with such rigorous guidelines induced Juan Bosco to walk the canauna undertaken with a strong ascetic commitment, led to the exercise of abstinence and fasting, Don Bosco reproached, in addition, to the training of the miner his abstract approach, the taste for the captious syllogism,
net Cf. P. STELLA, Giansenismo e Restaurazione in. Lombardy Problemi storiografici in marginé de lettere di mons. Pagani vescovo di Lodi (f 1835) to mons. Tosí vescovo di Pavia (t 1845), in: Chiesa e spiritualita nell'Ottocento italiano, p. 335s. Berullian motives cross the Vita di Gesit Christ of the oratorian Antonio Cesari (see VECCILL La dottrina spirituale di Antonio Cesan *, in: Chiesa e spiritualitá nell'Ottocento italiano, pp. 195-198). On Murialdo can be seen: A. CASTEL, LANI, Leonardo Murialdo, vol. Tappe della formazione. Prime attivitá apostoliche (1828-1866),
Rome 1966; D. BARSOTTI, San Murialdo and the vita di fede, in: D. BARSOITI, Nella comunione dei santi, Milano 1970, p. 373-394 (in particular, page 377s.).
36 P. Stella has shown, through specific collations, that San Alfonso de Ligorio is the author in whom Don Bosco was most inspired. In the elaboration of the Giovane provveduto and the Mese di maggio, Don Bosco valued the Massime Eterne and L'Apparecchio alla Morse. The Glorie di Maria nourished the Marian piety of Don Bosco. Visit the SS. Sacrament, La pratica di amare Gesù Christ, were works recommended by Don Bosco: cf. P. STELLA, 1 tempi e gli scritti che prepaono il "Mese di maggio" di Don Bosco, in "Salesianum" 20 (1958) 648-694.
37 Do not forget that the idea of the Oratory was born, according to the testimony of Don Bosco, of the visit to the prisons of Turin (see G. BOSCO, Cenni storici intorno all'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales [1862], in : BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, pp. 60s).
"EI, 18.
decisive influence of Don Cafasso
2.2. After the priestly ordination (June 5, 1841), Don Bosco entered the ecclesiastical Convent of Turin and received a decisive mark on him. He breathes the Alphonsian climate, but, above all, he finds Don Cafasso, repeater of moral theology, serene and sensitive man, who becomes his confessor. Don Bosco sees in Don Cafasso the image of the solicitous and fervent priest who works for the glory of God and the salvation of souls with a sweetness that attracts and conquers. To the idea of a solitary and severe God, Don Cafasso contrasts the image of God the merciful father. For Cafasso perfection consists in perfectly doing the will of God, but the will of God must be sought in the actions of common life. Holiness does not consist in the fulfillment of exceptional gestures, but in fidelity to the duties of the state itself. Don Cafasso, and in this he was extraordinary, practiced with fidelity the ordinary virtues. Cafasso condemns the forms of austere mortification, which are often a temptation of the devil. True mortifications are manifested in the sacrifice required by fidelity to duties. '
Don Cafasso is at the root of the fundamental choices made by Don
Bosco: Ordained priest, he should have been sent to some parish of the diocese, but on the advice of Don Cafasso he entered into the ecclesiastical Convent. "In 1844 at the end of his pastoral perfection , he was induced by Don Cafasso to take care of the abandoned youths, who often ended up in jail or on the gallows.43 In the Convitto, the image of God Judge (angry and severe), which Don Bosco had conceived in the seminary of Chieri In the Convitto, Don Bosco was persuaded that not with rigor, but rather with
Cf. Bosco, Scritti sul preventive system, page 59.
40 Stella himself, despite the lack of documentation, has reconstructed the intellectual and spiritual itinerary of Giovanni Bosco at the seminary in Chieri (see STELLA, Don Bosco I, pp. 51-83).
'G. CAFASSO, Meditazioni e istruzioni per esercizi spirituali al clerro, 2 vol., Torino 1892
1893; F. ACCORNERO, The dottrina spirituale di S. Giuseppe Cafasso, Torino 1958; A. PEDRINI, St. Giuseppe Cafasso nella scia della dottrina del Salesio, in "Palestra del Clergy" 62 (1983) 625-637,
718-736.
42 Cf. Bosco, Scritti sul preventive system, p. 79
Ibid., P. 88s.
con la bondad llevaría las almas a Dios. Es significativo que tres años después de haber dejado el Convitto don Bosco compusiera para la marquesa Barolo, entonces penitente de don Cafasso, el Esercizi() di divozione alla misericordia di Dio (1847). El libro revela la actitud fundamental de don Bosco: La confianza en un Dios Padre misericordioso que «ha creado a todos para el Paraíso». Don Bosco habla del amor con el que Dios acoge al pecador y usa por primera vez la palabra «amorevolezza» que le iba a ser tan querida y que iba a llegar a ser tan salesiana." Dios es un «padre tan amoroso» que perdona los pecados más graves y fortifica al hombre débil y pecador con su cuerpo y con su sangre, preservándolo de este modo de los asaltos del demonio." Llama la atención en esta obra juvenil de don Bosco la importancia que da a la confesión y a la comunión, «las columnas» de su «edificio educativo».46
2.3. La importancia central atribuida a San Francisco de Sales
Don Bosco atribuyó una importancia central a San Francisco de Sales eligiéndolo como modelo y apropiándose de alguna de sus características importantes. El interés por San Francisco de Sales germina en el seminario de Chieri, ya que en los apuntes redactados la vigilia de la ordenación sacerdotal, en mayo de 1841, don Bosco escribe: «La caridad y la dulzura de S. Francisco de Sales me guíen en todas las-cosas»." El binomio caridad-dulzura resulta familiar a Juan Bosco en virtud de aquella robusta y consolidada tradición hagiográfica a la cual me he referido. Pero el interés por Francisco de Sales concebido en Chieri, se desarrolla en el Convitto eclesiástico y en el ámbito de las obras de la marquesa Barolo." La elección de Francisco como ejemplar no es casual. Francisco de Sales encarna en sí la tradición tridentina en los años en los que se efectúa en Piamonte una creciente influencia valdense, pero, sobre todo, encarna la «amabilidad», la «caridad», el equilibrio, la discreción, el optimismo." Don Bosco aconseja la lectura de la Introduzione alla vita devota,
44 L'Esercizio di divozione alla misericordia di Dio, in: OE II, 71-181. The terms "morevole", "lovingly", "amorevolezza" are used so frequently that they become keywords.
"Cf. Ibid., P 170.175.
46 Bosco, Scritti sul preventive system, p. 295; SCHEPENS, L'activité littéraire de don Bosco, p. 9-50.
4 'Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 315
"The Marquesa Barolo - remember Don Bosco in MO - had the image of San Francisco de Sales painted at the entrance of the premises for the priests who worked in the" Opera Pia del Rifugio ", because" aveva in animo di fondare una congregazione di preti sotto questo
titolo. "In this place Don Bosco began the Oratory he called" San Francesco di Sales "(Bosco, Scritti sul preventive system, p.93s.).
49 To characterize the attitude of Saint Francis de Sales, Don Bosco uses a range of expressions: "amabilitá", "calma", "mitezza", "buone maniere", "mansuetudine", "dolcezza", "amorevolezza", "carita" » In the Storia ecclesiastica, composed in 1845, a year after having spent it, it is a book that teaches to serve God with familiarity and confidence. 50
It could be objected that Don Bosco makes a restricted reading of the saint
a boy, whose spirituality does not end in the dimension of sweetness, but Don Bosco values the authors that which is in accordance with their educational perspective. Francisco de Sales, model of pastors of souls, becomes a model of educators, kindness becomes an educational style and, more generally, a Christian way of life. Kindness has its foundation in the theological virtue of charity, which "is benign and patient, everything is sure, but everything awaits and supports everything." Don Bosco recognizes in the hymn to the charity of the first letter of St. Paul to the Corinthians the foundation of his educational method?
2.4. The reference to San Felipe Neri
Don Bosco lives his own presence among young people as a religious mission focused primarily on the salvation of their souls, but he understands that young people are reached only through understanding, trust, friendship, kindness, emphasizing joy , creativity, valorization of human realities: work, study, music, theater, singing, games, gymnastics, walks. For Don Bosco, joy is not an external element, but a theological value, because it is an expression of inner joy, which is the fruit of grace. In a letter of July 25, 1860, exhorts a student of the Oratory to the "authentic" joy, "like that of a conscience free from sin"? 2 Vice versa, melancholy, laziness, lukewarmness, languished the ecclesiastic Convino , Don Bosco traces a brief profile of St. Francis de Sales, highlighting his sweetness and charity (see OE I, 479s). In the oldest regulation of the Oratory that we know, from 1851-1852, the Oratory is placed «sotto la protezione di s. Francesco di Sales, perché coloro che intendono dedicarsi to questo generate di occupazione devono proporsi questo Santo per model nella carita, nelle buone maniere, che sono le fonti da cui derivano i frutti che si sperano dall'Opera deg, li Oratorii »(cf. STELLA, Don Bosco I, p.108). The same words that appear in the Regolamento of 1877 (see Bosco, Scritti sul preventive system, pp. 363s.). In the writing Dei castighi da infliggersi nelle case salesiane (1883), San Francisco de Sales is defined as "II nostro caro e mansueto Francesco", il "mite e sapiente educatore di cuori" (Ibid., P 311).
"The Introduzione alla vita devota was warmly recommended in the
Valdocco publications , and valued by Don Bosco in the Giovane provveduto, in the Mese di maggio and in other works." On the relations between Don Bosco and San Francisco de Sales, see PICCA - STRUS (eds.), San Francesco di Sales ei salesiani, E. VALENTINI, Saint Francois de Sales and Don Bosco, in: Mémoires et documents publiés par l'Académie Salésienne, Annecy 1955; ID., Spiritualitá e umanesimo nella pedagogia di Don Bosco, in "Salesianum 20 (1958) 416-426." Cf. Bosco, Scritti sul preventive system, p. 294.
'7 EI, 194.
dez, which make the soul arid, opaque, without brio, insensible to God and to good things, take root in the heart not illuminated by grace. "
The figure of San Felipe Neri, defined as «the great friend of the youth. tud »is for Don Bosco, in this sense, exemplary. There are good reasons to think that already in the Convent Don Bosco had had the possibility of approaching the figure of Felipe Neri, since already in 1845 he draws a brief, but intense profile from him in the Storia ecclesiastka »In the panegyric of San Felipe Neri, pronounced in Alba in May 1868, Don Bosco presents the Roman apostle as one who "imitated the sweetness and meekness of the Savior", who has spread the "great fire of divine charity" brought by Christ to the earth, who has practiced "the zeal for the salvation of souls, which is rooted in the zeal of Christ himself." "In speaking of St. Philip Neri, Don Bosco is speaking of himself and of the Salesian ideal. Following the life written by Bacci and the Ricordi di S. Filippo Neri alía gioventú, Don Bosco values and disseminates some characteristic sayings of Saint Philip Neri: "Little children, be glad: I do not want scruples or melancholy, it is enough for me not to commit sins"; "Do everything you want, it's enough for me not to commit sins"; «Scruples and melancholy outside my house»; «Do not carry too many devotions, but be persevering in those that you have started».
2.5. The echoes of St. Vincent de Paul
For the same reasons, Don Bosco is impressed by the figure of Vincent de Paul, in which the spirit of charity, the style of gentleness and meekness, the zeal for the salvation of souls In the Storia ecclesiastica of 1845 he dedicates a passionate portrait to him: "Encouraged by the true spirit of charity, there was no kind of calamity that he did not succor; faithful oppressed by the slavery of the Turks, orphaned children, dissolute young women, single women in danger, abandoned religious, fallen women, galley slaves, pilgrims, mentally handicapped, beggars, all proved the effects of Vincent's paternal charity. "56
Don Bosco discouraged severe corporal mortifications, such as "austerity in food", 57 recommended the "precious gift of health", a convenient night's rest, a work provided to the forces of each person.
3 Cf. SO II, 185s. ; XI, 236s.
54 Cf. OE I, 473. On the hypothesis that Don Bosco knew San Felipe Neri already during
the seminary years, cf. BRAmo (ed.), Esperienze di pedagogía cristiana II, p. 306. "MB IX, 214-221.
56 OE I, 486; In, 217. It should be noted that Don Bosco did, in the house of the Mission of
Turin, the spiritual exercises in preparation for the subdiaconate (September 1840) and the priestly ordination (May 26 - June 4, 1841).
5 'G. Bosco, Ricordi confidenziali ai Direttori, in: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 79
one 58 His preferences went towards inner mortifications, which were cum.-.
I think about the exercise of one's own state and about putting up with the annoyances of others. "He
also feared the multiplication of pious practices that can scare or tire young people.In the biographical profile of the young Magone of 1861 he writes:« I would advise ardently watch for easy things that do not scare, and do not tire the faithful Christian, especially the young, fasting, long prayers and other hard austerities end up being for the most part omitted or made in a bad mood and with negligence »60 From these data we can also deduce the serene, balanced and humane character of Salesian spirituality.
2-.6. Don Bosco master of an original spirituality
Don Bosco was convinced, following in the footsteps of St. Francis de Sales, that perfection can be achieved by all, not with exceptional and extraordinary gestures, but through the exercise of ordinary virtues. When admiring in Comollo, the cleric known in the seminary of Chieri and died prematurely, "not extraordinary, but virtues fulfilled", Don Bosco expresses already in 1844, in his first work, the conviction that in them consists "the sanctity of the youngsters ».61
" «Abbiatevi cura della santa, lavorate, ma only as much as the proprie forze behaves» (G. Bosco, Ricordi ai missionary of 1875, in: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, page 123) «In ciascuna notte
farai sette ore di riposo »(p 79).
56 "Le tue mortificazioni siano nena diligenza a 'tuoi doveri e nel sopportare bothers the
trui" (Bosco, Ricordi cónfidenziali ai direttori, p.79).
6th G. Bosco, Cenno biografico sul giovinetto Magone Michele, Torino 1861, p. 46. In the Regolamento per la case della Società di S. Francesco di Sales, dated 1877, Don Bosco recommended to his sons: "Non abbracciate mai alcuna nuova divozione, not with license of vostro confessore, and ricordatevi di quanto diceva S. Filippo Neri a 'suoi figli: "Non vi caicate di troppe devozioni, ma siate perseveranti in quelle che avete prisoner" (Bosco, Scritti sul preventive system, p 433). Don Luigi Guanella also recommends that "gli esercizi di divozione non impediscano gli affari, non siano cosi lunghi e stracchino el spirito e diano nuisance alle persone colle quali si vive" (L. GUA
NELLA, A saluto al nuovo auno 1889, Como 1889, P. 55).
61 G. Bosco, Cenni storici sulla vita of the chierico Luigi Comollo morro in the seminary of Chieri, Torino 1844, in: OE I, 27. In the second edition of this little work (Torino 1884) Don Bosco writes that Comollo's behavior was « a complesso di virtú piccole, ma compiute in guise che the facevano universalmente ammirare quale specchio di singolari virtú »(OE XXXV, 29). Don Bosco, presenting the uplifting life of a clergyman he had met in Chieri, without realizing it, portrays himself, or reveals the feelings of piety, study and discipline of which he was penetrated. It is interesting to note that the expression "piccole virtú" frequently appears in the work Trattatello sopra le virtu piccole del Gesuita Giambattista Roberti (17191786), soaked in Salesian moods. The "little virtues" are, for Roberti, "The trattabilita, the condisc7 n7a, the semplicitá, the mansuetudine, the soavitá ne 'guardi, negli atti, ne' modi, nene parole". «Le virtú piccole - continues Roberti - sono virtú sicure. The parrot sicurezza nasce dalla parrot stessa piccolezza. Esse non sono pompose, perché versano sopra oggetti leggeri: esse si eser
The young Emanuele Fassati Don Bosco recommends "obedience to parents and superiors" and punctuality in the fulfillment of duties, especially school children.62 Sega! Don Bosco, holiness can be achieved by young people. A young man is still holy)
when he observes with "persevering scrupulousness the duties of his. do.'63 The biographical profiles of Domingo Savio (1859), by Magone (1861),
by Besucco (1864), tend precisely to show that young people can reach high degrees of perfection.
Don Bosco not only maintains that holiness can be attained in any state of life, but that it is easy to become saints. The only condition is to want to be: "How many things, then, do we need to be holy? Of a single thing: it is necessary to want to be it. Yes, as long as you want you can be holy. You only have to love him. The examples of the saints, whose life we are preparing to put before your eyes, are of people of low condition, who have lived in the midst of the difficulties of an active life: workers, agri. cultists, artisans, merchants, servants and young people. Each one has sanctified himself in his own state. And how are they sanctified? Doing well everything they had to do. "" The path to holiness, then, is indicated not so much by exceptional virtues and by extraordinary facts, as by the strong
will and by the perseverance perseverance in fulfilling the duties of the own state.
Don Bosco meditated and loved from the times of Chieri's seminary, the Imitation of Christ, but it was not marked by the spirituality of the flight of the world. He cultivated, yes, the detachment of things, the inner self-denial, the compunction of the heart, but without intimate complacency, in view of apotolic activity, not mystical prayer or immersion in God. Don Bosco has not elaborated an original spirituality.
He drank from Ignatian, Salesian, Alphonsian and Filipino sources and channeled them, with great freedom and skill, into educational action. What is new about Don Bosco's spirituality lies in translating it into a creative, diligent, audacious, volitional apostolate, in the gift of himself to others. In this sense, Don Bosco was a spiritual life teacher (not so much a spiritual writer) and his educational work would not be understood, if we dispense with the sources that inspired and nourished him.
citano quasi senza la reputazione di essere virtuosi. [...] Le virtú piccole sono virtú usnali, I gave a frequent and daily use, comuni a tutte le stagioni ed a tutte le condizioni della vita. [...] Le virtú piccole sono virtú sublimi e divine. Sento ora eat penitenza di averie chiamate piccole, ma the phrase é tolta dallo stile di S. Francesco di Sales. E poi esse sono piccole only perché ver-sano sopra soggetti piccoli, a parola, a gesture, a'occhiata, a creation; per altro, it is the principle if it is taken from the parton, edil fine, to which it is not, sound preciare affatto: sono piccole virtu, che formano i grandi virtuosi »(GB ROBERT ', Raccolta di vary operette, vol III, Bologna 1782, P. 33-75).
62 To the young nobleman Emanuele Fassati (September 8, 1861) in: EI, 209.
62 S'ELLA, Valori spirituali, p. 95. Don Bosco's Giovane provveduto is not simply a manual of devotion, it is a "Christian di vita mode" proposed to young people (Ibid., P.80).
6 'G. Bosco, Vita di Santa Zita serva e di sant'Isidoro contadino, in LC (1853) 6.
It is enough to look at the biographical Mentions of Saint John Bosco, to realize the contacts he had with various Catholic associations of his
time. And not only in the city of Turin, but also outside.
Indeed, during the trips through Italy, France and Spain, he found
many such associations, which came to him to present his
respects, his help and receive, instead, a good word osuna blessing.
In all these meetings, both parties - the associations and Don Bosco felt very liked, as if they were wrapped in the same climate of mutual attraction and: Infecto. In such a way that, from them, more or less stable relations of friendship and help could emerge.
Proof of this are, for example, the decision of some societies to appoint Don Bosco as their honorary member, 3 the fact that many first-time Salesian Cooperators, such as the Count, were involved in them, to one degree or another. Carlo Cays di Giletta, 4 count De Maistre, 5 count of Villeneuve, 6 Dorotea Chopitea de Serra '- and, finally, the intervention of
* This communication was written and read by the author in Castilian (nde).
Although the publication of the Castilian translation is already well advanced (CCS, Madrid 1981 ss.), In the present work the quotations of the MB are adduced according to the Italian original.
2 Some terms, such as Associazione, Circolo, Congress °, Patronage, Societa, Unione, can be checked through the analytical index of the Memorie cited.
3 It was of the Conferences of San Vicente de Paul of Turin since 1850, of the Catholic Workers' Union of Nizza Monferrato since 1883, of the Association of Catholics of Barcelona since 1884. Cf. respectively MB IV, 66-70; XVI, 288; XVIII, 84
• He was first president of the Particular Council of the Conferences of San Vicente de Paul in Turin (1853) and then president also of the Superior Council of the same in Piedmont (1856). He ended up being a Salesian and a priest (1.1882). Cf. L. TERRoNE, II conte Cays, Salesian priest, Colle Don Bosco (Asti), LDC 1947, p. 142
• Of the aforementioned conferences in Nice, according to MB X, 1337.
• President of the agricultural societies of southern France, according to MB XVIII, 150-151. 7 Among other associations, she had belonged to the Ladies Board of the Asylum Rooms and to the Apostleship of Prayer. Cf. A. BURDÉUS, A lady from Barcelona from the eight hundred. The servant of these associations in some Salesian foundations, concretely in marassi (Genoa 1871), 8 Sampierdarena-Genoa (1872), 9 Nice (1875), 10B Buenos Aires (1877-1878) "and Marseille (1878) .0
Undoubtedly, the Catholic social movement of the last century demonstrated a fine sensitivity to the Salesian charism, which it wanted to have close to and open the paths of life, although it did not always achieve an active presence of the Salesians, as it happened, for example, in 1880, to the Workers' Society of Florence13 or, the following year, to the Association of Catholics of Valencia (Spain) 11 --- or, in 1884, to the General Council of the Conferences of San Vi. cente de Paul de Londres.'5
«Giá piú volte in questo and in altri volumi - writes don Eugenio Cenia in the XVIII - ci é avvenuto di narrare as Societá Operaie Cattoliche volgessero the gift to Don Bosco, reputandolo grande grande antes nell'attivitá a favor della classe lavoratrice. Questa opinione faceva si che, dove ci fossero case salesiane, ledesime Associazioni you considerassero eat luoghi per esse di naturale ritrovo ».16
But among the associations that connected with Don Bosco and his Salesians, there were also those formed by the Catholic bourgeoisie that, in accordance with the mentality of social Catholicism of the time, were dedicated, among other things, to the charitable action in favor of the proletariat and the world of marginalization. In this line stood the Society of St. Vincent de Paul, founded in Paris by Federico Ozanam in 1833. His most qualified exponent was, and still is, in the Conferences of St. Vincent de Paul.
They entered Italy in 1844, through the small town of Níza, then belonging to the kingdom of Sardinia, and, passing through Genoa (1846), arrived in Turin in 1850. From the first moment, Don Bosco became a promoter of the same. "So much so that, a few years later, with the help of Count Cays, he founded some so-called" Anejas Conferences "in his three oratories of God, Doña Dorotea de Chopitea, widow of Serra, Barcelona, Librería Salesiana 1962, P. 128.326.
8 Cf. MB X, 145.182.184-185.190-191230.
9 Cf. MB X, 364; S. SCIACCALUGA, Don Bosco to Genova, Genova-Sampierdarena, Salesiana editrice 1946.
'° Cf. MB X, 1337; XI, 421-426; XII, 114-116,120-122.124.407-408; XIII, 106-112; XV, 506
507. F. DESRAMAUT, Don Boscoa Nice. La vie d'une école professionnelle catholique between 1875 and 1919, Paris, Apostolat des éditions 1980, p. 21-41.
"Cf. MB MI, 264-266, XIII, 180-181, 784-786, 1005-1007.
Cf. MB XLII, 95ss. 526-528. 531. 542. 727. 998. See in the Analytical Index (index de nomi propri) of the MB the term Beaujour.
"Cf. MB XV, 328-334.
"See the letter addressed to Don Juan Cagliero (23-III-1881) in A. MARTÍN, The Salesians of Utrera in Spain, Salesiana Inspectorate of Seville 1981, page 183.
15 Cf. MB XVIII, 447-448.
16 MB XVIII, 168.
"Cf. MB IV, 66-70; V, 468.
urín18 and was interested in its diffusion in Rome.19 In general, Don Bosco's relations with the Society of St. Vincent de Paul were deep and permanent. "
The data here adduced are more than sufcient to arouse our scientific interest and guide it to a field that we have not yet studied well: how were they - in their constitution, mentality and activities - those Catholic associations, of which Don Bosco so often surrounded himself and whose friendship and support he sought? Where was the reason for that harmony? What results were derived from it?
Such are the objective and content of this work, which focuses only on that city of Barcelona that Don Bosco visited and met in April-May 1886 and since then, sincerely loved. When he died two years later and, on the second day of the ferero, in the afternoon the solemn burial was organized through the streets of Turin, "the box of mortuary was going, covered with black cloth - read in the" Salesian Bulletin "-; on top he wore the priestly insignia and the gold medals of the Association of Catholics of Barcelona and the Geographical Society of Lyon. "2 'It's funny! The Salesians of a century ago, when it was time to decorate the coffin of their father and founder as best they could, found no other symbols more significant and closer to the heart than the priestly insignia and gold medals of two foreign associations.
The author of this modest work would like other participants in this International Congress to take into consideration the topic here suggested and to develop it in relation to the lands of Italy and France. In this way, in our opinion, we would be able to better discover the historical-ecclesial dimension of Don Bosco and we would make progress, even a little bit, in the historiography related to it.
Salesian literature of all times has been used to present the journey of Don Bosco to Spain with bright and attractive colors. According to the historian Cenia, those days of the Founder's stay in Barcelona and in Sarriá - a small town near the capital of Catalonia, where
18 Cf. MB V, 468-477.782-783; VI, 491; VII, 12-15; IX, 941.
'9 Cf. G. BONETTI, Cinque lustri di storia dell'Oratorio Salesiano, Bacon, Salesian Typography
1892, p. 532; MB V, 871.
20 See in the Index the analytical index (index de nomi propri) of the MB the terms Conferenza di
S. Vincenzo de 'Paoli, Conferenze annesse.
March 21, 1888, 34
the Salesian house was located - from April 8 to May 6, 1886, they were "triumphant" days22.
Indeed, both salesian23 and Barcelona26 sources support this approach to things. The same derisive attitude of the anticlerical press only confirms it.25 Don Bosco was constantly surrounded by the crowd and entertained by the Catholic bourgeoisie of Barcelona. Objectively speaking, this was an indisputable success for him. But to what, or to whom, was all that brilliance, festive and multitudinous, due to a character that, after all, was not known to the immense majority of the local population? When answering this question, several factors must be taken into account. Among them, undoubtedly, the fame of sanctity of Don Bosco and the miracles attributed to him. Even so, who made all that fame socially valid and operative? To our knowledge, to an important extent, the organizations of Catholic society. Just check the documentation to make sure of it.
From the moment he set foot on the ground in Barcelona, at the station called "de Francia", on the morning of Thursday, April 8, Don Bosco met with the Catholic associations of the City. The young chronicler Viglietti was admired: "La stazione presentava a magnificent spettacolo: tutte in bell'ordine erano schierate varie societá [...]: vi era il Direttore della societá dei cosi detti cattolici, il Direttore dell'Universitá di Barcelona, il President of the Società di S. Vincenzo de 'Paoli' .26
The evening newspapers did not miss the detail. According to the "Catalan Post", Don Bosco was awaited at the railway station by "numerous commissions ... of all the Catholic associations of this capital, the Catholic press and numerous contest of individuals of the same" .27
The old Founder was moved by this spectacle. As he declared a few days later, "they have given me a welcome that I will never forget." 2a Since that morning, the Catholic associations did not abandon him and prepared him for the brightest days of his stay in Barcelona.
22 MB XVIII, 117.
23 The most important is the Cronaca of Don Carlo Maria Viglietti. In this work the copy that the same chronicler gave to the Martí-Codolar family is used. In the first cover of the luxurious binding is read: Don Bosco - I quattro ultimi anni di sua vita - Omaggio di riconoscenza alia famiglia Martí-Codolar - Cronaca scritta dal segretario Carlo M. Viglietti -1888 (= Cronaca).
24 Among the periodical press that was most interested in Don Bosco, we must remember: "Diario de Barcelona" (founded in 1792), "Correo Catalán" (newspaper founded in 1878), "12.vista Popular" (weekly founded in 1871) , «The Golden Ant» (weekly founded in 1884).
25 They referred especially to Don Bosco "La Campana de Gracia" (weekly founded in 1870), "L'Esquella de la Torratxa" (weekly founded in 1872). «The Deluge» (diary founded in 1879). For a general vision, cf. R. ALBERDI, A city for a saint, Barcelona, Tibidabo Editions 1966; ID., Don Bosco in Barcelona. Itinerary, Barcelona, Edebé 1986.
26 Cronaca, 8 Aprile 1886. Barcellona.
27 "Correo Catalán", Thursday, April 8, 1886, P. 1. Evening edition. Cf. also "Diario de Barcelona", Thursday, April 8, 1886, p. 4105. Evening edition.
28 See the text of the invitation to the Salesian conference, Sarriá April 27, 1886, in MB
XVIII, 648.
On Thursday, April 15, the solemn evening in which the Association of Catholics imposed on Don Bosco the medal of honor and merit member took place. Fascinated, Carlo Maria Viglietti left in the chronicle some details: "Alle 4 giunse il presidente with alcuni membri della associazione cattolica per accompagnare Don Bosco alla radunan7a straordinaria espressamente conventa per onorare lui. Codesti signori erano elegantly dressed and decorated delle insecure della societá. Tre vetture di great lusso ne attendevano [...]. Le vetture andavano a passo lento, and attiravano gli sguardi della moltitudine accorsa per vedere don Bosco [...]. I socí cola accorsi [in the new premises that the Association inaugurated then] erano quanti ne potevano contennere i tre saloni. It was tutto il flore della nobiltá di Barcellona. "29
The session was a success, 3 ° both for Don Bosco and the Salesians and for the same Association of Catholics that, in this way, was also made known to the representatives of other associations. The President, Dr. Bartolomé Feliú and Pérez, in evaluating the development of the evening, expressed - as stated in the minutes book of that entity - "how satisfied the Board of Directors was with the many expressions of appreciation received on that day by [ part of] all the individuals of the Association and by [part of] the corporations that attended the party ».3 '
On the fifteenth day, on the Friday of the week of Easter, April 30, the so-called Salesian conference was held, called by Don Bosco in favor of the Salesian Workshops32 of Sarriá, "in order to increase - he said - in large proportions the number of children who can be admitted to them, in order to give them, along with a solid Christian education, the teaching of an art or craft that will provide, in time, an honorable subsistence ".33
Through friends and Cooperators of the Salesian house, this communication was transmitted to the societies in which they were registered. Like the Association of Catholics - which, as we read in the book of minutes, received "with pleasure [...] the office of invitation of Don Bosco" 34 -, also the other
29 Cronaca, 15 Aprile 1886. Barcelona .
38 Cf. Record of the solemn session held on April 15, 1886 by the Association of Catholics
of Barcelona to impose the insignia of the Corporation to the illustrious and venerable presbyter Mr. Juan
Bosco, founder of the Salesian Workshops, Barcelona, Typography Catholic, 1886
31 ASSOCIATION OF CATHOLICS OF BARCYI ONA, Acts 1886-1896. It is the record corresponding to
the session of the Board of Directors of 19-IV-1886. Both this volume and another preceding it (1871-1872 [1886]) are found in the Arxiu Diocesá de Barcelona. Ecclesiastical Entities Antigues.
Association of Catholics of Barcelona. Leg. 2. See note 47.
"They were named during the first years of operation the Schools of Arts and Offices
that the Salesians had run in Sarriá since 1884.
"Text of the invitation to the Salesian Conference, Sarriá April 27, 1886, in MB
XVIII, 648.
34 ASSOCIATION OF CATHOLICS OF BARCELONA, Acts 1886-1896 (= Acts II). Extraordinary session of April 30, 1886.
groupings responded positively. Its representatives occupied a distinguished place in the parish church of Our Lady of Bethlehem, where the conference was held, and whose pastor, the Reverend Don Juan Masferrer, was at that time a counselor of the board of directors of the aforementioned Association of Catholics. According to the chronicler's description, "dal lato dell'Epistola stavano authoritates him governative e militad. with vari Direttori di Societá e di Giornali. I comitati dei signori e delle signore cooperatrici occupavano in chiesa i priori posti, ed i signori portavano sul petto decorazioni secondo le societá a cui appartenevano ».35
At the end of the conference, together with the cooperators, they helped to carry out the collection "i giovani della Società Cattolica" .36 It is very possible that with this expression, Don Carlo Maria Viglietti would like to refer to the association called the Academy of Catholic Youth of Barcelona, that came to be like the youth section of the Association of Catholics.
The third great day - Wednesday, May 5 - was centered on the basilica of Our Lady of Mercy. There, in an act «commovente insieme e solenne», 37 the owners of the summit of Mount Tibidabo donated Don Bosco, 38 «so that you can get up in it - they had written on the parcel of transfer - a hermitage, consecrated to the Most Sacred Heart of Jesus, stop the Arm of Divine Justice and attract the
Divine Mercy on our beloved City and on all Catholic Spain ".39
The eleven signatories were owners, or heirs or representatives of the first owners. And, as explained later, they were, or had been, members of the Association of Catholics or the Conferences of St. Vincent de Paul or of both entities at the same time. The first of the signatories and that, in the avatars that followed this donation, had the representation of others, called Dolphin Artós and Mornau, belonged to the Association of Catholics since 1881 and, since 1884, held the offices of president of the particular advice of the Conferences in Barcelona and of the central council of the same in Catalonia. '
Certainly, both the acquisition of the estates located at the summit of the
Tibidabo, as the decision to offer them to Don Bosco, was forged among militant people in the Catholic Association of the Ciudad Condal.
35 Cronaca, 30 Aprile 1886. Barcelona.
36 Ibid.
37 Ibid., 5 Maggio 1886. Barcellona.
38 Cf. ALBERDI, A city, p. 176-190.
39 The parchment of donation, with the text signed by the owners or their representatives, is in ASC, 38 Barcelona: Tibidabo 1 °. The names of the donors that are brought in MB XVIII, 653 are not always correctly transcribed.
4 ° Around this last year he became honorary member of the Board of the Worker, in which during the first years he had acted as effective president.
Apart from these most significant meetings, there were other moments of coexistence between the associations and Don Bosco.
Thus, according to Don Viglietri, on Saturday, April 10, in the afternoon, Don Bosco received in a special audience the President of the Association of Catholics, who went to the Salesian house of Sarria "with a large number of the illustrious socii." 4 'Four days later, these same people attended the Mass celebrated by Don Bosco in the chapel of that house: "II President Col. Segretario -precisely the chronicler - served the Holy Messa to Don Bosco." "And, in the afternoon of On that day (April 14), they returned to the Salesian residence, where "the Catholic Society was in tune," says the chronicler Viglietti, "Don Bosco tenuous a specie di conferenza nel teatro."
In the same way, on Wednesday, April 21, in the afternoon, Don Bosco's meeting with the Conferences of San Vicente de Paul took place in Sarriá. "It was an important dimostrazione di ben 250 Signori della Società di San Vincenzo de 'Paoli" - explains Viglietti -. And he continues: "Don Bosco entered the theater room suddenly and spoke to her that he had molded her, giving her a cosi bella prova di fede and di religione. If fece quindi da queí buoni signorí a colletta che fu assai generous »44
The Catholic associations of Barcelona only left Don Bosco on the day of his departure on May 6, 1886. They gave him the last goodbye at the railway station. According to the "Popular Magazine", there were present the "Commissions of the religious Corporations of this city, such as the Association of Catholics, the [Catholic] Promotion, the [Catholic Youth Academy], the Conferences of Saint Vincent de Paul, etc. »43
As can be seen, the groups just mentioned played an important role together with Don Bosco, who was accompanied and promoted in his Barcelona days. What was their origin in the capital of Catalonia, what objectives did they pursue, what spirit encouraged them to tune in so perfectly with the Founder of the Salesians? The following pages would like to answer these questions. Since the limits set out in a communication must be respected, only the most important organizations are mentioned, highlighting those aspects that offer the greatest relationship with Don Bosco and his work.
"Cronaca, 10 Aprile 1886. Barcelona.
Ibid., 14 Aprile 1886. Barcellona. See also Memory and discourse read by the secretary and president of the Association of Catholics of Barcelona at the General Regulation Meeting held on March 20, 1887. Barcelona 1887, p. 13
Ibid.
44 Ibid., 21 Aprile 1886. Barcelona.
"« Popular Magazine », 805 (1886) 297.
From what has been exposed so far it is clear that this organization was the one that was in closest contact with Don Bosco as a result of his visit to Barcen canvas in 1886. Friendship relations began in 1884, when they had learned of the existence of the Salesian and their Founder and remained alive even after receiving the news of the last illness and death of the same, in January 1888.46
The Association of Catholics of Barcelona47 was constituted on March 19, 1871. "It was wanted - later wrote the lawyer José María Vergés, a good connoisseur of the same - who, in favor of enthusiasm, splendor and good organization, make fashionable Catholicism, if it is lawful to use such an expression, and that it would become a title of glory before the world, ceasing to be a stigma with which the enemy points his hated rivals to the hatred of his followers, the distinguished quality of Catholics and children of the Church who joyfully show how many are part of our group ».48
Such was the goal to which those men aspired that in the parish church of San Jaime, with the solemn Eucharistic celebration and the general communion of the feast of San José of 1871,49, set in motion the new entity. They were just looking to be Catholic, to be able to give a new prestige to the religion that they saw criticized everywhere in the wake of the September Revolution of 1868. "Even after several years, the Association was aware of the" hazardous time »On what had been founded? '
The main initiator was Don José Coll y Vehí 1876), 52 ca
48 Cf. R. ALBERO ', Resonance of the death of Don Bosco in Barcelona, in «Salesiantun» 50 (1988) 191-214.
47 En buena parte al menos, hoy es posible reconstruir la historia de esta entidad gracias a la documentación que se halla en el antiguo Archivo de la Diputación Provincial de Barcelona (para la cuestión de las escuelas) y, sobre todo, en el Archivo Diocesano de Barcelona. Aquí (Arxiu Diocesá de Barcelona = ADB) se pueden consultar diversos materiales impresos y no impresos (Entitats Eclesiástiques Antigues. Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona). Particularmente interesante es el Libro de Actas, en sus dos cuadernos: el primero (= Actas I) se extiende de abril de 1871 a marzo de 1886; el segundo (= Actas II), desde marzo de 1886 a junio de 1896. Ver notas 31 y 34. 48 «Boletín de la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona» 11 (1881) 170.
48 Unos meses antes (diciembre de 1870), el Papa Pío IX había proclamado al Santo Patriarca como Patrono de la Iglesia Universal. Por su parte, la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona se había colocado oficialmente bajo la protección de este santo (Estatutos, artículo 11).
"Cf. La Iglesia en la España contemporánea (1808-1975), en: R. GARCÍA VILLOSLADA (ed.) Historia de la Iglesia en España, V, Madrid, RnicA 1979, pp. 227-256.
5 '«Boletín de la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona» 2 (1880) 22.
52 Ver este nombre en Dkcionari BiográfiC, I, Barcelona, editor de Alberti, 1966, pág. 591
Tecirático de la Universidad de Barcelona, escritor y crítico literario. Ella había sido Ais'pulo de Manuel Milá y Fontanals (t 1884) y estaba muy relacionada con Juan --pá-acrilé y Flaquer (t 1901) y Manuel Durán y Bas (t 1907). Ha sido considerado como uno de los representantes del conservadurismo catalán. Dentro de la Asociación gozó de inmenso prestigio. "
Entre otros, el ya mencionado José ajaría Vergés y el Reverendo José Morgades y Gil (t 1901), que en ese momento era un canon de prisión para la catedral de Barcelona, lo ayudaron en la fundación de la sociedad". El doctorado en teología y derecho canónico, y profesor en el seminario conciliar, ya era conocido como el promotor de la cultura y las obras sociales caritativas.
La junta interina, presidida por Coll y Vehí, finalizó sus funciones el 30 de abril de 1871 y fue reemplazada por una junta directiva propiamente dicha. Ingresó en éste, 55 como presidente, el mencionado Sr. Coll y, como vicepresidente, el también mencionado José Morgades. Esto, según el "Diario de Barcelona", se convirtió en "decidido protector del Instituto Salesiano" de Sarriá.
En la misma junta directiva, el primer secretario fue el señor Narciso María Pascual de Bofarull (t 1902), abogado de profesión y cuñado de Luis Martí-Codolar (t 1915) y quien, estando casado con María Jesús Serra. y Chopitea (desde 1844), fue el yerno de José María Serra y Muñoz (t 1882) y Dorotea Chopitea y Villota (t 1891). La futura "madre" de los salesianos de Barcelona (desde 1884) ya había comenzado (1871) la fundación y organización de obras de bienestar y tenía en el Sr. Pascual un colaborador inteligente, generoso y fiel.
La aparición de asociaciones de católicos no era un hecho exclusivo de Barcelona, sino que, anteriormente, se había producido en otras ciudades españolas, comenzando por Madrid. Los fundadores, todos ellos seculares y adscritos al conservadurismo político-religioso, aprovecharon la libertad de asociación que la Revolución de septiembre de 1868 acababa de proclamar para crear un gran frente común capaz de oponerse al espíritu secularista y anticlerical. de esa revolución. una cultura inspirada por la fe católica - profesó plenamente, como decían - y, por último, defiende la unidad católica de España. "Este movimiento se puso en movimiento antes del final del año de la Revolución (1868) y, a partir del siguiente, se completó y 52" Defensor de la verdad modesto, sabio, virtuoso e infatigable ",
34 Ver este nombre en la Gran Enciclopedia Catalana, vol. 10, Barcelona 1977, p. 314-315. 58 Cf. Acta I, en la fecha indicada.
"Miércoles, 21 de abril de 1886, página 4626. Edición matutina: en 1882 fue nombrado obispo de Vic (Barcelona) y, a la edad de cuatro años, tuvo la oportunidad de saludar personalmente a Don Bosco en la incipiente casa salesiana de Sarriá Cf. Cronaca, 20 de abril de 1886. Barcelona.
57 Cf. Iglesia en la España contemporánea, p. 242-247; J. ANDRÉS GALLEGO, Política religiosa en España 1889-1913, Madrid, Editora Nacional 1975, p. 9-15.
animado por los grupos juveniles correspondientes, como la Academia de la Juventud Católica de Barcelona, que ya había redactado un primer reglamento en noviembre de 1869.58.
Pero los años del Sex.enio Revolucionario - Revolución (1868), Gobierno provisional (1868-1870). ), Monarquía de Amadeo I de Saboya (1870-1873), Primera República (1873-1874), Régimen interino (1874) - no fueron favorables para el desarrollo normal del asociacionismo católico. Esto, ante una situación permanente de anarquía y anticlericalismo (tanto gubernamental como popular), antes del estallido de la primera Internacional de los trabajadores y ante un nuevo enfrentamiento de las guerras carlistas, se vio obligado a reducir, camuflar o reprimir sus actividades. "
La Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona pronto fue objeto de sospechas y malentendidos por parte del Gobierno Civil, que "a pesar de las explicaciones dadas por este último, terminó por interceptar todas sus acciones y, en consecuencia, el mes siguiente a la proclamación de la Primera República (febrero de 1873), se cerraron las puertas de sus locales sociales, la calle Rigomir, n ° 11, y se abrió un paréntesis que duró hasta septiembre de 1877.61
De los 260 miembros registrados, vino "la desorganización y el miedo", según lo recordó el secretario Juan Federico Muntadas y Vilardell en 1878. La "mayor parte" de ellos, según el mismo testigo, tuvo que buscar la "paz más allá de las fronteras". . que faltaba en nuestra tierra ", 63 desde entonces, durante esos años (1868-1874)," la revolución [...] siguió siendo un árbitro y una amante de la antigua Ciudad de los Condes, cuna de santos iluminados. Los templos y los claustros, profanados; destruyó las imágenes; los misterios de nuestra sagrada religión, burlados; los ministros del altar persiguieron; Todos los católicos apuntaban al público oprobio. "
It is likely that this language of the lawyer Muntadas - who was already secretary of the Association before the advent of the republic - is somewhat exaggerated, because, speaking in general, Barcelona and Catalonia managed to stay within order. However, it is true that, given the anti-clerical hatred of the Republicans - perfectly explicable to a certain extent -, the violence took its toll on the churches of the Catalan capital, which, although they escaped the flames, were closed to the cult and even some were desecrated 8s In such a state of affairs, many priests had only one way of salvation left: flee abroad. "
"Cf. Regulations of the Catholic Youth Society of Barcelona 1870, page 14.
'9 Cf. J. MANUEL CASTELLS, The religious associations in contemporary Spain (17671965). A legal-administrative study, Madrid, Ed. Taurus 1973, p. 224-242.
6 ° See the circular issued by the Association of Catholics to the members, dated July 4, 1872. (Copies of this and other forms, in: ADB, Entitats Ecclesiasticiques Antigues, Leg.
61 Cf. Memory and discourse ... 1878, p. 11-12.
62 Ibid. p. 11. 67 Ibid.
"Ibid.
The revolutionary and republican crisis - with its cruel desamortizadoras and secularizing measures - entered into a process of disintegration at the beginning of the year 1874 (Coup of the captain general of Madrid, Pavia) and ended at the end of the same year, when General Martinez Campos proclaimed in Sagunto Alfonso XII as king of Spain (December 29, 1874).
Despite the arrival of the Restoration of 1875, the Association of Catholics of Barcelona failed to react immediately. The old board of directors, which had been appointed in March 1872, had difficulty preparing the resumption of activities, until finally, in September 1877, it obtained a new authorization from the Civil Government of Barcelona.
The Association of Catholics kept the social status of its members unchanged. These generally came from the bourgeoisie.
2.2.1. Before the suppression of 1873
The most significant groups were - to understand us - that of the intellectual bourgeoisie - lawyers, professors, doctors and pharmacists - and that of the money bourgeoisie - bankers, industrialists, manufacturers, merchants, owners and administrators -. Also important was the sector of clerics assigned to the pastoral life (without being teachers or ecclesiastical dignities). In short, some noble titles were not lacking.
a) The future Salesian Cooperators
From the list of partners of March 1, 1872 - the second that was published and the oldest that we have been able to find up to now "- it is clear that the future Salesian Cooperators of Barcelona militated in the ranks of the Association since the times that can be called foundational.
65 Cf. F. SOLDEVILA (ed.), A Segle of Catalan Life 1814-1930, I, Barcelona, Ed. Alcides
1961, p. 385
66 Cf. J. BoNET I BALTA, L'Església catalana, from the Illustració a la Renaixenla, Barcelona, Publications de l'Abadia de Montserrat 1984, p. 644-645.
67 The Regulation of the Association of Catholics of Barcelona was revalidated on 7-IX 1877.
68 Association of Catholics of Barcelona. No. 2. It contains the Statutes (page 1-4) and a general list of the associated gentlemen (pages 5-27).
Indeed, there were the three most important families: Serra Chopitea, Martí-Codolar and Pascual de Bofarull. It is interesting to remember some names.
- Of the first, José María Serra y Muñoz (t 1882), banker and merchant, husband of Dorotea Chopitea and Villota (Barra de Ferro street 8,1 ° registration number 100).
- Of the second, Luis Martí [Codolar] and Gelabert (t 1915), merchant and financier, husband of Consuelo Pascual de Bofarull and head of the Martí Codolar family, 69 which on May 3, 1886, hosted Don Bosco in his farm in Horta-Barcelona and was his great friend and cooperator (Calle Dormitorio de San Francisco 27,1 ° registration number 60). "
- From the third: Sebastián Antón Pascual and Inglada (t 1872), lawyer and politician, banker and businessman, married to María Asunción de Bofarull and Plandolit, and father of Consuelo Pascual de Bofarull - wife of Luis MartíCodolar - and his brothers Narciso María, Oscar, Manuel María, Sebastián and Policarpo (Xuclá Street 19,1 °. Registration number 52) .71
Narciso María (t 1902), lawyer and activist of the first order in the Association of Catholics. As the brother of Consuelo Pascual de Bofarull, a lady of Martí-Codolar, and married to one of the daughters (María Jesús) Serra-Chopitea, it was the union ring of the three families: the Pascual, the MartíCodolar and the Serra- Chopitea, the most solid and prestigious platform of the Salesian Cooperators of the first times. He organized the Union of Cooperators in Barcelona and was, until his death, "his jealous president" (Calle Nueva de San Francisco 2.2 ° Registration number 32) .72
Oscar (t 1904), banker and merchant, married to Antonia Puig y Benítez - the «Donna Antonietta» named Viglietti in her chronicle - (Calle Nueva de San Francisco 2.3 °, registration number 33).
Manuel María (t 1911), lawyer, true model of a secular apostle, 74 who became president of the Association of Catholics in March 1888, "and it was also, after the death of his brother Narciso María, of the
69 Luis Martí Gelabert, son of Joaquín Martí and Codolar and of María Angeles Gelabert Jordá, in order to avoid confusion with his first surname - very widespread in Catalonia - in 1886 he obtained from the Spanish crown the privilege of using as the only surname the first two of his father, separated by a script (= Martí-Codolar).
'° See the last name Martí-Codolar in the index of MB names.
n Cf. V. GEBHARDT, Necrology of the Most Illustrious Mr. Doctor D. Sebastián Antón Pascual, Barce
lona, 1873. In 1872 the author also belonged to the Association of Catholics (registration number 63).
72 BS 26 (1911) 61.
73 Cronaca, 30 Aprile 1886. Barcellona.
74 Cf. E. MORÉU LAC.RUZ, Biographical news of D. Manuel M 'Pascual and de Bofarull, Marqués de Pascual, Barcelona [1920]; BS 26 (1911) 230-232.
75 Cf. Minutes II, General meeting of partners of March 25, 1888.
Salesian Cooperators of Barcelona (Xudá Street 19,1 ° Registration Number 38) .76 1913) and Policarpo (t 1935), presented by their brothers Sebastián (t Manuel María, joined the Association of Catholics in Narciso María and M January of 1872. "
The first was a graduate in administrative law and, by marrying Isidra Pons and Serra, granddaughter of José María Sena and Dorotea Chopitea, the three families, the Pascual de Bofarull, the Martí-Codolar and the the Serra-Chopitea (Xudá Street 19,1 ° Registration number 165).
The second, the youngest of the Pascual brothers, was an owner and engineer, an enthusiastic promoter of the Christian school. He was also president of the Board of Salesian Cooperators of Barcelona (Xuclá Street 19,1 ° Registration Number 155) .78
The Pascual brothers - brothers-in-law of Luis Martí-Codolar - were all friends of Don Bosco - «tra le famiglie a lui Piú affezionate vi erano quelle dei fratelli Pascual ", wrote Don Eugenio Ceria79 - and the five are together with the Founder in the famous photograph that was obtained on the MartíCodolar estate on May 3, 1886.80 Spontaneously they became great Salesian Cooperators . "
It must be added that, together with them, and from the first hour (November 1871), 82 had entered the Association of Catholics an uncle, brother of his mother, called Policarpo de Bofarull and Plandolit. Owner and aficionado of poetry, he dedicated a sonnet to Don Bosco in April 1886 (Calle Cambios Nuevos 1,1 °, inscription number 147) .83 b) Future donors of the Tibidabo summit
At least some of those who, in January 1876, acquired the Tibidabo summit and gave it to Don Bosco in May 1886 (personally or by delegation) and were active in the Association of Catholics. Indeed, Delfín Artós and Mornau (owner, with address on Gignás street 42.1 °) had in 1872 the registration number 71; Jaime Moré and Bosch (merchant, with address at Mercaders Street 32.1 °), number 106; Manuel María Pascual de Bofarull (lawyer, Xudá Street 19.1 °), number 38; Santiago Manuel
76 Cf. BS 26 (1911) 62.
n Cf. Minutes I, session of the Board of Directors of January 12, 1872.
78 Cf. BS 50 (1935) 351-352.
"MB XVIII, 154.
Cf. ALBERDI, Don Bosco in Barcelona. Itinerary, p. 130-131.
"See the Pascual surname in the index of MB names.
ffi Cf. Minutes I, session of the Board of Directors on November 24, 1871. It was presented by his nephew Narciso María Pascual and José Con y Vehí himself.
83 Cf. MB XVIII, 647-648.
Calafell y Calafell (merchant, calle de la Boquería 9,1 °), number 101Antonio Camps and Fabrés (manufacturer, Pou de San Pedro street 7, and the number 23.84
c) The future founders of the Salesian house of Gerona
Both Juan María de Oliveras and Estañol, Marqués de la Quadra (proietarjo, Rambla de Santa Mónica 27.2 °) as two of his trusted executors and heirs, Carlos de Fontcuberta (owner, Rambla de los Estudios 4 1 ° 1 Trinidad de Fontcuberta (proprietor, Calle de Montcada 20,1 °) had entered the Association of Catholics in January 1872, with the inscription numbers 149, 178 and 159 respectively.
The Marquis de la Quadra had been presented at the Association mentioned by Sebastián Antón Pascual Ingl Antonio Escolano, by him and by Antoni E nistrador of the Bank of Barcelona and a great collaborator of Mrs. Dorotea Chopi. In 1891, the testamentary executors gave the Salesians a farm located near the city of Gerona, in order to convert it into an agricultural school under the patronage of San Isidro Labrador.
d) Other mentions
In order to have a full picture of the personnel that we are interested in, it is advisable to add two names.
In the first place, Luis María de Llauder (t 1904), a lawyer, who joined the Association of Catholics on February 25, 1872 and constantly promoted the cause of the schools that maintained it. He was owner and editor of the newspaper "Correo Catalán" (since 1878) and founder of the magazine "La Hormiga de Oro" (1884). Both publications, in which the best feathers of Catalan traditionalism collaborated - like Salvador Casarlas, Félix Sardá. and Salvany, Jaime Minera, Joaquín de Font and Boter, Cayetano Barraquer, Víctor Gebhardt, Eduardo Vilarrasa, all of whom are named in this work - spoke of Don Bosco and his institutions with love and informative responsibility. Luis María de Llauder personally visited Don Bosco in Sarriá on April 11, 1886.86
In the second place, Leandro de Mella, who had already retired from the army when, in November 1871, he was admitted to the Catholic Association of Católi9 ° Cf. Association of Catholics of Barcelona. No. 2. Felix Vives and Amat entered the Association later, in 1878.
a 'And, of course, he also collaborated in favor of the Salesians of Sarriá. According to the director, & ti Juan Branda, dona Dorotea "gave impetus to. Mr. Don Antonio Escolano and others who today help the House in a special way ». Letter to Don Juan Cagliero, Sarriá June 23, 1884 (ASC 9 Dorotea corrispondenza).
8 ° Cf. Cronaca, 11 Aprile 1886. Barcellona.cos.
It was admirable in its delivery in favor of the popular schools that the Association maintained. I became a salesian cooperator. "
222.After the resumption of activities in 1877-1878
When, at the end of 1877 and the beginning of 1878, after about four and a half years of suspension of activities (1873-1877), they were resumed, all the "old" members no longer returned to the ranks of the Association. But, at the call of the most fervent, the new ones began to arrive. There were some excisions between the two - either because of the usual confrontations in the Spanish fundamentalism, 'either because of questions concerning the progress of the schools' - nor moments of discouragement, apathy and neglect.In 1886, the partners did not arrive certainly two hundred. " a) The Salesian Cooperators
As in the previous period, the recruitment of partners was made through personal relationships. Therefore, the Association of Catholics remained attached to the bourgeoisie. They continued to find their owners, lawyers, doctors and intellectuals there. In general, they lived and worked in the most important streets of the old town, but also in the Ramblas and, even, in key points of the new Barcelona Ensanche. (What is necessary to take into account to understand the itinerary that Don Bosco used to travel in his travels from Sarriá to the city of Barcelona).
At this moment at least two people have to be mentioned who played an important role in relation to Don Bosco and the Salesians.
First of all, Bartolomé Feliú y Pérez (1843-1918). «I have the pleasure of proposing, for a member of the Association of Catholics, Mr. Bartolomé Feliú y Pérez, professor at the literary university, whose address is at Ausias March street, number 2, 4th floor, 2nd door» . With these ritual words, dated November 14, 1885, he was introduced by another man of science - Professor of Pharmacy at the Barcelona University - and a member of that Association and the Conferences of San Vicente de Paul, called Fructuoso Plans and Pujol. "
87 Cf. R. AInRRDI, I primi Cooperatori salesiani to Barcellona (1882-1901), in: La famiglia salesiana, Leumann (Tocino), Elle Di Ci 1974, 81.
88 Cf. Minutes I, sessions of the Board of Directors on February 11 and 22, 1883. To clarify this point, see C. MARTÍ (presentació i transcripció), Intervention by Salvador Casañas, bisbe d'Urgell in the conflict between the «Joventut Catolica» of Barcelona and the bishop Urquinaona (1883), in: Arman '1987 of the Societa d'Estudis d'Història Ecclesiastica, Moderna i Contemporania de Catalunya, p. 191-194.
89 Cf. Memory and speech read by the secretary and president of the Association of Catholics of Barcelona at the General Meeting of the Regulation held on March 20, 1887, Barcelona 1887, p. 27
90 The president, Mr. Feliu y Perez, in evaluating the operation of the Association during the year 1886-1887, regretted "the apathy" of many partners "in common action" and the fact that no other entries were available more than "the reduced income of just over 160 members" (Ibid.).
A few days later (November 25), "Dr. Feliú was accepted into the Association of Catholics, and from there he would know, admire and proclaim the Work of Don Bosco.
Son of a confectioner, Bartolomé was born on August 24, 1843 in Peralta (province of Navarre and diocese of Pamplona) and, that same day, he received the baptism. While still a young doctor in physical sciences and in 1880, he came to Barcelona to take charge of the corresponding chair at his university. At five years, as has been said, through Dr. Plans, he entered the aforementioned Association. Both professors already belonged to the Conferences of Saint Vincent de Paul and wanted to realize in their lives the ideal of the wise Christian, showing that it was possible to serve modern science and live, at the same time, the values of the Gospel. "
Feliú came to the Association of Catholics at a time when she was in dire need of new strength. Therefore, at four months (March 28, 1886), he was elected president. "It has come to us as if it had been raining from heaven because of its exceptional qualities" - said the previous president, José Oriol Dodero, at the General Meeting of Members. "
As he was in charge of the Association during the regulatory biennium 1886-1888, he was responsible to prepare so much the evening of homage to Don Bosco - imposition of the medal of honor and merit partner (April 15, 1886) "- as the obituary session in his memory (March 5, 1888) .96 On both occasions he was able to brilliantly demonstrate his total adhesion to Don Bosco and his institutions
91 See ADB, Entitats Ecclesiastics Antigues. Association of Catholics of Barcelona. Leg. 8, folder that says Presentation Cards. To know the personality of the presenter, see
J. DE FONT AND DE BOTER, Biographical sketch of Dr. D. Fructuoso Plans and Pujol. Read in the public session that the Medical-pharmaceutical Society of Saints Cosmas and Damian celebrated on June 26, 1890. Barcelona 1890.
92 Cf. Minutes I, sessions of the Board of Directors of November 14 and 25, 1885.
93 A few months before he joined the Association of Catholics, Feliu had evoked in the Academy of Catholic Youth of Barcelona the figure of the one who had been a counselor of the same, Jaime Arbós y Tor, who had worked as a chemist, industrialist and businessman and, once a widower, he had received priestly ordination. For him, Arbós and Tor came to be the embodiment of a dream dream, synthesis of science and faith, of professional creativity and religious sense of life. Cf. Biography of Mr. D. Jaime Arbós y Tor, Barcelona 1885.
94 Memory and discourse read by the secretary and president of the Association of Catholics of Barcelona, at the General Meeting of Regulations held on March 28, 1886, Barcelona 1886, p.21.
95 Cf. Minutes of the solemn session held on April 15, 1886 by the Association of Catholics of Barcelona ... Dr. Feliú's speech, p. 6-18.
96 Cf. Remembrance of the solemn obituary held by the Association of Catholics of
. From the Salesian point of view, he was an eminent cooperator; from the professional, a sage and a pedagogue whose university books reached a great diffusion; politically, he always played in the traditionalist party, even holding some positions. Above all, he was a Catholic of action. He died in Zaragoza, on November 16, 1918. "
Since March 1886, his secretary on the Board of Directors of the Association of Catholics was Dr. Joaquín de Font and de Boter, who had already belonged to it for three years before. He was a pharmacist, writer and translator, residing in the Ronda de San Pedro, n ° 140. In 1886 he personally treated Don Bosco, both in Barcelona and Turin. "He visited him in his last illness, in January 1888.99 And, when He died, became the most qualified spokesman of the Salesian of Barcelona.The articles published by him in the "Catalan Post" 100 and the speech he delivered in the aforementioned obituary session still call attention to the wealth of information and enthusiastic love of which the author was showing b) The group of clerics
It always had an outstanding relief in the Association of Catholics. It was formed by the parish priests of the churches of ancient tradition; by the professors of the conciliar seminary and by some dignities of the cathedral church. And it is that, in fact, the current of intellectual and pastoral renewal that animated several clerics found its point of reference in this Association of Catholics. In it had given his name, in addition to José Morgades, for example, Jaime Almera, Cayetano Barraquer, Valentin Basart, Salvador Casañas (named bishop of Seo de Urgel in 1879, created cardinal in 1895, transferred to the episcopal see of Barcelona in 1901 ), 102 Domingo Cortés, Ildefonso Gatell, Barcelona, in memory of his enlightened member of honor and merit, Rev. Juan Bosco, founder of the Salesian Congregation, Barcelona-Sarriá 1888. The intervention of Dr. Feliú in p. 33-37.
97 Necrological note, in BS 34 (1919) 31-32.
98 Cf. MB XVIII, 150-152. 675. See also Actas II, session of July 7, 1886.
"" A few days have elapsed - he wrote on February 2, 1888 - since we had the pleasure of speaking to him for the last time. "In a humble cell and in a very poor bed, he rested in placid calm, in spite of the most acute pains ..." (« Correo Catalán, "No. 3900, 2.2.1888)
" Cf. Dom Bosco, in "Correo Catalán", n ° 3900 (Thursday, February 2, 1888) 8-10. Turin before the corpse of Dom Bosco, in: «Correo Catalán», n ° 3908 (Friday, February 10, 1888) 7-9. Morning edition.
my Cf. Remembrance of the solemn obituary session ..., 7-26. He also had to write the invitation to the evening in honor of Don Bosco on April 15, 1886. Cf. MB XVIII, 647.
1 ° 2 Having to leave the city of Barcelona to move to his first episcopal see, he was named "honorary member" of the Association. Cf. "Bulletin of the Association of Catholics of Barcelona" 2 (1880) 19. Casañas y Pagés professed an unlimited admiration towards Doña Dorotea Chopitea de Serra and all that her welfare work meant. For this reason, it is not at all strange that for the Salesian institutions he should have a "deep affection" (BS 24 [1909] 27).
Francisco de Asís Renau, José Torras and Bages (appointed bishop of Vic in 1899), 103 Felipe Vergés, Eduardo Vilarrasa.
Juan Masferrer was already pastor of the church of Our Lady of Bethlehem when he gave his name to the Association of Catholics from the earliest days.1 "It was he who, on May 1, 1886, referring to Don Bosco who had come to the The church, to celebrate the Mass, said: "Abbiamo qui fra noi un Santo" .105 I was then the position of chaplain in the Association.
Jacinto Verdaguer (f 1901), the great Catalan poet, joined the Association of Catholics in March 1878 and was considered "one of the most distinguished partners" .106 In 1882 the board of directors appointed him "partner of honor and merit" .1 ° 7 It is a pity that he did not meet Don Bosco in April-May 1886, because he was on a pilgrimage in the Holy Land. He died as Salesian Cooperator.108
Félix Sarda and Salvany 1916), who in July 1884 wrote three valuable articles with the title of The Salesian Work in Catalonia109 and personally visited Don Bosco in the Salesian Workshops in Sarriá on April 13, 1886 , "° had been named" partner of honor and merit "in the aforementioned Association of Catholics." 'The Salesians always had Doctor Sardá and Salvany as' one of their most assiduous cooperators'.
Finally, let us conclude that the priest-parish priest of the church of Los Angeles and professor of the conciliar seminary, José Juliá, who, on April 30, 1886 and in the church of Our Lady of Bethlehem, pronounced the Salesian conference before Don Bosco, '"entered the Association of Catholics the following year, 1887.114
The names that were just brought are of great prestige in the Barcelona clergy of the second half of the last century, and their presence in the Association of Catholics helps to discover one of the most interesting aspects of
103 He had entered the Association of Catholics in February 1872. According to the "Salesian Bulletin", "for the Salesians he always had deep esteem and paternal affection" (BS 31 [1916] 55).
1 ° 4 In the list of partners published on 1 March 1872, it was inscribed with the number 30.
I ° 5 And Carlo Maria Viglietti adds: «Eat a fiamma quena parola divampó nel cuore dei presentí che if gettarono verse Don Bosco, ed a stento potemmo salvaci dall'onda che irrompeva n the presbytery» (Cronaca, 1 ° Maggio 1886. Barcelona) .
106 As such was held by the Board of Directors, as recorded in Acts I, meeting of May 31, 1882. Ibid.
108 Cf. BS 17 (1902) 336.
1 ° 9 Cf. «Popular Magazine», 27 (1884) 10-11; 27 (1884) 20-21; 27 (1884) 36-37. 130 Cf. Cronaca, 13 Aprile 1886. Barcelona.
'"In proof of the consideration that his many and good services deserve for the cause of God, as indefatigable Catholic publicist, very distinguished writer and virtuous priest" (Acts 1, agreement of the Board of Directors on 4 April 1883).
"2 Obituary note in BS 31 (1916) 55.
113 Cf. Cronaca, 30 Aprile 1886. Barcelona.
'"In 1888 he was elected ecclesiastical member and as such acted from the Board of Directors.
the origins of the Salesian work in Barcelona, both in the life of the Founder and in the years immediately after his death.
Whenever the Association of Catholics felt the need to clarify their identity and become aware of themselves, they remembered the words of article three of their Statutes, which read: "The purpose of this Association is the propagation of Catholic doctrine in all spheres. of knowledge ». The term propagation / propaganda constituted for the associates the objective to which they should tend all their actions.
The meaning and scope of this article were explained by President Coll and Vehí when, on March 24, 1872, after one year of filming the Association, he pronounced these words: "Confess the faith of Christ; believe, love and defend the truths proposed by our holy mother the Catholic, apostolic and Roman Church; detest and fight the errors that the Church condemns; To manifest explicitly and resolutely our complete adherence to the Apostolic See, here is our object. Non enim erubesco Evangelium, here is our motto ».1"
On the same occasion, in explaining the conditions that were required to enter the society, he declared: "Neither ideas nor public acts, with the exception of those contrary to the statements of the Church, have never closed or closed nobody the doors of this house. Profession of the catholic faith, practice of the catholic religion, complete adherence to the visible Head of the Church: we do not ask for more, nor do we content ourselves with less. "6
In these two paragraphs of the founder's discourse, the members always believed that he was perfectly enunciated the spirit that should animate all his life, very specifically brought to mind at the time of relaunching their activities after the parenthesis of suspension (1873-1877). "7
With what means did the partners try to carry out this program? "Only" - as required by article four of the Statutes - as follows: "1 °. The formation of a good library of Catholic authors for the instruction of the members. two. The celebration of academic sessions. 3. The foundation of schools, giving preference to the first letters for artisans in 'Speech at the General Meeting held on March 24, 1872 by the dissolved Association of Catholics of Barcelona pronounced its first president, Mr. D. José Coll and Vehí (RIP).
Barcelona 1877, 4.
116 Ibid., P. 8
117 See the printed circular that, dated January 4, 1878, and the signatures of President José de
Sans and Secretary Juan Federico Muntadas and Vila rdell, were sent to the members. One copy, in ADB, Entitats Eclesiastiques Antiguas. Association of Catholics of Barcelona. Leg. 7. Folder 3. Year1878.
children of artisans. Four. The foundation of popular libraries and the publication of books, brochures or books. "8
As can be seen, the Association of Catholics, both in its objectives and in its media, presented an intellectual, propagandistic and educational spirit, and understood how to move within of a rather broad field of action: "Catholic associations - he felt - need to extend their circle of action and understand all fields, from the speculative, religious and scientific, to social, economic and Industrial, because in all it is necessary introduce and inflate the Catholic element ».119
According to this, and after several attempts and consultations, the Association of Catholics of Barcelona was organized in 1881 according to the following sections: literary and artistic, industrial and commercial, propaganda, scientific and schools. Of all of them, those that really worked since before that year, were the artistic-literary section and the schools section.
In this regard we must remember that, between the months of March and April 1880 and following a tradition that had been around for years, the Association had set up a primary school (day and night). It was located on Calle Ferlandina number 45 and the Brothers of the Christian Schools were in charge of teaching it. "'Six years later, the Association felt compelled to open another one and decided to install it in the Palau Fivaller, located in Lladó street numbers 4 and 6, inside the old town. "'Local FI for the new school was inaugurated precisely on April 15, 1886, with the evening in honor of Don Bosco.122 The following year, he came to also stop this building the headquarters of the Association,
For what has just been exposed and for the data that has been adduced
18 The articles of the Statutes did not undergo any change in the various editions that were made during the nineteenth century (1871, 1877, 1888, 1891).
'"See the article titled Our program and signed by MR and S., in the« Bulletin of the Association of Catholics of Barcelona »6 (1880) 84.
120 Cf. Review and speech read by the secretary secretary 1 ° D. Luis María de Llauder and the president D. Francisco Romaní and Puigdengolas at the General Meeting of Members held on March 20
, 1880. Barcelona 1880, 2-7. «Bulletin of the Association of Catholics of Barcelona» 1 (1880) 11-15.
"1 Cf. AJUNTAMENT DE BARCFr ONA, Catáleg del Patrimoni Arquitectónic Histónko-Artístk de la Ciutat de Barcelona, Barcelona [1987], pp. 243-244.
"-u Cf. Cronaca, 15 Aprile 1886. Barcellona, MB XVIII, 647.
"8 Invitation card for the obituary and program that was developed in the same, in ADB, Entitats Ecclesiastical Antigues, Association of Catholics of Barcelona Leg 7. Folder 13. Year 1888.
previously, it is easy to capture the most significant features of the Association of Catholics of Barcelona. In his mentality and forms of behavior, the spirit of the Church that he lived was profoundly affected; It is the Vatican saying, I the (1869- Church 1870). of the Restoration, of Pius IX (1846-1878) and of the Conci also influenced the hard experience of the Revolutionary Sexenio (1868-1874), with all the struggles and imbalances involved in the political, intellectual, social dh yes religious.
to the pope and defense of the priesthood
For those Catholics in Barcelona, the Pontificate was a supreme value. Pius IX was a Pope "holy and martyred"; Leo XIII was still "Papa Rey." 124 They constantly sighed for the "freedom and independence of the Prisoner Augustus" I25 and, to support him, organized collections and participated in the pilgrimages to Rome. (This means that they would be pleased to publicly show Don Bosco as a friend and confidant of the Pope).
Along with this, the Association of Catholics professed great veneration for priests and religious, which had been criticized and vilified during the revolutionary period. (For this reason, he endeavored to present Don Bosco as a glory of the Catholic clergy, and on the other hand, the fact that, in the well-known photograph of May 5, 1886, he appears to the right of Don Bosco, among his friends and Cooperators, a Cistercian abbot of the Gran-Trapa - the Valencian Cándido Albalat and Puigcerver - can not be taken as pure chance).
a) Catholicism and homeland
Those of the Catholic Association valued religion as the foundation of the unity of the Fatherland. "Our fathers [...] were the ones who transmitted to us the precious gift of Catholic unity as a national principle" - affirmed the lawyer and president Francisco Romaní and Puigdengolas in the final speech of the year (1878-1879). Therefore, to avoid the dissolution of Spanish society, it was necessary to defend religious unity. Otherwise, the Spaniards were in danger of losing their homeland - "as the Jews lost theirs", concluded the aforementioned Mr. Romaní. "
124 Memory and speech read by the secretary secretary 1 ° D. Juan F. Muntadas and Vilardell and the President D. José de Sans ... 1878, pp. 14-15.
125 See circular, dated December 16, 1882 and signed by President José María Rodríguez-Carballo. ADB, Entitats Ecclesiastics Antigues, Leg. 7. Folder 7. Year 1882.
128 Review and speech read by the secretary secretary 1 ° D. Luis María de Llauder and the president DF Romaní and Puigdengolas in the General Meeting of members held on March 22, 1879, Barcelona 1879, p. twenty-one.
Ibid.
(According to the Biographical Memoirs, Delfín Artós, when making Don Bosco an offering of the lands located on the summit of Tibidabo, asked him to build there a sanctuary to the Sacred Heart of Jesus, "per mantenere ferma and incrollabile quella religione [...] che é nobile retaggio dei padri nostri ») 128
c) Public profession of the Christian faith
It was another unavoidable demand for those Catholics who were determined to demonstrate that religion was not dead, but alive and active. From 1881 they adopted as their motto the one that Pope Leo XIII had given to the «Catholic Magazine of Barcelona», which then served as the official organ of the Association: Nihil timendum nisi a Deo. If something was feared and rejected, it was precisely the indifferentism and cowardice of those who pretended to be Catholics. As they wrote in their Bulletin, they could not resign themselves "with the sad role of shameful Catholics" .129
Here was the cause of all that attire, solemn and spectacular, with which they sought to exalt all religious manifestations: general communions, processions, pilgrimages, candles of adoration before the Blessed Sacrament, liturgical offices of Holy Week, Marian feasts, spiritual exercises. With this same mentality, they assumed with a true spirit of sacrifice the enormous weight of representing, in social and cultural events, the forces of militant Catholicism. (All this has to be taken into account to explain why they tried so hard to give a public projection to the presence of Don Bosco in Barcelona, from the first act coarse the last, that is, from the reception they gave him on arrival to the city until the farewell).
d) Antiprotestantism and antiliberalism It
was a visceral attitude of the Barcelonan Catholics, who also attacked against England and North America, against France and Russia, lands that they considered as the cradle of so many dissolving doctrines of Catholicism. Of course, they did not agree with the so-called Catholic liberals either. "The Syllabus is our flag - said President José de Sans, a good man on all four sides, u ° in the General Meeting of March 1878 -; It is our religious, social and political program. The Syllabus without distinctions or misrepresentations. [...] The war between light and darkness is to death; every transaction is impossible ».131
128 MB XVIII, 113.
229 «Bulletin of the Association of Catholics of Barcelona» 2 (1880) 20.
u ° He was president of the Association of Catholics (since March 1872) when it had to suspend their work by government provision. After the crisis (1873-1877), he had the hard task of organizing the Association again and relaunching the activities. With self-denial and deep Christian sense, he constantly gave himself to the progress of the schools of the same. He died in 1884.
Faced with any attempt to deviate or dismantle Catholicism, José de Sans and his followers did not hesitate to proclaim: "We are an association that, having as an immediate object the propagation of Catholic doctrine in all spheres of knowledge, proposes the last result was the restoration of the social sovereignty of Jesus Christ ».132
The most influential thinker in the mentality of the Catholic associations in Barcelona was undoubtedly the priest, already named, Felix Sarda and Salvany, the well-known author of the book Liberalism is Sin (1884) and that, as a member of honor and merit of the Association of Catholics, he exercised an undisputed magisterium in it.133
e) Union of forces for the struggle
The vision that these militants had of the Church was frankly bleak. They considered it "impoverished" by the disentailment policy of the Spanish government, with a clergy "discredited" by the anticlerical propaganda, with religious orders "dissolved" or "inhibited" after the decrees of suppression, invaded by the error and the spirit of the bad ... 134 «At this moment - Mr. Sans was commenting on his part - the fight is alive as never and general in the entire line of battle». And as a solution he found only this one: "Let us unite, then, that union is strength" .135
f) Cultural and scholastic promotion of the people
All the Catholic associations agreed to admit that both Catholic propaganda and welfare assistance to the poor began with school. All of them had their popular schools, the same for children as for adult workers. Such activity had a deliberately propagandistic orientation. "Protestantism - it reads in the official organ of the Association - has circumscribed its propaganda to children to achieve, through the school, the diffusion of its maxims [...]. Oppose their schools Catholic, free, with a perfect elementary and higher elementary education [...],
131 Memory and discourse read by the secretary secretary 1 D. D. Juan F. Muntadas and Vilardell and the president D. José de Sans ... 1878, p. 32
132 Ibid.
133 In the Association, he was considered "the indefatigable champion of Catholic propaganda, the profound and popular theologian, the virtuous and fervent priest ...": Memory and discourse respectively read by the secretary and president of the Association of Catholics of this city, in the General Meeting of Regulation held on March 29, 1885. Barcelona 1885, p. 7
U4 «Bulletin of the Association of Catholics of Barcelona» 2 (1880) 19-20.
13 'Memory and discourse ... 1878, p. 3. 4.
here is one of the most profitable and interesting tasks to which we consecrate, with tireless zeal, our Catholic activity would produce the Salesian school, whose volume and excellences continually exalted).
All this mentality was widely shared by other groups of the Catalan Catholic society. Their knowledge is essential to understand how much, in the capital of Catalonia, was made, said and written about the Founder of the Salesians, both as a result of his visit to the city in 1886, and on the occasion of his death year and half after (1888).
Along with the Association of Catholics there were also others who came into contact with Don Bosco and his work in one way or another. It has been seen sufficiently in the first point of this study. And it is that, between the diverse groupings, not only an affinity of thought occurred, but also a collaboration in order to initiatives and activities. Moreover, it must be taken into account that many Catholics belonged simultaneously to several groups (according to the male or female branch). All of them formed, strictly speaking, a single sociological and charitable framework. It was Catholicism, visible and operative.
In the impossibility of treating even the most relevant entities here, the most practical thing will be to offer a general picture, accentuating, if it is the case, some element of it. "'
Always in reference to the associations that established the most contact with Don Bosco and the Salesians, there were some who were encouraged by a predominantly propagandistic and educational purpose, such as the "Association of Catholics" and the "Academy of Catholic Youth". The first one has just made the appropriate study. The second, in the second article of the Regulation, stated that "the objective of the Society" was: "1 °. To instruct the Partners by means of the reading of religious-social works, and of the works presented by them. two. Encourage the moral and religious instruction of the people, for public education, already private, and 3rd. Publish loose sheets, aimed at destroying all kinds of errors, and spread the maxims of Catholicism ». 138
"6 MR y S., Our program, in« Bulletin of the Association of Catholics of Barcelona »2 (1880) 34.
It is often very difficult to access documentation, because many of the old groupings no longer exist and because, during the Spanish Civil War of 1936-1939, the archives constituted a serious danger to the lives of the associates. It is enough to remember, for example, that in that sad situation, more than 700 members of the Conferences of San Vicente de Paul were killed ...
1; 8 Regulation of the Society of Catholic Youth of Barcelona 1870, Barcelona 1870. In the one of Together with them, there were others whose purpose was preferably beneficent assistance, such as the «Society», or «Conferences» of Saint Vincent de Paul - whose genuine activity it was the weekly home visit to the poor and needy - and the society called, in its origins, Friends of the Poor and, later, Patronato del Obrero, which, in accordance with the second article of the Regulation, wanted to "improve as much as possible the luck of the workers that it sponsors »." 9
In a second plane - but always in connection with the aforementioned Association of Catholics - it is worth mentioning the Academy of Philosophical-Scientific São Tomás de Aquino - formed by clergy and secular intellectuals - and the Medical-Pharmaceutical Society of Saints Cosme and Damián, integrated by Catholic professionals, whose purpose allows glimpse sufficiently the title they had put to his magazine: The catholic sense of the medical sciences. As you can see, both groups are close to the ideals of the Association of Catholics and the Academy of the Catholic Youth. This clearly demonstrates the existence of a movement of the Barcelonian Catholic intelligentsia, which can not be ignored in any way. This movement will be, of course, with Don Bosco, the Salesians and their institutions.
Next to the associations of intellectual-educational and charitable-welfare tendencies, there were others of preferential and devotional sign, agglutinated, in good part, by the devotion to the Sacred Heart of Jesus - whose maximum promoter was the mentioned José Morgades and Gili -.141
Within this devout line, we quote the Pious Union of Saint Michael the Archangel and, above all, the Apostleship of Prayer and the Venerable Third Franciscan Order. The Association of Catholics always promoted the Apostleship of Prayer - where the devotion to the Heart of Jesus and many of its members was concretely forged. they were pious Tertiaries Franciscans.142 (Only within this spiritual environment is understood that they gave Don Bosco the summit of Mount Tibidabo, so that there raised, precisely, a sanctuary dedicated to the Sacred Heart of Jesus).
In this matter - important, among other things, because this sanctuary is still a splendid reality today in Barcelona - it is worth remembering the intervention of some members of the Conferences of Saint Vincent de Paul.
1881 (article 3) was said verbatim: "The purpose of this Society is the edification and religious instruction of the partners and the propaganda of Catholicism."
139 Regulation of the company entitled Patronato del Obrero, Barcelona-Sarriá, Typography and Salesian Bookstore 1891.
140 Around the eighties the most solid bond between the Society of Saints Cosme and Damien and the Association of Catholics was the aforementioned Joaquín de Font and de Boter (1857-1916).
"'Cf. J. BONET I BALTÁ, L'Església catalana, pp. 641-658.
They even made the corresponding profession in the parish church of San Francisco de Paula, in Barcelona. The same must be said of a good number of members of the Catholic Youth Academy.
These arrived in Madrid in 1849 and soon had a notable diffusion through the Peninsula. At seven years (1856), it was already possible to set up a Particular Council in Barcelona. But, as has been pointed out above, this entire process of growth was cut by a ministerial decree of October 19, 1868, which ordered the suppression of the entity and the confiscation of its assets. Only the advent of the Restoration (1875) allowed the return to normalcy. The following decade (1875-1885) was a clear recovery. In 1886, for example, the Central Council of Catalonia already functioned in Barcelona.143 Therefore, when, this year, Don Bosco arrived in Barcelona, the Conferences were in full deployment. The Particular Council articulated the activities of twenty Conferences.
In the heart of those pious and charitable circles tempered his Christian spirit men like the aforementioned Bartolomé Feliú. "4 And also if not all, yes at least part of those who, in January of 1876, acquired the summit of Tibidabo: Dolphin Artós, Manuel María Pascual de Bofarull, Alvaro Catnín, decided to make the purchase for an imperative of social morals, as Secretary Viglietti indicates, probably picking up the testimony of Manuel María Pascual. "And for a religious reason they also gave the land to Don Bosco ten years later (1886), as it is referred to in the present work. Since, when the purchase was made (1876), the Association of Catholics had not yet overcome the crisis of the government suspension, it seems that we must conclude that the aforementioned buyers were people who,
"3 Cf. SOCIÉTÉ DE SAINT VINCENT DE PAUL, Livre du centenaire, I, Paris 1933, pp. 196-206.
1 "" Where [at the Conferences of St. Vincent de Paul, in Barcelona] we have had occasion to know and appreciate that work [of the Conferences] and where so many and such beautiful examples we have been able to contemplate for that, "he recalled. Dr. Feliú himself (A. LOTH,
St. Vincent de Paul and his social mission ... Work translated and annotated by B. Feliú and Pérez ... Barcelona, 1887, p.597).
145 "Questa sommitá - wrote Viglietti in 1886 - era, or are pochi anni, in possesso di malvage persone, che valevano fas di quel luogo un'albergo di cattivi ritrovi, od edificarvi a protestant tempio. Sette buoni signori convenor tra loro, e ne fecero acquisto ... "(Cronaca, 3 Maggio 1886. Barcellona). The buyers were not seven, but twelve. But the indicated motivation seems to correspond to reality.
146 To clarify many details pertinent to the history of the transfer of ownership of the Tibidabo peak, an authentic copy of the deed of sale granted by Don Dein Artós and Mornau, attorney of Mr. Jaime Moré, D. Félix, can be seen. You live, Mr. Manuel María Pascual and others, before which he was notary of this city, Mr. Miguel Martín y Beya, dated August 18, 1888. This and other official documents are in the archive of the Salesian House of Tibidabo (Barcelona).
Conclusions It
may be useful to close the study by emphasizing some values that have been appearing throughout it and that possibly help to better understand not only the personality of the Founder of the Salesians, but also the socio-religious context in which he had to act, specifically during his years of maturity.
With reference to the presence of Don Bosco in Barcelona and the origins of his work in the Catalan capital, for example, the following conclusions emerge.
r. The Salesian Cooperators. The foregoing pages have left well the source of the first Barcelona Cooperators. At the beginning, it was not they who nurtured and swelled the ranks of the Catholic associations, but rather, they had previously forged their spirit of piety and apostolate. The future Cooperators, once they knew the personality of the Founder of the Salesians and understood their mission and the means they used, considered Salesian cooperation as an extension of the charitable-welfare activities they already exercised in their associations. The social and religious mentality that they cultivated in these led them immediately to be in tune with the works of Don Bosco.
two'. The insertion in the local church. Catholic societies and Juan Bosco needed each other. To this he urged the moral and material support of the former to open new channels to his institutions; the former did not want to deprive themselves of the prestige and help that the friendship and closeness of a man as qualified as the Founder of the Salesians could give them. When, at the general meeting of the Association of Catholics, held on May 11, 1884, the newly elected president, José Oriol Dodero, proposed "nominating Don Bosco as honorary member" and the proposal was accepted unanimously, the outgoing president , José María Rodríguez-Carballo, added a new one: "that after [Don Bosco] had accepted, it would be published in the newspapers of this Capital." This second proposal was also approved ' And it is that the Association of Catholics felt the need to proclaim to the four winds that had appropriated the Founder of the Salesian Workshops. It was a conquest and a gain ...
This mutual interrelation between the associations and Don Bosco served, among other things, to give the nascent Salesian work a test of acceptance and insertion into the living fabric of the local Church. After all, at the head of Catholic organizations was generally the bishop of the diocese.
3'. The first public image of Don Bosco. The associations assumed
147 Acts I, session corresponding to the General Shareholders' Meeting of May 11, 1884.
also another function of extraordinary importance: that of interpreting Don Bosco and elaborating and disseminating his public image. Such an operation was carried out within the associations and using the means of communication they had at hand. '"
Those who spoke and wrote best about Don Bosco in Barcelona were a clergyman (Felix Sarda and Salvany), a professor of University, doctor in physics (Bartolomé Feliú and Pérez), a pharmacist (Joaquín de Font and de Boter) and two lawyers (the brothers Narciso María and Manuel María Pascual de Bofarull), all of them, as has been proven in the pages of this study, belonging, to one degree or another, to the Catholic Association of Barcelona.
148 Naturally, the brochures indicated in notes 95 and 96 were distributed among the partners. Both belong to the oldest literature produced in Barcelona dealing with Don Bosco and the Salesian work. On the other hand, it has already been seen that the publications to which the mentioned associations had access were especially the newspaper «Correo Catalán» and the weekly «La Hormiga de Oro» and «Revista Popular», directed by Luis de Llauder. and the third by Felix Sardá and Salvany. All three in the Catholic-fundamentalist line.
In the extraordinary proliferation of new institutes of religious life that emerged in the 19th century, the foundation of the Institute of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians was founded, which had Don Bosco and Maria Mazzarello as founders.
In the context of the reflection on the historical figure and the work of Don Bosco promoted by this Congress, it seemed opportune to offer this communication as an attempt to deepen into a relationship that in Salesian historiography is interpreted according to lines of different orientation.
In order to correctly capture the modality of the relationship that was established between the two saints, it has become necessary to make a historical point, a chronological reconstruction of the direct and indirect encounters and the identification of significant mediations of that relationship, in order to later be able to focus the content and the incidence of the various interventions of the Founder in the life of Maria Mazzarello and her attitude of response and assimilation.
María Domínga Mazzarello (born in Mornese-Alessandria in 1837 and died in Nizza Monferrato in 1881, a short journey of fruitful life in apostolic charity), 2 meets Don Bosco at twenty-seven when he has a certain spiritual formation and maturity. Don Bosco, who had already founded the
Institute, was founded in Mornese, province of Alessandria, diocese of Acqui, on August 5, 1872. The figure of the founder, Don Bosco, is well known; Maria Dominga Mazzarello, recognized as a co-founder, is not well known in non-Salesian areas. His figure is placed in a more limited environmental context than that of the Saint; his life was short (1837-1881), but his specific mission of edesity has been repeatedly remembered in the processes of beatification and canonization.
2 Cf. the fundamental biography: F. MACCONO, Santa Maria Domenica Mazzarello, Confondatrice and premium Superior general of the Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice 2 vol., Torillo, Istituto FMA 1960. Presents a complete bibliography of the Saint: A. COSTA, Rassegna bibliografica his S. Maria Domenica Mazzarello, in: ME POSADA (ed.), Attuale parché vera. Contributi su S. Maria Domenica
Mazzarello, Rome, LAS 1987, p. 227-262.
the salesian congregation and actively worked in the consolidation of if it works in Valdocco, it establishes progressively a relation of mediate and then personal knowledge with this woman over which it will exert an influence of strictness.
From an examination of the publications (even different by purpose, scope, method and documentary value) relating to the figures of the two saints (biographies, studies, memories ...) it is immediately appreciated that the presentation of their relationship offers a variety of approaches and interpretations: from an absolute dependence on the Mother - as it was usually called - with respect to Don Bosco, up to an accentuation of his role as co-founder as a pre-eminent and autonomous value.3
The first and well-known biographies of the saint underscore his preponderant role and the dependence and submission of the young Maria Dominga, "attracted" by his person, although in "providential" convergence of ideals and educational and apostolic modalities: "he always had his eyes fixed in him, as a daughter in the Father, as a humble disciple in the Master, attentive to every gesture, devout, most faithful, "affirms Amadei.
The tenth volume of the Biographical Memoirs of Saint John Bosco exalts, in effect, the Blessed Maria Mazzarello as "who had no other desire than to follow and inculcate the program drawn up by the Founder" .3 Amadei expresses a deeply rooted conviction, both in the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians and in the Salesians: that Mary Mazzarello should appear only as a disciple of Don Bosco and her collaborator, and could not present herself as a co-founder in full right. The author's explicit and stated intention is, in effect, to clarify "the ways of the Lord, that is, the dispositions of providence in guiding each step of his faithful Servant." And Maria Mazzarello is only the instrument prepared by God so that the Saint can found his second family.
It is interesting to see, on the other hand, that the first writings that refer to Maria Mazzarello de Bonetti in the "Tinitá Cattolica" 6 and of Lemoyne in the "Bollettino Salesiano" (1881), 7 although in a laudatory tone, take the accent on The Mother in her role as Superior is full of dedication in laying the foundations of the new Institute, to the point of awakening the admiration and approval of Don Bosco. In explaining the mission of Maria Mazzarello, the two authors refer to the Founder of the Institute, but they do not specify the dependence of the first superior with respect to him.
3 Cf. P. CAVAGLIA, Il rapporto stabilitosi tra S. Maria Domenica Mazzarello and S. Giovanni Bosco. S'uds. ° critico di alcune intetpretazioni, in: POSADA (ed.), Attuale perché vera, p. 69-98.
A. AMADEI, The Serva di Dio Mother Maria Mazzarello, in BS 47 (1923) 2, 30. MB X, IV.
6 Cf. G. BONETE, The Superior General of the Suore di Maria Ausiliatrice, in: «L'Unitá Cattolica» (21 maggio 1881), n. 120
Cf. GB LEMOYNE, Suor Maria Mazzarello, in BS 5 (1881) 9, 11-13.
Francesia and Maccono, in emphasizing their biographical and spiritual affinities, try once again to prove that Providence prepared Don Bosco the appropriate instrument for carrying out his works.8 The Saint finds correspondence to his project in docility and diligent request of the Mother, who executes it in humble obedience, with the attitude of a faithful disciple.
When later, the Congregation of Rites attributes to Maria Mazzarello the title of co-founder, the authors try to delve into the meaning and value of the Mother's role as a collaborator, as "a helper" of Don Bosco.9
Cenia, for example, Do you have precious insights about the personal and irreplaceable contribution of Maria Mazzarello in the founding of the Institute, although in dependence on Don Bosco? '
Caviglia affirms that Don Bosco, in finding in Maria Dominga the essential features of Salesian spirituality, assumes them to build something new and powerful about them: no longer faithful dependence on Don Bosco, but the creation of a new spiritual tradition. "Although the interpretation of Caviglia is not yet based on an exact historical reconstruction of the encounters that took place between the two saints and on their reciprocal dependencies, has the value of defining the identity of the relationship, but no longer in static terms of dependence.
Now the most recent studies concerning Maria Mazzarello (Colli, Fiora, Posada, Midali ...) 12 run for a more correct hermeneutics of the sources, coining the terms of "creative fidelity" or "faithful creativity" of the Mother before gift Bosco
8 Cf. GB FRANCESIA, Suor Maria Mazzarello ed i prim i due lustri delle Figlíe di Maria Ausiliatrice. Memorie raccolte e pubblicate, S. Benigno Canavese, Salesian Library 1906; F. MACCONO, Suor Maria Mazzarello, cousin Superiora Generale delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrici, fondate da Venerabile D. Giovanni Bosco, Torino, SAID 1913.
9 Cf. the evolution in the same biographies written by Maccono: from the first of 1913 to the one published in 1934.
1 ° Cf. E. CERIA, Santa Maria Domenica Mazzarello, Confondatrice dell'Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice, Turin, SEI 1952.
"A. CAVIGLIA, Santa Maria Mazzarello, Torino, Istituto FMA 1957.
12 C. COLLI, Contributed by Don Bosco and di Mazzarello to the charism di fondazione dell'Istituto delle FMA, Rome, Istituto FMA 1978; L. ÑORA, Stork of the titolo di "Confondatrice" conferito dalla Chiesa to S. Maria Domenica Mazzarello, in: POSADA (ed.), Attuale perché vera, p. 37-51; ME POSADA, Significato della "validissima cooperatio" di S. Maria Domenica Mazzarello alfa fondazione dell'Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice, in: POSADA (ed.), Attuale perché vera, p. 5367; M. MIDALI, Mother Mazzarello. II significato del titolo di Confondatrice, Rome, LAS 1982.
In addition, the interpretations of marked theological accent underscore the role of co-founder as a pre-eminent and autonomous value. "On the other hand, the publications on Don Bosco do not consider, it seems, the problem of the type of relationship between the saints and they continue in the line of dependency. and accentuate for .lelism and similarities of life.
But it seems to me that from a careful reading of the sources that we have available, it is necessary to consider a serious study that does not reduce to absolute dependence or place in paper parity the relationship between the saints: there is, in effect, a gradual, gradual evolution , from an initial reciprocal intuition to an authentic and fruitful collaboration.
The historical reconstruction of the meetings that took place between Don Bosco and Maria Mazzarello, made from the most reliable sources, aims to identify the character of the relationship established between the two saints.
The documents and Salesian historiography consulted have not made the work much easier: I have had to make a critical review of the sources, such as the Chronicle of the Institute of the Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice (a narrative source that reconstructs the origins of the Institute from of different documentary material) and of some memories and fundamental testimonies, but late. "
Following a chronological criterion, I have divided the exposition of the investigation into two periods delimited by the founding of the Institute of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians (5 of August 1872), because it highlights the character, the spiritual content of the interventions of Don Bosco in the life of Maria Mazzarello before and after the foundation of the Institute.
I do not enter, however, in the problematic of the process of decision and foundation of the Institute, topic that we will hear in the following communication of Sor Posada.
"Cf. MIDALI, Mother Mazzarello.
14 Chronology. This is the complete publication of the typed "chronicle" composed by the mother Clelia Genghini during the years 1922-1942. It is presented as a rich historiographical elaboration. The author uses abundant and valid material, but does not always indicate the sources; sometimes, it integrates or synthesizes them. However, the collected documentation is kept in: AGFMA. This material is constituted by narrative sources (testimonies of sisters who lived in Mornese, lay people and priests of Mother Mazzarello) and documentary sources, in the annexes to the text (Chapter deliberations, notarial acts, historical documents, texts of the Constitutions, correspondence , documents referring to the legal status of the Institute). In addition to this material, the Chronicle takes data from the biography of Maccono and Francesia, of MB and BS. For this reason, my research has demanded the consultation of unpublished sources, in order to compare them with the printed text. When they coincide, I quote the printed copy of the Chronicle, to facilitate the consultation.
The historical-environmental context in which the initial knowledge of the two saints is located is typical of the Piedmontese-Ligurian nineteenth century that revolves around the figures of Don Bosco, the theologian Frassinetti of Genoa, of Don Pestarino, priest of Mornese, town of the Monferrato in which Maria Mazzarello lives and in which the foundation of the Institute will take place. This people also feels and lives with modalities and resonances of the typical climate of the Restoration of the 19th century and the religious problems connected with it. "In the movement of spiritual renewal, Don Pestarino, disciple and friend of the theologian Frassinetti, has a preponderant role, that promotes an essentially Christocentric, Marian and Apostolic spirituality.'6
Although from the careful examination of the sources it is not possible to establish with precision the dates of the first meetings between Don Pestarino and Don Bosco (and until their registration in the Pious Salesian Society), however, the role of mediation exercised by the priest for the initial knowledge of Maria Mazzarello (1862). '7
The written and oral messages that Don Bosco sent to María Dominga and Petronila Mazzarello, young people belonging to the local association of Daughters of Mary Immaculate, committed and trained in a special modality of educational apostolate, he directs them without knowing them personally, but it seems that he expresses them rather as a benevolent response to what Pestarino himself exposes.'8
Neither in the first historical meeting (October 1864, in Mornese, during one of the classic autumn excursions of the boys of Valdocco) can one speak of a specific interest of the Saint by Maria Mazzarello, considered in the «group» of the Daughters of Mary Immaculate, although presented explicitly and intentionally to the Saint. "
" Cf. ME POSADA, Giuseppe Frassinetti and Maria D. Mazzarello. Rapporto storico-spirituale, Rome, LAS 1986, p. 37-41.
An unpublished letter by Angela Domenico Pestarino, born in Mornese in 1817, he made his ecclesiastical studies at the Seminary of Genoa, where he was ordained priest in 1839. As a result of some tensions that originated in the Genoese ecclesiastical environment, he returned to Mornese in 1847 , where he remained until his death (1874) carrying out a vast apostolate and performing important functions in local public life, as councilor of the town hall and treasurer of the parish. After meeting Don Bosco in 1862, he became a Salesian; but he remained in Mornese as Director of the nascent Institute of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians. F. MACCONO, L'apostolo di Mornese. Sac. Domenico Pestarino, Torino, SEI 1926; cf. also the documentation relating to Mr. Pestarino in: ASC 275 Pestarino.
In a Memoria del cardinale Giovanni Cagliero, dated February 15, 1922, it is read that Don Pestarino had met Don Bosco in Genoa, in the house of the theologian Frassinetti, and then met with him several times between 1860 and 1864 (in: AGFMA). The Chronicle and the biography of Maccono, on the other hand, contain a testimony of Fr Giuseppe Campi, a Mornese priest, who affirms that the first encounter occurred on a trip, on the train from Acqui to Turin in 1862.
"Cf. Cronistoria I, pp. 117-118.
19 Cf. Ibid., P. 148-150.
Maccagno a Frassinetti exposes the way and content, rather exhortative, for commitment in the Pious Union.20
On the other hand, the inner and profound resonance of the figure, the word and the action of Don Bosco in the young Mary is different. Dominga that precisely in that circumstance learns to make more essential educational interventions and more educational its presence among young people. The testimonies agree in underlining the intuition of the sanctity of Don Bosco and the unusual audacity in proclaiming it openly 21
Salesian historiography speaks of the successive and continuous indirect interest of Don Bosco by the Mornese group, but only in 1867 is there an explicit letter from the saint to Don Pestarino to announce a visit to Mornese, 22 and for the chronicle of the same gift Pestarino it is known that Don Bosco once again gave a brief lecture to the Daughters of Mary Immaculate 23
And in March of 1869 another visit of Don Bosco to Mornese took place, a new encounter with the Daughters, this time more specific: there was even talk of a kind of schedule and regulation for those who were living together, but unfortunately that document it does not appear.24 The testimony transmitted by Petronila Mazzarello, however, already highlights fundamental elements of Salesian spirituality that are modeling the small group of which María Mazzarello is now head.25
An interest already oriented towards the foundation of the feminine Salesian work? Until 1871 we do not have the first official statement of Don Bosco about that intention; Don Pestarino follows the group and forms it and continues to meet Don Bosco, who continues with esteem and careful observation and a certain attitude of expectation.26
I pass over the succession of events that led to the founding of the Institute (it is interesting on purpose the memory of Don Pestarino himself, 27 the process of drafting the Rule, the steps taken by Don Bosco). On the other hand, I would like to highlight Don Pestarino's mediation work with María Dominga and her companions: it is he who presents Don Bosco's proposal, the same Rule, guides the decision and practically begins the work.28
20 Cf. a letter from Angela Maccagno (1830-1890), teacher of Mornese, founder of the group of «Figlie di, S. Maria Immacolata», to the prior, Giuseppe Frassinetti, dated 4 December
1864. The autograph manuscript is preserved in the "Archivio della Postulazione Generale dei Figli di Santa Maria Immacolata" (Rome).
21 Cf. Cronistoria I, p. 150
21 Letter from Don Bosco to Don Pestarino, December 3, 1867, in: ASC 131.01.
23 Collected in: Chronicle I, p. 204.
24 Cf. Ibid., P. 222-224.
2 'Cf. testimony of Petronilla Mazzarello in: SACRA CONGREGATIO RITUUM, Aquen. Beatifil cationis et canonizationis Servae Dei Mariae Dominicae Mazzarello, Confundatricis FBVMA Transsumptum, 133-134.
26 Cf. Cronistoria I, p. 239,241,243,245.
27 Cf. Memoria di don Pestarino, autograph manuscript in: AGFMA.
Don Bosco is not present (almost obliged) until the profession of the first eleven Daughters of Mary Help of Christians on August 5, 1872. Don Pestarino is in fact an active and active mediator. And yet, the strong adherence of Maria Mazzarello to Don Bosco is underlined by the testimony given at this moment by Giuseppe Campi (Salesian, a native of Mornese, very close to Don Pestarino). "If by an impossible Don Pestarino he left Don Bosco, I would stay with Don Bosco" .29
There was, therefore, inasmuch as it consists of testimonies, direct individual meetings between Don Bosco and Maria Mazzarello. But it does not seem that for this reason the relationship with Don Bosco is not decisive in the life of Maria Mazzarello: before they met, a similar ideal had already matured and when they met, they realized convergence and complementarity. The relationship has the character of initial reciprocal knowledge and acceptance: however, the position of Maria Mazzarello is not absolute and passive dependence; he freely accepts the proposal of Don Bosco and according to the Salesian mode, which he already practiced initially and originally before knowing him.
Don Bosco appears in the Salesian historiography that deals with this period as the Founder and Maria Mazzarello as the instrument for the performance of a providential design. Actually, in my opinion, the free, responsible and even original acceptance in the simple way of happening things; it makes the «instrument» active and endowed with personal self-determination.
The period from 1872 to 1876, the year of the diocesan approval of the Constitutions, is that of the structural and spiritual formation of the Institute: and the relationship established between Don Bosco and Mother Mazzarello helps the definitive constitution of the Institute. In fact, close ties can be found between the interventions of Don Bosco, the role of Mother Mazzarello and the formation of the first sisters.
The attitude of the Founder who intervenes - sometimes directly and sometimes indirectly - towards the new general superior and towards the first community provokes a rapid response in the Mother and in the sisters. But on the other hand also the characteristics of his way of being and his work influence the modality, frequency and content of the Founder's interventions.
Once again, on August 4 and 5, 1872, the attention and words of Don Bosco are turned over to the community so that it may be formed in a life of simplicity, poverty and mortification. "It is not possible - as we are witnessed even a personal meeting, so desired, between Don Bosco and the Vicaria (this is the title he takes) not even when presented in his new position It seems to me that Don Bosco's concern is clear for the formation of the community (sending to the nuns of Santa Ana, personally accepting those who wish to enter, going personally to Mornese; 3 but at the same time she shows attention and confidence to that woman, peasant, yes, but a true educator.
28 Cf. Cronistoria I, p. 250-252.
29 Testimony of Giuseppe Campi at: AGFMA.
30 Cf. Cronistoria I, p. 223
In the visits that are documented (as in 1873, 1874, 1875), 32 Don Bosco's interventions are aimed at delineating and consolidating the physiognomy of the new Institute. The approval of the Salesian Constitutions (1874) was followed shortly by the insertion of the Institute in the Pious Salesian Society: Don Bosco becomes by right the Major Superior of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians. However, it retains the mode of relationship, esteem and trust towards María Mazzarello, from which she gradually comes to know the sense of responsibility and the progressive capacity of government. The Mother does not address him - as we see in the documentation of the letters33 - for personal reasons, to those that she can and knows how to renounce;
The relationship with Don Bosco is based on truth and trust. There is obedience and listening; but there is also capacity for mature proposals and timely options. Don Bosco, in his attitude of interest, always discreet guide (and made through Don Pestarino, first, and after Don Cagliero) precise rules and causes an effective and essential cooperation.
With the diocesan approval of the Constitutions of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians (1876), the Institute began its expansion, not only in Piedmont, but also in Liguria, France and America. For Mother Mazzarello it is an intense period of works, of initiatives, of trips, of epistolary correspondence.
The meetings with Don Bosco are longer and more frequent. It is she who feels the need to turn to the Founder for advice or to give an account of the progress of the Institute. In the opening of new houses it is she who chooses the personnel, she is the one who forms with true educational sensitivity. It characterizes the gift of authentic discernment.34
31 Cf. Ibid. II, p. 24.28-31.40; cf. also: Annali e cronache Istituto Suore di Sant'Anna, vol.
I, 1873, p. 103-104, in: Archivio «Suore di Sant'Anna della Provvidenza» (Rome).
32 Cf. the testimonies collected in: Chronicle II, p. 40.88.146. 148
"Cf. letter of Mother Mazzarello to Don Bosco, June 22, 1874, published in: E. POSADA, Lettere di S. Maria Domenica Mazzarello, Rome, Istituto FMA 1980, page 51, letter of June 17,
1878, in: Ibid., P.83, of December 22, 1879, in: Ibid., P.128, of October 30, 1880, in: Ibid., P.167.
After the visits he makes to things, he goes to Don Bosco to tell him what he has seen. We do not have documentation of those relationships. However, the trips to Valdocco are numerous. "
Don Bosco personally intervenes later in the transfer of the mother house to Nizza Monferrato: and Don Bosco's attitude of confidence towards the Mother assumes, in that period, a tone of greater intensity, stimulating their collaboration, reducing their interventions, appealing more frequently to their capacity as effective general Superior.36
For her part, Maria Mazzarello matures in herself the sense of belonging and responsibility towards the Institute, whose spirit is that of Don Bosco. Don Bosco's interventions, which now become less frequent and numerous, are aimed at reinforcing unity in the religious family. "
The last meetings of 1880 and early 1881 take place in Sampierdarena, Marseille, S. Cyr.38 The Mother is sick and it is Don Bosco who makes her understand the truth of the moment. He makes his offer. In the last lecture to the sisters the Mother speaks of obedience to Don Bosco, mediator of the Father's will. "
But Don Bosco is not present when Maria Mazzarello dies, there is a lack of explicit documentation to justify his absence on May 14, 1881 Don Bosco was in Florence with "very serious things in his hands", as he wrote to Don Berto.4 ° Cagliero replaces him.
This last period of the life of Mother Mazzarello is characterized, then, by the presence of collaboration, of full confidence on the part of Don Bosco. The 'Saint intervenes, yes, with its details, ascetic norms, advice, approvals, but gives full freedom to this simple and exceptional woman, whose authentic motherhood culminates in the total offering of her life for the Institute.
The linear exposition of this historical relationship, as has been explained, has nevertheless required a careful search of accessible documentation.
Through the reconstruction of the facts, through the testimonies, the epistolary correspondence, as well as the consideration of the indirect encounters, one can see how between Don Bosco and María Mazzarello there was a progressive and varied communication. The meetings, neither frequent nor long, but faith. Kurds in consequence, they make it appear that between Don Bosco and Maria Mazzarello there was in fact a reciprocal influence.
34 Cf. testimonies of the canonization process: SACRA CONGREGATIO RrniUm, Aquen. Beatificationis et canonizationis Servae Dei Mariae Dominicae Mazzarello Primae Antistitae Instituti
Filiarum Mariae Auxiliatricis Summarium super dubio, 408-422.
33 Collected in: Chronicle II, p. 182.202269.323.341.
36 Cf. Ibid., P. 350,385.
37 Collected in: Ibid., P. 32.58.66.70.139.172.178.229232.
38 Cf. Ibid., P. 340,343,346,354.
39 Collected in: Ibid., P. 367-368.
4th Letter of Don Bosco to Don Berto, April 8, 1881, in: E IV, 42-43.
The nature of the meetings is also significant for the knowledge of the style of Don Bosco's own interventions. It is typical of him, in effect, the brief, timely, always stimulating intervention for inner growth, carried out with an attitude of respect and trust. This is exactly what Don Bosco did in the Institute of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians and in the life of Maria Mazzarello.
A special allusion, given the limit of a communication, is imposed to identify and name at least some of the significant mediations of the relationship established between Don Bosco and Maria Mazzarello.
We have already alluded to the preponderant role of mediator of knowledge first and spirit, then of Don Bosco, played by Don Domenico Pestarino (1817-1874), a precious educator of the spiritual life of Maria Mazzarello. First director of the Institute, he played his role with a discreet and effective presence, referring, as is natural, to Don Bosco, but also using his solid doctrinal training from the seminary years of Genoa, matured with an intense parish life.
Don Giovanni Cagliero (1838-1926), general director even before the death of Don Pestarino, appears as a privileged mediator of Don Bosco's request for the nascent Institute. A collaborator handed over and bound by affection to Don Bosco, he is authoritatively present in the life of the Institute and his word is received as if it were the one of Don Bosco, of whom he is the official spokesperson. Frequently it is Don Bosco himself who entrusts to his sagacity and experience things that refer to the Institute. The relationship of cordial and filial openness is special and manifests itself with singular confidence, delicate and intense affection on the part of the Mother towards him. The letters are an explicit testimony of this. °
Don Giacomo Costamagna (1846-1921), third local director, known for his particular "exuberance" in wanting to form the Sisters, has the merit of having brought to Momese the lifestyle and traditions of Valdocco. The balance of Mother Mazzarello made it possible for reciprocal esteem, in charity, to maintain a climate of cheerful Salesian serenity, even within the ascetic tension imposed by him.42
41 Cf. the letters of Mother Mazzarello to Fr Giovanni Cagliero : December 29, 1875, in: Po. SADA, Lettere, p. 53; April 5, 1876, in: Ibid., P. 58; July 8, 1876, in: Ibid., P. 64; December 27,
1876, in: Ibid., P. 73; September 27, 1878, in: Ibid., P. 85. About the figure of Card. Cagliero, cf. G. CASSANO, Il Cardinale Giovanni Cagliero, 2 vol., Torino, SEI 1935.
42 Cf., for example, the letters of Don Costamagna to Mother Mazzarello of February 19, 1877 and November 20, 1878, in: AGFMA.
Don Giovanni B. Lemoyne (1839-1916) came from a rich and "rewarding" Salesian experience. It is not easy to integrate into Mornese, but his stay there and in Nizza Monferrato gives a precious Salesian contribution to community life, with discretion and opportunity. Their formative interventions also guide the educational action. With the Mother she establishes an affective, simple, family relationship.43
These well-known figures of Salesian history helped to revive the relationship between Don Bosco and María Mazzarello and the study of their mediation remains a field to be explored. The documentation relative to the Aryans of the stay in Mornese is scarce, it is true, but the meaning of their mediation is such, that it must be studied.
The reconstruction of the timeline of the relationship of Don Bosco with Maria Mazzarello leads, finally, to highlight the spiritual relationship that took place between the two saints.
Endowed with special receptivity and unified by the search for truth, Maria Mazzarello is also endowed with a lively capacity for assimilation of Don Bosco's spiritual proposal, also because it is made open by the presence of elements that prepare Salesian spirituality and who are already in their training.
The Christocentric, Marian, apostolic spirituality, based on a solid asceticism, virginal of the group of the Daughters of the Immaculate, guided by Don Pestarino in the school of the theologian Frassinetti, finds convergence in the proposals of Don Bosco. "To this solid base In addition, vigilant attention is added to know the spirit of Don Bosco, to live it in fidelity to his intentions and to the examples of his sanctity.
From the reading of the "facts" it is noticed that the Mother's increasing demand to conform to Salesian spirituality is not a search for support or security, but rather emphasizes that the Mother insists on penetrating the spirit of Don Bosco to graft it and renew it in Mornese's own educational environment. The contents that Don Bosco proposed directly or indirectly were assumed by the Mother, but lived in their own, personal, with a character of austerity and simplicity and continuous delivery.
. Cf. the letters of Mother Mazzarello to Don Lemoyne: December 14, 1877, in: POSADA, Lettere, p. 78; March 17, 1879, in: Ibid., P. 95; April 9, 1879, in: Ibid., P. 97; December 1879, in:
Ibid., p. 134
44 Cf. POSADA, Giuseppe Frassinetti and Maria D. Mazzarello, p. 131-132.
Returning to the initial presentation on the consideration of the relationship between the saints considered in the Salesian authors, it can be concluded that such a relationship does not have the character of absolute dependence or passive imitation. Don Bosco finds a woman with whom, in an attitude of respect, trust and freedom, he can carry out a project of life and action that is not indifferent to that time. It is a relationship of responsible collaboration, carried out through the creative assimilation of Salesian spirituality.
The limit of a communication has forced me to proceed perhaps by dodging. But the field of investigation has revealed itself to be vast and still open. The necessity of a correct hermeneutics of the sources is imposed and my intention is still in a very broad perspective. The research trail should be deepened and the study of a relationship of the importance of that of Don Bosco and Maria Mazzarello, even in its essential content, will be fruitful for the future of the two congregations that work in the Church.
María Esther POSADA
The subject of this communication is soon broad and complex. It would require, in effect, the explanation of the relationship that exists between the historical-ecclesial reality that is the Institute of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians (HNLA) and its Founder, Saint John Bosco. The explicitation of the relationship that the Institute matured throughout its 116 years of history would require, not only a deeper study than this one, but also a space less limited than that of a communication.
Theme-and space lead me to make an option of a historical nature, reducing the argument within the limits of the origins of the Institute and, in that period, to the first sixteen years of its existence, in which, as I hope to demonstrate In this study, a relationship is established with the Founder whose result appears as paradigmatic for the Institute in the different phases of its history?
Having declared my choice and even before presenting the structure of the subject, I think it is necessary to state at least some preliminary observations demanded by its context.
1) The historical-ecclesial context in which the Instituto de lilasda H1VLA appears is a moment of suffering and growth, crisis and religious vitality. Giacomo Martina says that the situation of religious institutes in Italy around the 70s reveals a double antinomy: persistent internal crisis in the institutes and flourishing initiatives and new foundations.3
The Castilian translation of the technical device belongs to the author of the communication (nde). The Institute, founded in Mornese (province of Alessandria, diocese of Acqui), recognizes as co-founder Santa Maria Dominga Mazzarello (1837-1881). It has, as an aim, the education of the feminine youth of popithres environments, through diverse works and activities; among which are: schools and colleges, catechesis, oratories or youth centers. The Institute is of pontifical right since December 7, 1911. Currently (1988), has 17,167 Sisters, distributed in 72 provinces and 5 visits, present in 1,495 houses of 72 nations.
2) The new flowering of religious institutes stimulates a legal process that is sometimes non-existent or inadequate and slow to develop, especially in Italy and in particular for women's institutes.4 On the other hand, the evolution of legislation promotes the expansion of the law. feminine religious life.5
In my opinion, this situation affects the attitude of Don Bosco in order to found a new Institute of Sisters; If, on the one hand, she feels stimulated by the gradual acceptance of women in the field of social action and education, on the other she understands the demand of the process towards which the new institutes are headed. He, in fact, will initially be reluctant to found and, even more, to have the Institute already founded approved by the Holy See.6
3) The third observation refers to the diversity of the initial group of AMF in relation to that of the Salesians. These came mostly from the Valdocco environment, that is, they were boys directly educated by Don Bosco; The first ones, on the other hand, arise from a group already formed, with «Uno sguardo anche surfaiale alla situazione degli Istituti religiosi in Italy intorno al 1870 rivela a duplice antinomia, difficile a spiegare almeno a prima vista: a persistent crisi degli istituti nel paro complesso , molto anteriore alle leggi eversive, a fioritura di ini7iative costruttive and a rapid ebullient espansione »(G. MARTINA, La situazione degli Istituti religiosi in Italy back to 1870, in: Chiesa e religiositá in Italia dogo l'Unitá [1861-1878] , PW1, Milano, Vita e Pensiero 1972, p.194).
4 "Il continuo ricorso di queste fondazioni [femminili] in Rome [...] cooperates [...] ad accrescere sia paroro importanza [...] sia quena dell'autoritá della Chiesa negli Statí in cui si trova ad
agite . Alcuni elementi sono accolti easily [nella procedura] altri avevano bisogno di ripensamento »(G. ROCC.A, Le nuove fondazioni religiose femminili in Italy from 1800 to 1860, in: ASSO
CIAZIONE ITALIANA DEI PROFESSORI DI STORIA DELLA CHIESA, Problemi di noria della Chiesa, Dalla Restaurazione all'Unitá, Atti del VI Convegno di aggiornamento [Pescara 6-10 September 1982], Napoli, Edizioni Dehoniane 1985, pp. 171-172).
We find ourselves in reality with antithetical situations: "Give a lato é riconosciuto gradually alla dona a maggio spazio nella vita attiva, particularly nell'assistenza e nell'istruzione elementare. Dall'altro the legislative ecclesiastica dell'Ottocento comincia ad evolversi, a riconoscere a questi istituti, finora not considered legally as "religios in, gli attributi essetwinli della vita religious vera e propria" (MARTINA, La situazione, P. 200).
6 "A shortcomer wished to plant an anomaly in the life of Don Bosco and ch'egli non chiese e non si decise mai a chiedere a Rome l'approvazione delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice. Both piú ció é sconcertante, quanto pió if the answer to cuto if culo colloca, nella comice I gave a mentalitá che è portata dare great rilievo to the person of the Pope and prerogative che the religiositá cattolica tempo afferma ed esalta. [...] Mentre gives a part, per salvaguardare alla Societá Salesiana the physiognomy che aveva sognata si sottrae alle pressioni vescovili di Torino [...], dall'altra, quasi nello stesso tempo, per a motorcycle affettivo analogo rífugge dal sottoporsi to Rome for what purpose the Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice "(STELLA, Don Bosco I, p.203-204).
'MB IV, 429.
spirituality and its own structures: "Figlie di Santa Maria Immacolata" by Mornese.8
4) The last observation is of a documentary nature. I have to declare that there are no historical-critical studies on this subject.9 Salesian historiography in this respect, although it tries to reconstruct as much as possible, is situated in a line of edifying narrative rather than in a scientific aspect.m It was necessary, then, work on first-hand documents, which are scarce, but important! ' The search, already channeled, the critical screening of the sources, the publication of critical editions on the existing material is essential for a correct hermeneutics in the field of the history of the TIMA.
Once this reference to the context and historical sources is made, I dedicate my attention to the dynamics that exist between the two poles of the relationship we are talking about: the first nucleus of the AMF, a group in transformation and really modified by the intervention of Don Bosco, and the same gift
It is a pious union that arises towards 1851 in the parish of Mornese, on the initiative of Angela Maccagno (1832-1891). Don Domenico Pestarino gave a strong impulse to the group as an immediate spiritual guide. The Genoese theologian Giuseppe Frassinetti compiled a Rule in response to the wish of Don Pestarino and based on an outline by Angela Maccagno. The pious union took the name of "Nuove Orsoline Figlie di Santa Maria Immacolata", under the protection of Santa Úrsula and Santa Ángela Merici (see G. FRASSINE111, Opere edite ed Medite, Opera Ascetiche, vol II, Rome, Postulazione Generale dei Figli di S. Maria Immacolata 1909, p.108ss., ME POSADA, Giuseppe Frassinetti and Maria Domenica Mazzarello, Rapporto storico-spirituale, Rome, LAS 1986).
9 The chapter dedicated to the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians in the critical work of P. Stella previously cited is a documented and stimulating, although synthetic, study that should be considered as the first on the argument. One must also take into account the critical edition of the primitive Constitutions of the AMF, prepared by Cecilia Romero. It is a serious study that, in an indirect but documented way, investigates the origins of the text and its historical placement
(see G. Bosco, Scritti editi e inediti, Vol. Costituzioni per l'Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice [1872- 18851, Testi criticizes cura di Sr. Cecilia Romero FMA, Rome, LAS 1983).
A study on the genesis of the foundation was published by me on the occasion of the centenary of the death of Don Bosco (see ME POSADA, Alle origini di una scelta, Don Bosco, Fondatore di un Istituto femminile, en: R. GIANNATELLI [ ed.], Pensiero e prassi di don Bosco, Rome, LAS 1988).
'° Thus in the MB; cf. also: Chronicle. Nor are they critical studies, although they are fundamental for the history of the Salesian Society and the Institute of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians: Annali; G. CAPETTI, II Cammino dell'Istituto nel corso di una secolo, 3 vol., Rome, Istituto delle FMA 1972-1976. In these sources and studies is based, in general, the historiography of the Institute.
"Documents existing in the AGFMA and in the ASC, especially in the" Don Bosco Fund "(ASC 131-175) It seems to me convenient to specify that the first AMF Institute chronicles are late and incomplete. 1887. These and other later documents, such as the Schiarimenti sugli inizi dell'Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice, are presented as synthetic writings or summaries, and therefore a meticulous analysis of the rather fragmentary news and documents is needed. , in my opinion, at the heuristic moment of a process of historical reconstruction, in this sense it can be affirmed that all documents, although incomplete, are important.
Bosco, at the time of the search, of the election and the foundation of the Istituto, implied also in a dynamic of transformation, of continuity and, at the same time, of rupture with previous schemes, of novelty of life and works.
By carefully studying this dynamic within the limits that I have set, I have been able to identify three moments of unequal duration that express the different modalities of a single relationship. The structure of this theme reflects precisely these three successive moments:
1) a new spiritual orientation within the group of the Daughters of St. Mary Immaculate (1860-1870);
2) a true historical option: the moment of foundation (1871-1872);
3) a progressive awareness of belonging matured in the group and in the same relationship established with Don Bosco (1872-1876).
The group of the Daughters of St. Mary Immaculate (HSMJ), engaged in an intense rhythm of Christian life and devoted to various parish activities, "was directed and immediately by Don Pestarino," and turned in the spiritual orbit of the Genoese theologian, Giuseppe Frassinetti. " He first came into contact with the priest Giovanni Bosco through the personal mediation of Don Pestarino himself.
The documentary sources do not coincide on the date of this meeting, "The Daughters of St. Mary Immaculate had as their aim" to procure the proper sanctification and coadjustment to the salute of the prossimi [esercitandosi] nelle opere di corporele mercy [...] assistendo especialmente le povere inferme del luogo »(Regula della Pia Unione delle Figlie di S. Maria Immacolata, I, 1; HL 37).
13 Don Domenico Pestarino (1817-1874). Originally from Mornese, he studied at the seminary in Genoa, of which he was later prefect. He returned to Mornese in 1847 and worked intensely in the spiritual renewal of the parish. Spiritual Director of St. Mary Domenica Mazzarello, for 27 years, director of the group of the Daughters of St. Mary Immaculate and, later, first local and spiritual director of the first community of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians. The correspondence of Don Pestarino, conserved in the ASC is classified with this title: Pestarino don Domenico, sac. fondatore dell'opere salesiane di Mornese [ASC 275, 1, 3] (cf F. MACCONO, L'apostolo di Mornese, Sac Domenico Pestarino, Torino, SEI 1926).
Giuseppe Frassinetti (1804-1868). Prior of the church of Santa Sabina (Genoa). Moralist, writer of ascetic works, pastor and spiritual director. At the request of Don Pestarino, he prepared and published the Rule of the Pious Union of the Daughters of St. Mary Immaculate, and was the spiritual animator of the group (see G. FRASSINETIT, Operate Ascetiche, Introduction and note by P. Giordano Renzi FSMI,
2 vol., Rome, Postulazione Generale dei Figli di S. Maria Immacolata 1978, POSADA, Giuseppe Frasinetti).
In a memory of the card. Giovanni, Cagliero, deposited in the AGFMA, reads that "I am uncontrolled and visit successive avveruiero nel 1860, 61, 62 e 64" (Memory of Cardinale Giovanni Cagliero, February 15, 1922 in AGFMA). The Chronicle and the biographer of Santa Maria Mazzarello, Don Ferdinando Maccono, quote a testimony of Fr Giuseppe Campi, priest of Mor-nese. The meeting would have taken place "verse 1862" (Testimony of D. Giuseppe Campi in: AGFMA, see Chronicle I, P. 111, F. MACCONO, S. Maria Domenica Mazzarello, Confondatrice and Superior General of the Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice , Vol I, Torino, Istituto FMA 1960, p.100). The author of the Chronicle, M. Clelia Genghini, who was secretary general of the Institute of the AMF, based on several research done by herself,
en el lugar donde ocurrió,l6 y ni siquiera en el contenido, del cual existen versiones no unívocas. Todas estas versiones indican dos elementos importantes: el entusiasmo de don Pestarino hacia la persona y la obra de don Bosco' y el interés de don Bosco hacia el grupo de las HSMI dirigido por don Pestarino.18 Sin embargo, las mismas fuentes no coinciden en el modo con el cual el ropo entra en la órbita de don Bosco. Algunas versiones presentan a don Pestarino como el que «ofrece» a don Bosco el grupo de la Inmaculada sin una previa petición;" en otras, es don Bosco mismo quien, oyendo hablar a don Pestarino, se «mueve», empujado por su interés hacia el grupo." Algunos testimonios dejan entrever la preexistencia de la inquietud de don Bosco por fundar un Instituto femenino,2' otros ponen de relieve que el encuentro, considerado «providencial», suscita en don Bosco la idea de fundar.22
16 En la citada memoria del card. Cagliero se lee: «Ricordo che Don Pestarino mi disse di aver conosciuto Don Bosco in Genova, in casa del Parroco Frassinetti di S. Sabina». Don Campi afirma que el encuentro tuvo lugar en un viaje en d tren que conducía a don Bosco y a don Pestarino desde Acqui a Alessandria. Este testimonio es recogido por la Cronistoria y por Maccono.
«[Don Pestarino] preso da venerazione per le sue virtit [di don Bosco] s'invoglió di venire
a Torno» (G. CAGLIERO, Memoria, en: AGFMA).
i8La Cronistoria, junto con el interés de don Pestarino por la obra de don Bosco, pone en evidencia el interés de éste por el grupo de las Hijas de Santa María Inmaculada, que don Pestatino dirigía, y reconstruye, de modo hipotético e imaginario, el diálogo entre los dos sacerdotes, del que, en realidad, se conservan solamente algunos detalles (cf. Cronistoria, I, p. 114-116).
19 Es significativo un testimonio de don Rua, sucesor de don Bosco, en el proceso ordinario para la canonización del mismo don Bosco: « [Don Pestarino] con calde istanze ottenne pare che l'adottasse [la Pia Unione] come sua spirituale famiglia. D. Bosco vedendo il buono spirito, la pietá e la vicendevole carita, che cola regnava, lascib il Sacerdote D. Pestarino alla direzione dele medesime [Figlie di S. Maria Immacolata e poi FMA] finché il Signore lo conservó in vita (1872) [sic] » (M. RUA, Deposizione en: SACRA RITUUM CONGREGATIONE, Taurinen. Beatificationis et canonizationis Servi Dei Joannis Bosco Sacerdotis Fundatoris Piae Societatis Salesianae, Positio super Introductione Causae, Summarium super dubio, p. 323). Citaré: Summ.
20 Es la tesis más afirmada en los documentos del Instituto (cf. Schiarimenti, p. 3-4), donde se da énfasis a la pertenencia de don Pestarino a la Sociedad salesiana. El documento más interesante a este respecto es, a mi parecer, la Memoria autografa de don Pestarino, donde él pone en evidencia la intervención de don Bosco respecto a la idea de hacer una fundación. El documento no hace mención del primer encuentro. Parte de 1871: «Nel orille ottocento settant'uno il benemerito Sacerdote D. Bosco esponeva a D. Pestarino Domenico [...] il suo desiderio per l'educazione cristiana dele povere fanciulle e dichiarava che Mornese sarebbe stato fi luogo che conosceva pió adatto [...] essendovi giá da varii and iniziata la Congregazione dele zitelle sotto nome dell'Immacolata e dele nuove Orsoline...» (D. PESTARIN0, Memoria autografa, manoscritto A, en:AGFMA).
21 Así afirman los Schiarimenti.
22 «[Don Bosco] non venne nella decisione [di fondare] sino a guando la Provvidenza gli
A mi parecer, en el encuentro, ocurrido probablemente en el verano de 1862, don Bosco halla el camino definitivo para la actuación de uh proyeco que estaba madurando desde hacía mucho tiempo.23
Desde aquel momento, los hechos nos han llegado con mayor credibilidad y claridad y la implicación del grupo, movido siempre por don Pestarino, aparece más evidente y efectiva. La relación con don Bosco se va perfilando en tres direcciones:
a) en orden a su persona, que suscita en el grupo admiración, respeto, veneración por su personalidad y fama de santidad;24
b) en orden a su obra educativa, que interesa a toda la población de Mor-nese, especialmente en la primera visita del Santo al pueblo en 1864:25 las HSMI se vieron especialmente afectadas en la preparación de esta visita; y después de la propuesta de don Bosco a toda la población de fundar en Mornese un colegio para muchachos, se comprometen ellas en primer lugar en el trabajo de construcción del edificio;26
c) en orden a un proyecto insólito que don Bosco va manifestando lentamente en sus visitas a Mornese en años sucesivos"' y que culmina en un «pnigrama» de vida espiritual propuesto a todo el grupo hacia 1869.28
La implicación mediata más efectiva del grupo de las HSMI en la órbita de aperse essa stessa evidentemente la vía. Un pio sacerdote, D. Domeníco Pestarino ecc.» (M. RIJA, Deposizione, en: Summ., p. 323).
" Cf. POSADA, Alle origini, p. 162-169.
24 Cf. Cronistoria I, p. 148-150. Me parece interesante, a este respecto, una carta de don Pestarino a don Rua, con ocasión de la enfermedad de don Bosco en Varazze, a finales de 1871. Las Hijas de la Inmaculada habían rezado y hasta ofrecido la vida por la salud del Santo: «Ebbi la consolazione, nella tristezza, di sentirrni chiedere da una che, se le permettevo, faceva l'olocausto della sua vita per ottenere la salute e la vita di don Bosco, il che mí ripeterono altre, pronte a morire [...] e faranno l'olocausto alla santa comunione» PESTARNO, Lettera a don Michele Rua,Mornese, 17 dicembre 1871, manoscritto originale, en: ASC 275, 1, 2 [2] Pestarino).
25 «Nell'ottobre di quest'anno [1864] passó da Momese il Rev.mo e celebre D. Bosco di Tocino con 60 e pió de' suoi giovani, con banda musicale ecc... col quale da qualche tempo, per grazia di Dio, io aveva fato relazione ed eravamo intesi in molti punti; con lui avevo esternato tutto fi mio povero spirito e i miel progetti. Giunto qui ed accolto dalla popolazione nel miglior modo possibile, si fermó 4 giorni, nei quali si fece bellissima funzione in Chiesa, accademia a Borgoalto; ed io intanto gli esternai il mio desiderio di fabbricare in tal Mogo...» (Racconto - Memoria della fabbrica di Borgoalto. Copia allografa di un racconto attribuito a Don Pestarino, en: ASC 409, 1, 5, f. 4).
26 Cf. Ibid. 2ss; Cronistoria I, p. 147-154.
n Don Bosco hizo diversas visitas a Mornese (cf. Cronistoria I, p. 204-239). Documentos importantes para reconstruir la relación entre don Bosco y don Pestarino y las visitas del Santo a Mornese son las cartas autógrafas de don Bosco al mismo don Pestarino (cf. ASC 13101). 28 La Cronistoria habla de un «Horario-Programa» de vida, escrito por el mismo don Bosco en abril de 1869 (cf. I, p. 222-224). C. Romero en el estudio ya citado sobre las Constituciones de las HMA se expresa así: «Sena voler entrare nella questione dell'esistenza e datazione di questo regolamento d sembra di poter affermare che non si tratta dí un testo normativo riguardante la vita religiosa di una comunitá» (C. ROMERO, Alle origini delle Costituzioni dell'Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice, en: Bosco, Scritti editi, p. 32).
San Juan Bosco, tal como aparece en este decenio de transformación, es de carácter estrictamente espiritual, es decir, revela una actitud común interior que se expresa, por parte del grupo, en la admiración por la persona y la obra de don Bosco y en la primera apertura a sus orientaciones directas. Don Bosco manifiesta interés, pero al mismo tiempo ponderación realista de una opción a través de encuentros mediatos e inmediatos con un grupo del que llega a conocer bien la espiritualidad y la actividad.
Desde el punto de vista histórico, la génesis de un instituto religioso no puede reducirse a la fecha de su fundación. La génesis es un proceso de duración diversa según las vicisitudes históricas que atraviesa el instituto. El 5 de agosto de 1872 es la fecha que el Instituto de las HMA reconoce como el de su fundación y corresponde, efectivamente, a la celebración de las primeras profesiones.
Documentos atendibles referentes a la génesis del Instituto nos permiten verificar modificaciones de importancia en el tiempo que va desde 1871 a 1872. Consideramos este tiempo como el «momento» cumbre de la fundación. Son modificaciones que se refieren a la relación ya estable entre don Bosco y las HSMI.
Una carta autógrafa de don Bosco a Madre Enrichetta Dominici, superiora general de las «Suore di Sant'Anna della Provvidenza»,29 nos pone ya frente a una decisión de don Bosco y a un proyecto de fundación. Pide a la Madre Dominici que le ayude en la redacción de un esbozo de Reglamento para «fondare un Istituto le cui figlie in faccia alla Chiesa siano vere religiose, ma in faccia alla civile societá siano altrettanto libere cittadine».3° Esta decisión la manifestaría a su Capítulo (Consejo) superior.31
29 Madre Enrichetta Dominici (1829-1894). Nació en Borgo Salasio, Carmagnola (Turín). Entró en el Instituto fundado por la marquesa Barolo en Turín, las Hermanas de Santa Ana de la Providencia, dedicadas a la educación popular. Fue Superiora general por 32 años. La personalidad de la Madre Dominici debió de dar seguridad a don Bosco, por su sabiduría y don de gobierno (cf. Vigilia eroica. Pagine autobiografiche di suor M. Enrichetta Dominici delle Suore di S. Anna della Provvidenza. Introduzione e note di Morazzetti S.P., Tivoli 1951). La Madre Dominici fue prodamada Beata en 1978.
" Lettera di don Bosco a madre Enrichetta Dominici, Torino, 24 aprile 1871, original autógrafo en: ASSA.
" Fuentes y estudios indican que el 24 de abril de 1871 es la fecha en que don Bosco se comprometió oficialmente ante su Capítulo superior respecto a la fundación de un Instituto femenino. Para avalar esta afirmación se citan las actas de este día (cf. STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 188; MB X, 594; Cronistoria I, p. 241). En el ASC no existen las actas de ese año (cf. ASC 0592) y la noticia no se encuentra en las actas sucesivas ni en otras fuentes. Sólo un testimonio de don Paolo Albera, pedido por don Rua, relata el hecho atribuyéndolo al año 1870 (cf. Verbali del 25 dicembre 1907, en: ASC 0592; cf. Summ. lI. Substantialia causae, 68 ss.).
La carta contiene, en efecto, elementos preciosos para identificar, no sólo las fuentes del primer código de vida de las HMA, sino también para conocer la identidad jurídico-eclesial del nuevo Instituto. Aparece, además, significativo que don Bosco se dirija a una mujer para la elaboración del texto-base de la Regla y que escoja a la superiora de un Instituto religioso dedicado a la educación de muchachas del ambiente popular.
Pero también por parte del grupo de las HSMI se verifica una verdadera opción. El grupo, que ha entrado ya en relación directa con don Bosco, se síente llamado a decidir sobre un nuevo compromiso de vida y sobre una pertenencia más estrecha al proyecto del Santo turinés.32 Una parte del grupo de las «Nuove Orsoline» (HSMI) rechaza abiertamente la propuesta de hacerse «religiosas» demostrando conciencia del cambio radical en su condición de vida. Otras se adhieren rápidamente, dando prueba de saber que realizan una opción ya ponderada. Otras se adhieren más tarde, demostrando también ellas que tenían la «sensación» del cambio.33
La Memoria autógrafa de don Pestarino sintetiza así la primera reunión que se tuvo el 29 de Enero de 1872 para la elección de un Capítulo (Consejo) superior:
«[...] il bel giorno di S. Francesco di Sales, ed esposto quanto D. Bosco li aveva consigliato (a don Pestarino), detto il Veni Creator Spiritus col Crocifisso esposto sopra un tavolino con due candelieri accesi, si passó alla votazione, essendo in numero di 27, facendo poi leggere i voti ricevuti da D. Pestarino, dalla Angela Maccagno Maestra del Paese, e fino aflora Superiora di quelle che vivono in loro famiglia. Risultó dallo scrutinio 21 voti a Maria Mazzarello di Giuseppe delta dí Valponasca [...] si passó alla votazione della seconda Assístente che riusci Petronilla con voti 19; si ritirarono queste due e nominaron per Maestra delle Novizie Felicina [Mazzarello], ed Economa Giovanna [Ferrettino] e per Vicaria o Vicesuperiora per quelle del paese, la Maestra Maccagno. Si pubblicarono e si fina col Laudate Dominum l'adunanra che Jopo fu sciolta».34
Siete meses más tarde tuvieron lugar las primeras profesiones. Las que se adhirieron al proyecto de don Bosco se trasladaron al colegio hecho construir por don Pestarino en el lugar llamado Borgoalto y en un primer momento destinado, en la intención de don Bosco, para escuela de los muchachos de Mornese. Ahora se convertía en la Casa-Madre del Instituto de las HMA. El «sello» histórico-eclesial de tal transformación del grupo de simple «Pia Unione» parroquial en instituto religioso lo puso la presencia del obispo de Acqui, mons. Giuseppe Maria Sciandra, durante la función de las profesiones; el «sello» histórico-salesiano lo aportó la presencia del Fundador que, por invitación del mismo obispo, dirigió la palabra a las nuevas profesas, precisamente como Fundador."
32 Cf. PESTARINO, Memoria A, en: AGFMA.
33 Cf. Cronistoria I, p. 272-274.
34 PESTARINO, Memoria A, en: AGFMA. " Loc. cit.
Leyendo superficialmente las pocas noticias que se poseen de este hecho Parecería que don Bosco no demuestra una conciencia «histórica» del hecho que se estaba realizando el 5 de agosto. Efectivamente, no había previsto estar presente en las profesiones,36 aparece como forzado a ir,37 y sale inmediatamente de Mornese sin que su firma aparezca en el Acta de fundación.38 Sin embargo, su presencia, la invitación del obispo a dirigir la palabra a las nuevas profesas, la aceptación que él hace del Instituto en presencia del mismo obispo, revelan la calidad de la relación histórica que se establece ahora con las FMA ante la Iglesia y la historia.
De una implicación simple, aunque profunda, en lo espiritual, la relación de las FMA en orden a la persona y a la misión edesial de don Bosco se transforma en una relación de carácter histórico que supone una dependencia real del Fundador y se abre a la aceptación de un nuevo vínculo, el jurídico, con la aceptación del nuevo Código de pertenencia. Éste, desde las primeras e imperfectas fases de su planteamiento, lleva ya la marca del pensamiento y del espíritu de San Juan Bosco.39
De la observación atenta del modus vivendi de las primeras HIVIA como aparece en las Reglas y de las noticias que las crónicas nos dan, se deduce un estilo simple, pobre, sereno y austero, centrado totalmente en la configuración de la primera comunidad y en el compromiso apostólico entre las muchachas, especialmente las internas.
Sin embargo, algunos hechos casi inmediatamente posteriores a la fundación demuestran una progresiva maduración en la conciencia y en la estructuración jurídica del Instituto, conciencia que incide en la relación que se había establecido entre la comunidad primitiva y su Fundador.
En 1874 y aún en vida de don Pestarino, don Bosco procede a dos medidas jurídicas de importancia: la elección de un Director general del Instituto," en la persona de uno de sus mejores salesianos, don Cagliero,41 y el nombramiento de una superiora general en la persona de Sor María Do/11in, Mazzarello que hasta entonces había presidido la comunidad con el título la, Vicaria."
" Cf. Cronistoria I, p. 297.
" Cf. Ibid., p. 307.
78 Verbale relativo alla fondazione dell'Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice eretto in Mornese Diocesi di Acqui, Mornese, 8 agosto 1872, copia auténtica, en: ACVA Registri, 15, 520-522.
39 Cf. ROMERO, Alle origini, en: Bosco, Scritti editi, p. 34-49.
40 Solamente a partir del Manoscritto F de las Constituciones HMA aparece la figura del Director general del Instituto. En los manuscritos precedentes se dice que el Instituto está bajo la dirección inmediata del Superior general de la Sociedad de San Francisco de Sales (cf. Manoscritti
A-E y F, en: Bosco, Scritti editi, p. 209-252).
' Giovanni Cagliero (1838-1926). En 1874 fue nombrado primer Director general de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora. En 1875 partió como responsable de la primera expedición misionera a Argentina. En 1884 León XIII lo nombró obispo titular de Magida y le confió el vicariato apos tólico de la Patagonia. En 1904, Pío X le confió la visita apostólica en las diócesis de Tortona, Piacenza, Albenga y Savona, enviándolo luego como Ministro plenipotenciario y Delegado apostólico de Centro América. En 1915, Benedicto XV lo nombró cardenal y miembro de las congregaciones de Religiosos, de Propaganda Fide y de Ritos. En 1920, obispo de Frascati. Murió en Roma en 1926 (cf. G. CASSANO, Il cardinale Giovanni Cagliero, 2 vol., Torillo, SEI 1955).
El porqué del nombramiento de don Cagliero está justificado por la un' posibilidad, por parte de don Bosco, de seguir directamente al Instituto y de su visión previsora sobre la expansión del mismo." El nombramiento de la superiora general obedece tal vez al deseo de asegurar una figura jurídica entonces controvertida, pero necesaria según los usos del tiempo.44
En el mes de marzo del mismo año 1874, don Bosco había presentado a la Congregación de los Obispos y Regulares un «Riassunto» de la «Pia Societá Salesiana», en orden a la aprobación de las Constituciones. En este «Rías. sunto» hacía alusión a la fundación de Mornese en términos muy sucintos."
Sín detenerse, pues, en clarificaciones sobre la estructura jurídica del Instituto, don Bosco se orienta en cambio hacia la aprobación diocesana del mismo y de las Constituciones procediendo a la revisión de éstas46 con el deseo de presentarlas al obispo de Acqui, el mismo mons. Sciandra que presidió las primeras profesiones.
42 En la primera elección del Capítulo superior del Instituto, el 29 de enero de 1871, fue elegida como Superiora (21 sobre 27 votos) Sor María Dominga Mazzarello. Ella «suggeri le pareva lasciar nelle mani di D. Bosco la scelta della prinia Superiora» (PESTARINO, Memoria A, en: AGFMA). Efectivamente, don Bosco la nombró Superiora general, con el título de Vicaria en 1874, cuando se hizo la elección de Superiora general. De hecho en el Manoscritto D, cuya fecha se coloca entre 1874 y 1875, aparece por primera vez la figura de la Superiora general (cf. Bosco, Scritti editi, p. 85-95).
43 En él año del nombramiento del Director general del Instituto existía solamente la Casa central o Casa madre de Mornese.
44 Es interesante notar que en Italia, antes de 1839, no se plantea el problema del nombramiento de la Superiora general. Algunas dificultades eran de orden eclesiástico, otras relativas a la condición femenina como, por ejemplo, las dificultades de viajar, cosa que entonces no parecía «né conforme alla prudenza né cosa decente che done religiose, di cui la ritiratezza dovrebbe essere un distintivo carattere viaggino con tanta frequenza» (RoccA, Le nuove, p. 155).
45 "Appendice e dipendently of the Salesian Congregation and the House of Maria Ausiliatrice fondata with approvazione dell'autoritá Ecclesiastica in Mornese diocesi d'Acqui. I scopo si é di fare per le povere fanciulle quanto i Salesiani fano per i ragazzi. Le religiose sono già in number di quaranta ed hanno cura di 200 fanciulle »(Riassunto della Pia Società Salesiana di S. Francesco di Sales n 1874, in: CONGREGAZIONE PARTICOLARE DEI VESCOVI E REGOLARI [...] Torinese, Sopra l'approvazione delle Costituzioni della Societá Salesiana [?] March 1874, in: ASC 0231).
46 Cf. Manoscritti E, F of the primitive Constitutions in: BOSCO, Scritti editi, p. 99-123.
The petition for approval is an extremely significant document as regards the origin of the Institute, its foundation, its purposes, its development. ' The manuscript is signed by Don Bosco, by Don Costamagna, then local director of the house of Mornese and by Sr. Maria Mazzarello. It is interesting to observe, in the light of the historical context of the moment, how, along with the signature of Mother Mazzarello, Don Bosco added, in his fist, the abbreviation: sup., Which shows the real existence of an effective Superior in the Institute "
The letters of St. Mary Dominga Mazzarello, addressed in these years to Don Bosco, demonstrate their personal dependence and that of the Institute of the Major Superior, Don Bosco.
«Permetta, Rev.mo Superiore Maggiore ch'io mi raccomandi alle sue efficaci preghiere acio possa adempiere with esattezza tutti i doveri che mia carica m'impone e possa corrispondere al tanti benefizi datimi dal Signore ed alle aspettazioni della SV; dica una di quelle efficaci parole to Maria SS. perché voglia aiutarmi a praticare ció che debbo insegnare alle altre e possano cosi ricevere tutte da me quegli esempi che il mio grade m'obbliga give parrot >>.
Emerged in a field of spiritual, spontaneous but profound involvement, consolidated through an effective option of historical significance, the relationship between the AMF and St. John Bosco is affirmed as a real juridical belonging to the Salesian trunk. That belonging supposes a singular and close bond with the Founder, who, when requesting the official approval of the Institute and the first Constitutions, assumes in proprio before the Church the real paternity of the Institute.
I said at the beginning of these reflections that the relationship established between the first AMF and Don Bosco is paradigmatic in the history of the Institute. It seems to me, in fact, that we can affirm, in conclusion, that the spiritual, historical and juridical elements that constitute a single relationship, act among themselves in a dynamic of "circularity" through the different moments of the life of the Institute.
These elements or dimensions are accentuated in a special way in the various phases through which the Institute continues to deepen its relationship with the Founder.
"Cf. Bishop Giuseppe Maria Sciandra for l'approvazione dello Istituto e del Costituzioni delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice [sd] Manoscritto originale, Cartella Mornese, authentic copy (Acqui 26 [?] Gennaio 1876), in: ACVA, Registri 17
48 Cf. Loc. Cit.
"Maria Domenica S. MAZZARELLO, Letter to Don Bosco, Mornese, 22 June 1874, in: ME POSADA (ed.), Lettere di S. Maria Domenica Mazzarello, Confondatrice dell'Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice, Rome, Istituto FMA 1980 , pp. 51-52.
In the difficult moment of the legal separation of the Institute of the Salesian Society, which was carried out in force of the Normae secundum quas emanated from the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars in 1901 and carried into effect in the Institute from the Constitutions of 1906 , 5 ° the Institute deepens in its relations with the Founder and, even acquiring legal autonomy, finds in the spiritual connection with the Salesian Society in the person of the Rector Major pro tempore, the point of suture with the spirit of the origins.
From 1907 to 1920, and precisely through successive clarifications brought about in the process of beatification and canonization of Don Bosco, 5 'the Church, the Salesian Society and the Institute of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians have the possibility to show in an incontrovertible way the foundation of the historical paternity of Don Bosco with regard to the feminine Institute founded by him, thus vanishing any hypothesis on a simple adoptive paternity, since it clarifies the real role of Don Pestarino in order to found the FMA.
Las fuerzas renovadoras del Vaticano II que impulsa a los institutos religiosos hacia la memoria de su origen y al mismo tiempo hacia la profecía de su futuro, solicitó también la dinámica de la «circularidad» llevando al Instituto a ahondar en el carisma de los orígenes. El texto de las Constituciones renovadas aparece en ese sentido como síntesis de memoria y profecía.52
En esta vuelta refleja sobre la historia y la espiritualidad del Instituto apareció con rasgos más definidos la figura de Santa María Dominga Mazzarello. Don Bosco, Fundador del Instituto de modo inequívoco, no es el único y solo Fundador. La colaboración eficaz y esencial de la Madre Mazzarello animó a la Iglesia a conferirle el título de Cofundadora en sentido verdadero y propio.
La última observación se sitúa en el plano metodológico. Por la dinámica continua, progresiva y circular que se da entre el Instituto y sus Fundadores se impone una continua y progresiva búsqueda documental en orden a una hermenéutica correcta en los diferentes campos: histórico, teológico, jurídico, pedagógico, pastoral, social. A mi parecer, el Instituto está en los pródromos del momento heurístico, tal vez el más delicado, pero también el más fecundo.
Heurística, exégesis y hermenéutica son también dimensiones de una circularidad que lleva, en forma de espiral, a una continua y diría que inagotable investigación del pasado en orden al progreso real de la historia.
" Cf. Normae secundum quas S. Congr. Episcoporum et Regularium procedere solet in approbandis Novis Institutis Votorum simplicium, Typis S.C. de Propaganda Fide, 1901 (cf. IsTrruro FIGLIE DI MARIA AUSILIATRICE, Costituzioni delle Figlie di Maria Ausillatrice fondate da Don Bosco, Torino, Tip. Salesiana 1906).
51 Para un estudio de los procesos de beatificación de don Bosco, cf. P. STELLA, Don Bosco III. Respecto a la fundación del Instituto, en el ámbito de los procesos de don Bosco y de la Madre Mazzarello, cf. M. Mumil, Madre Mazzarello. I1 significato del titolo di Confondatrice, Roma, LAS 1982.
" Cf. ISTITUTO FIGLIE DI MARIA AUSILIATRICE, Costituzioni e Regolamenti, Roma, Istituto FMA 1982.
La ocasión del Centenario ha estimulado, sin duda, la atención de los estudiosos sobre la historia de don Bosco. Pero, según la propia especialización (en mi caso, la economía), seguir tras la figura de don Bosco ha significado también tratar de entender cuál era el contexto en el que se fue desarrollando su obra. Mi residencia en Turín ha supuesto para mí una ocasión afortunada para ir a las fuentes originales de la documentación que queda de aquel período.
En esta ocasión me gustaría exponer a los presentes algunas consideraciones, más que un discurso completo, que requeriría otro momento muy diverso, para intentar presentar los estímulos, con sus nuevas indicaciones, que se derivan de las investigaciones realizadas. Trataría también de dar una nueva clave de lectura (si se me permite hablar así) de los estudios conocidos desde hace tiempo y que han contribuido a formar una imagen, consolidada ya, de lo que sucedió en aquellas décadas, sumamente representativas para Turín, comprendidas entre 1840 y 1880.
Se han visto nuevos documentos, pero sobre todo se ha visto que hoy se aborda la historia económica de la Italia del siglo XIX de manera totalmente nueva, que se hace muy interesante también para entender a don Bosco.
Hace unos treinta años se pusieron de moda en Italia los estudios de historia económica, por desgracia con una corriente ideológica predominante, que veía en la aplicación del materialismo histórico una verdad sólidamente erigida a la que muchos acudieron, aunque sólo fuese para aceptar los resultados que aquellos estudios dieron a conocer. Digo esto, porque la visión que se da a veces del Turín del siglo XIX como de una ciudad que vive el período preliminar al despegue del desarrollo industrial, parece hoy universalmente forzada. No se puede ya decir o escribir, como se ha hecho, que el Turín del siglo XIX recuerda el Londres de la fase preindustrial o, peor aún, el Londres de
los primeros años de la revolución industrial. Desde luego que no: basta considerar que la revolución industrial turinesa e italiana se sitúa claramente en la década a caballo entre los dos siglos, el XIX y el )
Para una información más amplia sobre el tema tratado en esta comunicación, se puede ver: G. BRACCO (ed.), Torino e don Bosco, vol. I, Torino, Archivio Storico della dttá di Torino 1989 (n.d.e.).
Tratando de construir un cuadro, lo más objetivo posible, de aquella reajidad, estudiosos italianos, estudiosos franceses, estudiosos ingleses, en una .
labra, estudiosos europeos convienen en que la situación económica y social d pae la Italia y también del Turín de aquel período tuvo características propias, pe.. culiares, que no se encuentran en otras partes. Para decirlo en términos económicos, se ha entendido ya claramente que el lento desarrollo italiano fue tal que consintió garantizar una oferta de bienesy servicios, que había en realdad, capaz de responder a la demanda de bienes y servicios que hacía la sociedad italiana. Con esta premisa, se hace más fácil entender el cuadro social y civil del Turín en el que trabaja don Bosco.
Era una ciudad que tenía un tejido muy abierto, muy desmenuzado en actividades productivas, no ciertamente industriales, sino de tipo artesanal, aunque a veces las técnicas usadas eran las de las innovaciones que se conocían en el resto de Europa.
El papel de capital, por otra parte, presentaba todavía a Turín con características diversas, porque, a pesar de todo, Turín era ciudad de servicios más que ciudad de producción. Turín se convertirá en ciudad de producción sobre todo al final del siglo.
Entonces esta ciudad de servicios exigía una masa de hombres, mujeres y campesinos, que venían con un espíritu que recordaba todavía la costumbre de la edad moderna, cuando los pobres del campo, en los momentos de dificultad acudían a las grandes ciudades, porque allí era más probable encontrar recursos para la propia vida, que nacían de la aplicación del viejo dicho católico de la caridad como instrumento real para la redistribución de la renta. Por tanto venían a Turín muchos pobres, hoy diríamos marginados, no tanto porque se encontrase en vías de transformación económico-productiva, sino porque Turín era en todo caso el centro en el que era posible aprovechar la oportunidad de sobrevivir.
Hace falta también tener presente que Turín era la capital de un reino amplio, tal vez el mayor en términos territoriales del contexto italiano (lo formaban Saboya, Piamonte, Liguria, la zona de la actual Costa Azul, la parte marítima y Cerdeña) y por tanto en condiciones de ejercer un reclamo sobre la población pobre de un vasto territorio.
El don Bosco que llega a Turín es portador de los valores que se dan en la ciudad, que se dan en Piamonte. Y estos valores suyos en relación con la sociedad civil los explicita todos en el curso de su acción. Estar presente en esta ciudad con los valores antiguos significaba tener que enfrentarse con un Municipio que derivaba de los antiguos valores de los Ayuntamientos libres y, por tanto, con una autoridad ciudadana que afectaba a toda la ciudad; significaba enfrentarse con el Gobierno del Estado, con la monarquía por tanto, el rey, los ministros y también con una determinada Iglesia. No me compete, desde luego, a mí hacer aquí la historia de aquella Iglesia, pero es una Iglesia que aparece muy en consonancia con una tradición que es del Estado, que tiene un cierto modo de situarse, en los siglos anteriores y también en el XIX, en las entre Iglesia y Estado, lin Estado, Piamonte, que representa también npoecquliue cufiar.
Un contradecirme, parece que los primeros actos, los mstouy primeros pasos que dio don Bosco en Turín están de acuerdo con el plan que -tiene toda la Iglesia de Turín. Un dato que me ha chocado enseguida, apenas me he puesto a leer entre los documentos de don Bosco que están en los archivos comunales, es que don Bosco no está nunca solo. Don Bosco actúa con un grupo de sacerdotes, que parecen todos orientados hacia un mismo objetivo, la intervención en el sector de la marginación y del malestar social, según esquemas que son también antiguos.
Son los personajes que vienen hoy al recuerdo como una riqueza de la Iglesia del siglo XIX, de don Borel a Cafasso, Murialdo y tantos otros. Si se leen con este punto de vista las Memorias biográficas y se anotan sólo los nombres de todos los sacerdotes que pasaron por Valdocco trabajando con don Bosco, nos damos cuenta del fenómeno: don Bosco no está nunca solo; trabaja, permítaseme el término, con una multitud de sacerdotes que trabajan en la ciudad, según un plan que parece común. Que el plan esté trazado antes o que resulte sólo a posteriori como consecuencia de las actuaciones posteriores es hoy de difícil interpretación.
Una carta que hemos encontrado — era desconocida, pero hoy ha circulado ya — de marzo del 46, dirigida por don Bosco a Michele di Cavour, en la que pide permiso para llevar su obra a Valdocco, pone en cuatro puntos fundamentales — autógrafos, en el sentido de que están firmados por don Bosco los principios según los cuales se moverá después don Bosco siempre en la sociedad civil.
El primer punto — escribe — es el amor al trabajo; el segundo, la frecuencia de los santos Sacramentos; el tercero, importantísimo desde nuestro punto de vista actual, el respeto a toda superioridad; el cuarto, la fuga de los compañeros malos, cosa ésta que se puede leer también en términos de simple sociedad civil.
En una ciudad en la que hay mucho malestar; donde hay autoridades muy presentes, hay una Iglesia que trabaja, la relación con las instituciones, con la sociedad civil, se convierte en un instrumento ineludible, debe darse.
Es casi posible (he usado el término) seguir los pasos de don Bosco en sus movimientos por la ciudad. No hay prácticamente ningún acto fundamental, ninguna opción, que don Bosco no haya sometido a la atención de la sociedad civil. Cualquier construcción, desde la más sencilla pared hasta el edificio más grande, desde la pequeña Capilla Pinardi hasta la gran Basílica de María Auxiliadora, se realiza siempre después de haber obtenido el permiso de la autoridad civil. También la intervención en las obras, desde las grandes escuelas hasta la intervención con cada persona, se hace siempre teniendo en cuenta a la sociedad civil. Precisamente la intervención con cada muchacho, por ejemplo, nos presenta un modo de afrontar el problema tan moderno, tan como se haría hoy, que a mí me ha parecido excepcional.
Cuando el Ayuntamiento, la Prefectura, la Jefatura de policía del Gobierno, debían afrontar el caso de un muchacho, diríamos, en peligro o abandonado, como no tenía entonces el Estado saboyano prevista ninguna estructura para intervenir en ese sector y como sólo existían las instituciones que hoy definimos nosotros como IPAB, pedían a don Bosco que interviniese.
En el curso de las investigaciones emprendidas para la preparación de un estudio, promovido por la Administración comunal de Turín, he tenido lá suerte de encontrar cartas que considero muy hermosas, en un fondo del Archivo del Estado de Roma, en las que don Bosco respondía a las peticiones para. que se interesase por los muchachos. Estas cartas son pequeños proyectos para una actuación en la que se examina al muchacho en sus cosas esenciales, se comunica a la autoridad civil, porque parece que don Bosco quería que su modo de actuar fuese, más que aceptado, reconocido por la autoridad civil. Resulta entonces que si el muchacho es demasiado joven, don Bosco dirá: «Mirad que debemos enviarlo primero a ese otro sitio; cuando tenga la edad apropiada, lo aceptaré». Examina a otro muchacho y escribe: «No tiene todavía instrucción. Lo enviamos a la escuela, después le orientaremos al trabajo, pero viendo e intentando comprender cuál es su inclinación personal». O bien viene un muchacho que tiene problemas porque el padre ha tenido -que ver con la justicia, o hasta ha sido ajusticiado, y don Bosco: «Atención, que poner a un muchacho de este tipo con otros muchachos, le puede suponer molestias ulteriores, porque los muchachos, en su malicia involuntaria, pueden perseguirlo tomándole el pelo, y por tanto no obtenemos el resultado de suprimir el malestar, sino de empeorarlo».
Esta referencia continua resulta un elemento importante. Si además, de estos episodios que se refieren a personas y, por tanto, en cierta medida reservados, ampliamos el examen a los hechos más generales que afectan a las comunidades de personas, encontramos comportamientos que son igualmente precisos al buscar su diálogo con la sociedad civil.
Me ha asombrado siempre, al leer la hagiografía tradicional de don Bosco, que para él todas las cosas eran difíciles. ¿Es posible? Y parece que casi todas las veces, para lograr hacer algo, tenía que suceder un hecho extemporáneo, por no decir de tipo casi ultraterreno. Hay siempre alguna intervención que se lo ayuda a resolver. Cuando quiere hacer la Basílica de María Auxiliadora, los malvados del Aytmtamiehto no quieren que se dedique a María Auxiliadora; cuando quiere ir a Valdocco, Michele Cavour grita y así por el estilo. Es decir, cada cosa que hace don Bosco, parece que la tradición la presenta como sumamente difícil. Después llega allí el toque, el deus ex machina que resuelve el problema.
Me he convencido de una cosa: don Bosco usa como método educativo, pedagógico, pero también como método concreto para construir la presencia de su obra en la sociedad civil, un instrumento que puede parecer feo, pero que tiene, en cambio, connotaciones hermosas por las consecuencias que supone. En la comunidad en que vive hay un proyecto, él quiere interesar a dos, él se pasa la vida interesando a personas. Entonces dice: «Tenemos que todos,
esto,-pero es una cosa difícil y hace falta sudar para lograrla». Todos los de la comunidad tienen que participar en ello. El que pueda hacer algo, debe hacerlo. Y en el caso limite de que alguno no pueda trabajar debe también (y perdóneseme el sólo) rezar. Pero tiene que interesarse, tiene que sudar. Esónloeste punto, con el interés de todos, salta el otro mecanismo, que es el de la solidaridad: todos juntos, uno para el otro, porque se tiene algo que alcanzar que está en consonancia con un fin. Este mecanismo construye una comunidad que vive unida, que se beneficia de ello y que encuentra elementos de impulso en los momentos en que después se obtiene el resultado.
Sí leemos las cartas de ese modo, vemos que hasta hay momentos en los que don Bosco ya tiene el permiso en el bolsillo para algunas cosas, ya ha obtenido el permiso de quien tiene que darlo, pero no lo dice enseguida.
Nada. Hay que conquistar cada cosa.
Desde ese punto de vista, he estudiado, tal vez rozando la paranoia, los diversos actos de las loterías de don Bosco. Todos recuerdan las loterías como un instrumento para obtener medios financieros, para construir, para hacer, para actuar. Leyendo esas cosas, he encontrado aspectos muy diferentes. Las loterías son uno de los instrumentos mayores para interesar a la sociedad civil en la obra de don Bosco. Don Bosco, cuando lanza una lotería, presenta una idea. Después comienza a actuar para interesar a todos, que es una obra enorme, para recoger los regalos. El momento de la venta de papeletas es, sí, un momento de compromiso, pero sin duda menor que el compromiso que se ha suscitado antes para formar la Comisión promotora, reunir a los sostenedores y a los donantes: son miles de personas. Y después, muy bien, habrá que hacer seguir el acto de la venta de papeletas, de la realización de la tómbola y el sorteo, con ideas estupendas, como la lotería con premio único: se sortea; ¿quién tiene el número?; nadie lo tiene; lo tenía don Bosco y la cosa queda en casa.
Si se me permite (no querría robar más tiempo del debido), la relación con la sociedad civil la concretaría de este modo: la frase del joven sacerdote que va a Valdocco — «amor al trabajo y respeto a toda superioridad» — se convierte en un modelo que seguir para toda la vida.
La relación con las instituciones es propia de un personaje que forma parte de la comunidad regida por esas instituciones, pero que se pone frente a ellas con igual dignidad.
Él sabe que desempeña un cometido que las instituciones no son capaces de desempeñar y que él, en cambio, garantiza. Entonces esa igual dignidad se hace grande, pero hace falta descender después de las instituciones a toda la sociedad civil y el único instrumento, el verdadero instrumento es el de interesar, interés que implica solidaridad y que al final lleva a la construcción de la comunidad, que yo veo de todos modos, y de la que hablaba con algunos aini. gos esta mañana, en la gran Familia salesiana de hoy.
La rapidez con que los proyectos salesianos llegan al conocimiento de toda la Familia salesiana, por ejemplo, parece un instrumento inventado por don Bosco. Esta mañana citaba el «correo salesiano», como un instrumento para interesar, que parece contrastar a veces con las reglas de la sociedad civil, pero que interesa porque así se está al servicio recíproco, según un plan que es global, para alcanzar resultados que son comunes.
Para terminar, digo que yo leo las Memorias biográficas ya casi exclusivamente más como un monumento a un método pedagógico que como un verdadero documento de historia crítica y, probablemente, hará falta seguir ese camino de la búsqueda de documentos fuera de las instituciones salesianas, porque son muchos y consienten cotejar los comportamientos. En las Memorias biográficas tenemos el instrumento que sirvió para el compromiso; fuera tenemos, en cambio, los documentos que nos permiten captar realmente la grandeza de las cosas que se hicieron.
Muchas gracias por su atención.
Gian Mario Bravo en un rico volumen, a pesar de todo, sobre Torino operaia. Mondo del lavoro e idee sociali nell'etá di Carlo Alberto,' mientras aporta con amplitud ideas y actividades de conservadores y moderados sociales, de radicales y reformadores sociales, del primer movimiento obrero y de las sociedad de ayuda mutua, liquida en una paginita la obra de Giuseppe Conolengo y de Giovanni Bosco, escribiendo que «la caridad cristiana y el paternalismo piamontés se unían estrechamente dando lugar a realizaciones también eminentes que, tanto en su concepción como en su ejecución, quedaron limitadas a grupos restringidos de individuos y no llegaron a generalizarse a toda la sociedad». Y prosigue: « [Sus] actividades estaban viciadas por la idea fundamental que movía a ambos, por la que todo quedaba abandonado en las manos piadosas de una providencia divina». Y añade «que hubiera podido, según se le ocurriese, aliviar los males o también agravarlos», por lo que «la única posibilidad de ayuda para los pobres era que los ricos y los nobles de buen corazón se interesasen por ellos dándoles un lecho, una sopa, un local en que reunirse. De ese modo — concluye — seguían extraños a los movimientos reales de las masas y de sus necesidades y, apoyados por las clases dominantes, únicamente podían caminar hacia un subproletariado, aún más miserable y oprimido que los trabajadores normales, pero también con problemas menores que estos últimos y preocupados sólo por procurarse algo con que alimentarse»? «No queremos negar el bien que hicieron estos dos sacerdotes y las instituciones que promovieron; pero observamos que la teorización de sus ideas, intentada más por sus seguidores que por ellos mismos, suponían un impedimento al progreso social e intelectual de las masas y de la misma sociedad piamontesa, al considerar a esta última inmóvil en el tiempo, como si estuviese
Cf. G.M. BRAVO, Torino operaia. Mondo del lavoro e idee sociali nell'eta di Carlo Alberto,
Torino 1968.
2 Ibid., p. 152.
cautiva y enferma por constitución y sólo pudiese mejorar en algunas partes marginales: de ahí procedía su interés por el pueblo y sus males ».3
Ahora bien, aparte la distinción que habría que hacer entre la acción de Cottolengo, orientada a aliviar y proteger los estratos más marginados de la sociedad, y la de don Bosco que si en sus comienzos intentaba acoger y ayudar con caridad cristiana a los jóvenes campesinos que venían a buscar trabajo a la ciudad y se encontraban abandonados (el primer esbozo de constituciones sobre la finalidad de la obra salesiana indicaba los giovani «poverelli», convertidos después sólo en «giovani»), en un segundo momento amplió su obra de la preparación a la colocación y a la asistencia, tal vez sin plantearse el problema de las clases en transformación (como advierte Guasco y con él muchos hístoriadores)4 y, mucho menos, el de una organización de lucha de clases, difícilmente aceptada entonces hasta por los laicos. Por eso hace falta subrayar con Scoppola que si hay que situarle en la linea de los santos sociales que, a partir de Cafasso y Cottolengo y a través de él llega a Murialdo, representando un aspecto original de la sociedad piamontesa, los espacios de su acción fueron amplios, llegando no sólo al campo de la asistencia, sino a muchos problemas conectados con los procesos de modernización del país al día siguiente de la Unidad? Nos parece entonces que no se puede ni siquiera afirmar que «sus instituciones pertenecen a la patética prehistoria paleocapitalista»6 y no han incidido en lo más mínimo en el gran curso de la historia sucesiva. Al contrarío, la Institución salesiana — como escribe un historiador laico, Bairati — se convierte en lugar de paso y de inculturación para los jóvenes que «van del campo a la ciudad, de una sociedad que empieza a ser industrial y se orienta hacia la modernidad, de un modelo de vida y de cultura que se basa en ritmos de comportamiento ligados al trabajo agrícola o paleoartesanal a un modelo de vida y de cultura unido a ritmos y comportamientos más ordenados y estructurados»;' por lo que el modelo cultural salesiano, «aun presentando algunas connotaciones que lo contraponen tajantemente a los tiempos en que nació y anche alla Tocino liberale di Cavour e Gobetti, e alla Torino operaia di Gramsci, alla Torino del lavoro, della imprenditoria, della cultura».
3 Ibid., p. 152.
4 Cf. M. GUASCO, Don Bosco nella storia religiosa del suo tempo, en: Don Bosco e le sfide della modernitá (Quaderno del Centro Studi «C. Trabucco», 11), Torino, Stabilimento Poli9rafico Editoriale «C. Fanton» 1988, p. 4. El juicio está tomado de L. PAZZAGLIA, Apprendistato e istruzione
degli artigiani a Valdocco (1846-1886), en: F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, Torino, SEI 1987.
5 Cf. P. SCOPPOLA, Don Bosco nella storia civile, en: Don Bosco e le sfide, p. 20. A este propósito, recuérdese lo que dice el mismo Scoppola, en la conclusión de su conferencia: «Don Bosco appartiene a pieno titolo alla storia civile del nostro paese e di questo nostro travagliato mondo contemporaneo. Appartiene perció a tutta Tocino: alla Torino cristiana e cattolica, ma
6 Cf. S. QUINZIO. Domande sulla santitá. Don Bosco, Cafasso, Cottolengo, Torino, Gruppo Abele 1986, p. 88.
7 Cf. P. BAIRATI, Cultura salesiana e societá industriale, en: TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 338.
se desarrolló, encuentra después en otros niveles una relación propia unida estrechamente con la historia de la sociedad».8 Se hace así moderno, no en el te- rreno de las doctrinas sino en el de la organización, caracterizado por una j fuerte autonomía económica, por una notable capacidad expansiva, y por una especial capacidad de estimular y madurar a los individuos en el trabajo y en la conquista de un papel social, por lo que el mismo Bairati lo pudo definir como «un extraordinario organizador tayloriano del amor cristiano ».9
En este contexto — complejo si queremos, como a juicio de muchos es el personaje de don Bosco — hay que situar su concepción del trabajo y su acción en el mundo del trabajo. Su concepción primera y fundamental del trabajo no podía ser más que la bíblica, en su acepción más inmediata y primaria: in sudore vultus tui vesceris pave." El trabajo como medio para ganar con qué vivir, la fatiga del trabajo como consecuencia del pecado. Y también el largo sueño de más de seis horas tenido en la noche entre el 1 y el 2 de mayo de 1861 (cuando un misterioso personaje le mostró los muchos jóvenes que se perdían y le indicó el camino de salvación para sus muchachos con tres palabras: labor, sudor, fervor, explicándole después: «Labor in assiduis operibus, sudor in poenitentiis continuis, fervor in orationibus ferventibus et perseverantibus», es decir, fatiga en el trabajo cotidiano, sudor en las penitencias continuas, fervor en las oraciones perseverantes) puede confirmar esta concepción,u así como aquello que prometía a quien quería entrar en su congregación: «pan, trabajo y paraíso».13 Comenzando por su trabajo: el de su infancia como necesidad para sobrevivir, primero en su casa y después al servicio de otros campesinos.
Y cuando tuvo que interrumpir los estudios para acoplarse a las pretensiones de su hermanastro, volvió a las duras fatigas del campo. Peón en la granja Moglia, se levantaba al amanecer y trabajaba hasta la noche. Reemprendidos los estudios en Castelnuovo y en Chieri, se ganaba la pensión y las matrículas trabajando de criado y de preceptor, de camarero, sastre, mozo de cuadra. Trabajaba también durante las vacaciones, como él mismo escribió más tarde: «Hacía husos, canillas, trompos, bochas o bolas en el torno, cosía zapatos; Izabajaba en hierro, en madera. Aún hoy hay en mi casa de Morialdo un escritorio, una mesa de comedor con algunas sillas que me recuerdan los muebles de aquellas vacaciones mías. Me dedicaba también a segar la hierba en los prados, a cosechar el trigo en el campo; a despampanar, a despabilar, a vendimiar, a hacer vino, a trasvasar el vino y cosas por el estilo»."
8 Cf. Ibid., p. 333.
9 Cf. Ibid., p. 355.
'O Sobre la complejidad del «personaje» don Bosco, cf. G. DACQUINO, Psicologia di don Bosco, Tocino, SEI 1988.
" Gen 3,19, al que se podría añadir el v.17: in laboribus comedes ex ea (la tierra) diebus vitae tuae. Cf. también lo que don Bosco escribe en la Storia sacra (nueva edición corregida: Tocino 1855), p. 9-10. Y en el Primo piano di regolamento per la casa annessa all' Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales, cap. «Del lavoro», se lee: «1°) L'uomo, miei cari, é nato per lavorare. Adamo fu collocato nel paradiso terrestre affinché lo coltivasse. S. Paolo dice: é indegno di mangiare chi non vuol lavorare. 2°) Per lavoro s'intende l'adempimento dei doveri del proprio stato sia di studio che di arte o mestiere. 3°) Ma ricordatevi che mediante il lavoro potete rendervi benemeriti della so-cica, della religione e far del bese all'anima vostra, specialmente se offrite a Dio le vostre occupazioni [...]. 7°) Chi é obbligato a lavorare e non lavora fa un furto» (MB IV, 748s.).
u Cf. MB VI, 904. " Cf. MB XII, 598.
Ahora bien, aun teniendo en cuenta la abundancia de la prosa del Santo y un poco también su protagonismo, deberíamos decir que nunca dejó el trabajo. No sólo en aquel primer período de su vida, sino también después. Su trabajo podía ser ahora dar vueltas por Turín en busca de muchachos abandonados, encontrar bienhechores, educar a sus hijos espirituales, pero nunca desder.% el trabajo manual: poner un remiendo a un traje, arreglar una puerta, encuadernar un libro, ayudar a los albañiles a poner ladrillos en la iglesia de María Auxiliadora.
El concebía el trabajo manual (y trataba de que lo fuese también para sus muchachos) como fuente de ingresos para sostenerse en la vida, como palestra de formación del espíritu y, por último, como maduración para las futuras responsabilidades y salvaguardia de la moralidad." Pero no más.
Se ha exagerado tal vez al hablar de la laicidad en la concepción que tenía don Bosco del trabajo." Habría sido más justo subrayar la valoración positiva del trabajo, como hizo Veneruso," valoración positiva que ve en la no distinción de calidad en sus especificaciones y variedades de desarrollo, en la asociación del trabajo a la oración para la salvación del alma," a la convicción de que el trabajo contribuye a la ascesis personal más que las mismas penitencias. «No os recomiendo penitencias ni ayunos, sino trabajo, trabajo, trabajo», repetía frecuentemente a sus jóvenes." Ciertamente si se entiende por laicidad (como la entendió el Superior mayor en su discurso de Milán) la importancia
" MO 95s.
M. PERRINI, Politice e imprenditorialita di don Bosco, en «Studium» (1988) 269-274, habla de una cultura salesiana del trabajo, sintetizada en la expresión de don Bosco «chi non sa lavorare non é salesiano», y nota también en don Bosco «una vivacissima disposizione al confronto col moderno in campi come il sistema di produzione industriale, le innovazioni scientifiche e tecnologiche, la ricerca di migliori condizioni di vita e di lavoro per la classe operaia».
16 Cf. SCOPPOLA, Don Bosco nella storia titile, p. 11, en donde afirma que don Bosco anticipó, en los hechos y en la praxis, muchos elementos de aquella visión de la «laicidad» que el concilio Vaticano II ha hecho propia.
" Cf. D. VENERUSO, II metodo educativo di San Giovanni Bosco alía prova. Dai laboratori agli istituti professionali, en: BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 134.
18 Cf. MB X12, 598.
19 Cf. 1V18 IV, 216.
given to the temporal order, the openness to the progress of the sciences, the organizational competence, one can agree to speak also of the "secular" concept of work in Don Bosco. But less, it seems to me, when the same Don View?) Affirms: "Don Bosco, in his concrete way of acting, always demonstrated - a special sensitivity towards the many positive aspects of the secularity peculiar to the world of work, which is in recognizing the goodness and order proper to the creation and testimony of the royalty that man exerts over creation through his activity. "2 Here Don Bosco appears almost as an anticipator of the theology of earthly realities. And in this line Scoppola also seems to be writing when he writes: "If a layman is the one for whom things are, that is, they have their own value, according to a beautiful definition of the theologian Congar, then we have to say that Don Bosco anticipated with facts and praxis many elements of the appreciation of secularism that the Second Vatican Council made its own "21 And still less does it seem to us that we can accept Pietro Prini's assessment that the method of gift Bosco anticipated the intuitions of the personalist humanism of our century. ' So that our evaluations on the concept of work that Don Bosco and his ideas are better, we like to compare them with a speech on May 21, 1862 of a liberalizing priest, Giacomo Zanella, on the occasion of the transfer of a church to a society of mutual help of workers. «The natural condition of man affirms - is to earn the bread with work». But he immediately adds that this work is ennobled by the manual work of Jesus and sees in the work the continuation of creation. "Working is our mission on earth. When God created the world and accommodated it to our needs, he reserved the main part of the task, but he entrusted the rest to the action of man: as a noble artist who, once made a design with his hand, lets the students put the colors [...] In the same way that without God the world does not subsist, neither does life without man subsist: it is necessary that each day God and man collaborate together so that life may be maintained; the first supplies matter and forces; the second puts his work and adapts to his needs the one and the other. God begins and man continues [...]. The worker is the true conqueror of the world;
20 The speech of the Rector Major, Don E.Viganó, has been published in the special issue, dedicated to the figure of Don Bosco in "Rassegna CNOS" 4 (1988) 5-13, in a somewhat different way from the cyclostyl where it appeared for the first time.
21 SCOPPOLA, Don Bosco nella storia civile, p. 11. And it continues: «11 cosiddetto" preventive method "- ma l'espressione oggi pul) will lend itself unintentionally to appraise how much positively the gioventú esprime". But all this seems too little to be able to speak of "secularism" in Don Bosco.
22 Cf. P. PIUNI, in the presentation of the essay of S. PALUMBIERI, Don Bosco and l'uomo, Torino, Gribaudi 1987.
'G. ZANELLA, Religione e lavoro, in: Le auspicatissime nozze Scola-Patella, Vicenza 1863, p. 32-33. Cf. also the recent essay by P. MARANGON, Cristianesimo sociale e questione operaia
It is not necessary to see in Don Bosco philosophical or theological anticipations to consider it great. It is enough what he thought in reality, according to the judgments of his time, with a certain pragmatism that knew how to adapt to the present and prepare to wait for the future. It is enough to notice that he had a concept and esteem of work in the sense of a personal dedication and an activity charged with the spirit of sacrifice, but also of inventiveness. It has been well observed by a psychologist, Giacomo Dacquíno, making us see that Don Bosco encouraged his collaborators to work versatility: "We have to be willing to go up to the pulpit or go to church; to teach or sweep; to give catechism or to pray in the church or to assist in the courtyard; to study quietly in the room or to go with the young people on a trip; to command or to obey ». 24 It was the night of January 20 and he had done it since he had started. He, who had been a conjuror, an acrobat, a tailor, a carpenter, a musician, a writer, a bookbinder, a priest. And so did the coadjutors, the clerics, the priests of Valdocco.
And this work was understood not only as an existential need, but also as a value through which one's personality is constructed, realized and expressed. There is a difference between working to produce and working for love, between work that ends up in the consumer society (and, therefore, end in itself) and a work at the service of man and, therefore, an expression of charity. «The first charity», Don Cusmano would say, Don Bosco Sicilian.25
Another of the emphases that we think must be done about Don Bosco's concept of work is his appreciation of manual labor and intellectual work; so in their homes it welcomed, in the beginnings also physically together, students and artisans. There had to be no essential difference of value and dignity, therefore, but, if anything, of complementarity: indeed, he was convinced that manual and intellectual work were reciprocally correlative for the formation of a complete personality; so it is necessary to give a culture, albeit simple, to the artisans and accustom the students to material work as well. And this one seems like a real anticipation.
nel pensiero di Giacomo Zanella and Antonio Fogazzaro, in "Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia" (1988) 111-130. Notice also what Zanella affirms on p. 58: «L'uomo ha fi diritto al lavoro perché sen7a lavoro non avrebbe la vita di ogni giorno. Per conseguenza ogni ostacolo che come posto all'esercizio di questo diritto é grave ingiuria che piú o mero direttamente vien falta alla vita medesima ». But it seems to us that this quote and the precedents do not go beyond the pure conception of "social paternalism" that Marangon attributes to Zanella.
24 MB VII, 47.
25 Cf. G. DACQUINO, Psychology of Don Bosco, p. 155. "11 lavoro e prima prima" used to repeat Blessed Giacomo Cusmano, Don Bosco Sicilian, and we thought that the same idea could be shared by Don Bosco himself (although, perhaps, it was never pronounced), taking into account your initiatives and writings. About Cusmano and his social work, cf. MT FALZONE, Giacomo Cusmano. Poveri, Chiesa e societá nella Sicilia dell'ottocento (1834-1871), Palermo 1986. About analogous initiatives from Palermo: MT FALZONE, Carita e assistenza nella Chiesa palermitana dell'Ottocento in «Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia» (1988) 70-110.
As far as the type of work is concerned, it should be noted that at the beginning the students prevailed over the artisans. Indeed, in 1855 in the hundred young people hosted in Valdocco, students represented 49.40%, artisans 37.34%; while in 1891, three years after the death of Don Bosco, 800 craftsmen, 200 employees in the printing press and 400 students were housed between Valdocco, Porta Nuova and Valsalice.26 It had been the demands of the times that had led him to greater attention to manual work, as well as the return of diocesan seminarians to their respective seminars.
I think, however, that Don Bosco's concept of work and its development over time should be assessed from the Oratory. It is an observation that I consider fundamental and that I do not always see respected. The Oratory is, in effect, the starting point and will continue to be the point of meeting, of coordination, of new activities. It is Don Bosco himself who tells us. In a booklet printed in 1862, Invito ad un lotteria d'oggetti in Torino a favor degli Oratori, he observed the following: "In Turin, for several years, three oratories were opened for boys in the main neighborhoods of the city, 27 in which welcomes the largest possible number of young people in danger. They are entertained there with honest and pleasant recess after having fulfilled the festive precept, they are stimulated with prizes, with a little gymnastics and classes. A notable number of attentive gentlemen come in solicitous response to our request to give their service giving catechesis, watching the fulfillment of their duty in the different workshops, and looking for work, if unemployed, with honest patrons. In the Oratory of San Luis and San Francisco de Sales there are daily classes for young people who, due to the poverty of their clothes or their indiscipline, would not be admitted to public schools. In addition to religious instruction, they receive reading, writing, arithmetic, metric, Italian grammar and other subjects. But among these young people are some so poor and abandoned, that they could not dedicate themselves to any trade if they are not given shelter, food and clothing. To these needs the house adjoins the Oratory of San Francisco de Sales. There are also night classes, as well as work in workshops and elementary knowledge to artisans, as well as Gregorian chant, vocal and instrumental music. These classes are for both external and internal. In addition, as Divine Providence provides many young people with uncommon ingenuity, being without material means to progress in their studies, an access to that house was opened to them, whether they can pay the entire pension or pay part or do not pay anything. , provided they have capacity and good behavior. These, for the most part, become school teachers, others are engaged in commerce and those who have a vocation are oriented to the ecclesiastical state. "28 In addition to work in workshops and elementary knowledge to artisans, as well as Gregorian chant, vocal and instrumental music. These classes are for both external and internal. In addition, as Divine Providence provides many young people with uncommon ingenuity, being without material means to progress in their studies, an access to that house was opened to them, whether they can pay the entire pension or pay part or do not pay anything. , provided they have capacity and good behavior. These, for the most part, become school teachers, others are engaged in commerce and those who have a vocation are oriented to the ecclesiastical state. "28 In addition to work in workshops and elementary knowledge to artisans, as well as Gregorian chant, vocal and instrumental music. These classes are for both external and internal. In addition, as Divine Providence provides many young people with uncommon ingenuity, being without material means to progress in their studies, an access to that house was opened to them, whether they can pay the entire pension or pay part or do not pay anything. , provided they have capacity and good behavior. These, for the most part, become school teachers, others are engaged in commerce and those who have a vocation are oriented to the ecclesiastical state. "28 As Divine Providence endows many young people with uncommon ingenuity, since they have no material means to progress in their studies, they were given access to that house, whether they can pay the entire pension or pay part or do not pay anything, such that they have capacity and good behavior. These, for the most part, become school teachers, others are engaged in commerce and those who have a vocation are oriented to the ecclesiastical state. "28 As Divine Providence endows many young people with uncommon ingenuity, since they have no material means to progress in their studies, they were given access to that house, whether they can pay the entire pension or pay part or do not pay anything, such that they have capacity and good behavior. These, for the most part, become school teachers, others are engaged in commerce and those who have a vocation are oriented to the ecclesiastical state. "28
26 The data are taken from P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica sociale (1815-1870), Rome, LAS 1980, p. 180,612.
27 These are those of San Luis in Porta Nuova, of San Francisco de Sales in Valdocco, of the Angel Custodio in Vanchiglia.
When Don Bosco wrote this invitation, in 1862, the organization is almost complete (the printing press has also been launched) and we are in the final stages, but - as you can see - the three oratoHos are still the center of everything.
From there the Saint began his action. From 1840 to 1850, in fact, the three oratories already governed by Don Bosco (the one in Vanchiglia, abandoned in 1849 by Don Cocchi, the one in Valdocco, rented in 1847 as well as that of Porta Nuova) remained substantially the traditional oratories, with the exception of the ten young people lodged in the Pinardi house. The other six or seven hundred used to go to the Oratory in the afternoon (and for them there was a night school in which they learned the first elements of reading, writing, beads, a little drawing, singing and music) and Sunday with the festive school , the practices of piety and an honest recreation.
In this period the main concern of Don Bosco is to place in work with some honest patron to his boys, stipulate for them a fair contract, go visit them in the workshops, in work establishments, in the scaffolding of the houses in construction, arousing the best perplexity on the part of some representative of the clergy of the time, who did not consider it an apostolic activity to mix in the world of work as Don Bosco did.
Place them with honored and Christian patrons, where the environment did not induce them to immorality or perhaps imprisonment (and their experiences of visits to prisoners confirmed them in that need) and stipulate contracts that would prevent exploitation so frequent then, especially with the apprentices, they were in that period their main objective.
In the archives of the Congregation there are two "apprenticeship" contracts, respectively of November 1851 and February 1852, signed by the patron, by the young apprentice, by his father and by Don Bosco.
28 Elenco degli oggetti graziosamente donati to the benefit of the oratori di S. Francesco di Sales in Valdocco, di S. Luigi to Porta Nuova e dell'Angelo Custode in Vanchiglia, Torino 1862, p. 1-3, taken from BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 29-30.
In them, the employer is obliged to teach the young man the art, to give him the necessary instructions and the best rules, to correct him kindly and not with blows in case of any fault, to exclude any strange service to the profession, to let him free for whole every holiday of the year, to give him a convenient weekly payment, with semester increases, to treat him as a father and not as a master. For his part, the young apprentice is obliged to be always attentive, punctual and assiduous, docile, respectful and obedient, to repair the damage that might cause. The duration of the contract is set at two or three years.29
Don Bosco - observes Dacquino - insisted on what today would be called normative, but without union cards and without a base behind him that would allow him to strike. And although he was not the inventor of labor contracts (it seems that the "Opera della Mendicitá Istruita" was already doing it), "however, it can also be said - with Dacquino - that Don Bosco was the first true Italian trade unionist, as defender of workers and work. " It is probably another of those exaggerated statements that have arisen in this time of celebrations, but certainly that of Don Bosco is a time when the young apprentice was helpless, at the mercy of the master, under the constant threat of dismissal, exploited according to the laws of free demand. To arrive at the stipulation of contracts that guaranteed the boys their rights was, without more, a conquest. In addition, in July 1850 he founded a Società di Mutuo Soccorso, in which he gathered the young workers who went to the Oratory. Each member paid a soldo every Sunday. and received, six months after registration, 50 cents a day in case of illness or unemployment. The box was also fed with free contributions from benefactors, common use in mutual aid societies at the time, but the members' quotas accustomed them to saving and educating them in solidarity. " an aid of 50 cents a day in case of illness or unemployment. The box was also fed with free contributions from benefactors, common use in mutual aid societies at the time, but the members' quotas accustomed them to saving and educating them in solidarity. " an aid of 50 cents a day in case of illness or unemployment. The box was also fed with free contributions from benefactors, common use in mutual aid societies at the time, but the members' quotas accustomed them to saving and educating them in solidarity. "
29 The apprenticeship contract for the carpenter's trade, stipulated on February 8, 1852, between the patron, Giuseppe Bertolino, the young apprentice, Giuseppe Odasso, his father and Don Bosco is also reproduced in the appendix of Don Viganó's speech (not the printed one, but the photocopied one).
'About the' Opera della Mendicitá Istruita '(in which Guala and Cafasso invited young priests to work on the' Convitto ecdesiatico '), begun around 1770, with a clear Jesuit inspiration, and on which Don Bosco was also inspired by launching their initiatives (assistance to abandoned boys, catechism classes, daily and evening schools, hospices ...), cf.
STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 61-66.
n Cf. DACQUINO, Psicologia di don Bosco, p. 194. We thought it necessary to use this work, despite the reservations that have to be made about the general approach and about some particular points of it.
"Cf. Società di mutuo soccorso di alcuni individui della congregazione di San Luigi eretta nell'Oratorio di San Francesco di Sales, Torino 1850." II cousin Giugno shared the Società di mutuo soccorso di cui veggansi gli statuti nel stampato book "it is said, in the year 1850, in the Principle dell'attuale oratorio di Valdocco e suo ingrandimento fino al presente (BRAM, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, page 57) In fact - as Braido himself warns - it had begun a few months earlier.
Here, too, we must see Don Bosco as a social forerunner, who sensed the long lines of history to the extent that he anticipated mutuals, compensation for misfortune, and even the compensation box33 Or, rather, a man attentive to the initiatives that were appearing34 and willing to apply them for the benefit of their boys?
Esto, en la primera fase de su inserción, aún exterior en un cierto sentido, en el mundo del trabajo. Pero después, a partir de 1850, comienza una segunda fase. De una asistencia genérica y de la colocación, se pasa a la institución de los talleres. He aquí cómo cuenta el hecho con sencillez Pietro Enria, que iba a ser después uno de los primeros coadjutores salesianos: «D. Bosco, al ver el peligro que tenían sus jóvenes continuamente en los talleres de Turín, fue fraguando poco a poco la idea de establecer talleres en su-misma casa y comenzó con el de sastrería y zapatería, después el de carpintería y a continuación con todos los talleres que existen todavía; y esto lo hizo únicamente para sustraer del peligro a sus queridos jóvenes, a los que quería más que a sí mismo ».35
Así, en 1853, habían surgido en casa los talleres de zapatería y sastrería; en 1854 el de encuadernación; en 1855 el de carpintería; en 1861 la tipografía; en 1862 el de herrería. Como resulta del testimonio citado, los primeros talleres tenían el objetivo principal de sustraer a los jóvenes de los talleres en que se oían conversaciones inmorales, anticlericales y blasfemias. Su estructura era todavía la preindustrial: jefes de taller, obreros y aprendices juntos. Se piensa en ellos no como propias y verdaderas escuelas de artesanía, capaces de producir objetos terminados y rentables, sino destinados sobre todo a las necesidades de los mismos internos, aunque también a la venta.
There was a great difference and that, while in the artisan workshops the profits were of the masters, in the Oratory they were for the benefit of the craftsmen themselves, when they did not need to be served with the income of the students.36
33 statements are from DACQUINO, Psicologia di don Bosco, p. 192
34 About the birth and development of the "Societá di mutuo soccorso", cf. F. FRANCON ', Le prime lotte operaie nell'Italia unita, in: The Italian economy from 1861 to 1961. Studi n the 1st centenary dell'Unitá d'Italia, Milano 1961; ER PAPA, Origini delle societa operaie, Milano 1967; A. CHERUBINI, Dottrine e metodi assistenziali from 1789 to 1848: Italy - France - Inghilterra, Milano 1958; A. CHERUBINI, Stork della sociale precianza in Italia (1860-1960), Rome 1977, p. 3670; Stato e Chiesa di fronte to the dell'assistenza problem, Rome 1982.
39 The narrative is contained in: STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 505. The 24 Paginitas of Enria Promemoria are transcribed.
36 Cf. F. RIZZINI, Don Bosco e formazione professionale. Dall'esperienza alfa codificazione, in the special issue of May 1988 of the CNOS: Don Bosco e formazione professionale, p. 15-56.
Your project is therefore not yet the dimensions and requirements of a true and proper professional school and continues to be inspired by the idea of learning. But even so there is a development and a transformation of the traditional reality of the Oratory. This becomes something new, inserts itself, in its way, in the world of work and production, avoiding the danger of depersonalization and exploitation. The oratories are not, in this way, a warehouse of work, craft workshops or something similar to the nascent industry, but a union of workers for their own benefit, although this increases the difficulties due to the crisis of competition in the labor market, with the consequent difficulty of placing the products and doing so at competitive prices.
But this second phase of insertion in the world of work called for Don Bosco to conceive new figures. The workshop leaders, in fact, were not always safe, sometimes they left their homework without warning. It was preferable then that the most educated among the apprentices taught the others, although this meant prejudice to perform the requested work. It was then that the idea of the coadjutor matured in Don Bosco. Also in this case at the beginning as Stella has observed37 - it was designated with this name from 1854 (year in which one of 39 admitted was classified as such) to young or younger lay people who helped at home in domestic work or in those of the workshops. They were, therefore, people employed in house arrangements, they swept, They served at meals or helped workshop teachers in the best cases. Later, however, the Salesian coadjutors would be differentiated, with votes or without votes, that would become workshop masters, not only with a continuity of direction, very desirable, but guaranteeing a greater assistance and preparing the way for the constitution of Authentic professional schools.38 Even so, despite the way the workshops were conceived initially and, in a certain sense, necessarily, they were a great help. They freed the boys from the moral dangers of learning together with patrons indifferent in morality, helped them morally and materially, created friendships and collaborations and guided some of them to religious life as coadjutor.39 the Salesian coadjutors would be differentiated, with votes or without votes, that would become workshop masters, not only with a continuity of direction, very desirable, but guaranteeing a greater assistance and paving the way for the constitution of authentic professional schools.38 thus, in spite of the way in which the workshops were conceived initially and, in a certain sense, necessarily, they were a great help. They freed the boys from the moral dangers of learning together with patrons indifferent in morality, helped them morally and materially, created friendships and collaborations and guided some of them to religious life as coadjutor.39 the Salesian coadjutors would be differentiated, with votes or without votes, that would become workshop masters, not only with a continuity of direction, very desirable, but guaranteeing a greater assistance and paving the way for the constitution of authentic professional schools.38 thus, in spite of the way in which the workshops were conceived initially and, in a certain sense, necessarily, they were a great help. They freed the boys from the moral dangers of learning together with patrons indifferent in morality, helped them morally and materially, created friendships and collaborations and guided some of them to religious life as coadjutor.39 but guaranteeing greater assistance and preparing the way for the establishment of authentic professional schools.38 Even so, despite the way the workshops were conceived initially and, in a certain sense, necessarily, they were a great help. They freed the boys from the moral dangers of learning together with patrons indifferent in morality, helped them morally and materially, created friendships and collaborations and guided some of them to religious life as coadjutor.39 but guaranteeing greater assistance and preparing the way for the establishment of authentic professional schools.38 Even so, despite the way the workshops were conceived initially and, in a certain sense, necessarily, they were a great help. They freed the boys from the moral dangers of learning together with patrons indifferent in morality, helped them morally and materially, created friendships and collaborations and guided some of them to religious life as coadjutor.39
39 Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 180 and the essay by F. Rrzzím, II Salesian Coadjutor and the Formazione Professionale, in number cit. of the CNOS, 87-97.
"CE STELLA, Cattolicesimo in Italia e laicato nelle congregazioni religiose, Il caso dei coadiutori salesiani (1854-1974), in" Salesianum "(1975) 411-445.
39 About the development of the first workshops, cf. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 123-199. On the analogies with the Venetian patronages, which remained,
however, in this first period, cf. S. TRAMONTIN, Gli Oratori di Don Bosco and Patronati Veneziani, in: BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 117-132.
Only later (and Veneruso situates this turn towards 1876, seeing it for the first time in the Sampierdarena institute, 4 ° but it could be that it is for a certain pride of patria chica, because analogous transformations take place in those years in other Salesian institutes included Valdocco's), the artisan workshops were oriented, to a certain extent, towards real vocational schools. The formula of the workshop, which had lasted for so many years, was no longer fully satisfactory to the demands of the times, which called for more specialization and more complete training. Until then, the market had asked for the same type of dress, shoes, prints: products always equal to themselves that did not require from the craftsman much effort or a lot of time or updating. However, The new justification for the artisan product was not in the immobility, but in the change. The change in the mode of production must correspond to a change in the way of learning the trade. It took a methodical effort of years, in which the study joined the work and the project and the ability to catch up to walk at the same pace as the acquisition and improvement of manual skills. It was necessary, then, to move from the formula of the workshop to that of the professional institute. Don Bosco understood all this and the deliberations of the third and fourth general chapters and the Indirizzo da darsi alla parte operaia nelle case salesiane42 were the fundamental norm of future professional schools; that his successors organized and multiplied. Also in this case, then, we must rectify the judgment of Quinzio, according to which "the professional schools and the" artigianelli "belong to the pathetic neo-capitalist prehistory" .43 If this is true, in fact, for the first period of start-up and operation of the first artisan schools, it is not already after 1880 when authentic professional schools were formed, destined to offer, among other destinations, hundreds of workers to the Lane Rossi of Schio and to the FIAT of Turin. It is the same Alessandro Rossi who promotes the departure of the Salesians to Schio (1901); that Alessandro Rossi who had had occasion to meet Don Bosco in Turin, who had also had the opportunity to exchange ideas with Senator Giovanni Agnelli.44 The latter, in 1929, on the occasion of the demonstrations for the beatification of Don Bosco in Turin , will say when receiving.
40 Cf. D. VENERUSO, II educational method, p. 138-140.
41 Cf. Deliberazioni del terzo e quarto capitolo generale della Pia Società salesiana, S. Benigno Canavese 1887, p. 18-22.
42 L'indirizzo da darsi is remembered in: VENERUSO, II educative method, p. 141. Cf. in addition: MB XVIII, 700-702. It is also significant - as Pazzaglia has observed - that, very probably, Don Bosco spoke of "scuola professionale" only in a letter of 1880 (see PAZZAGUA, Apprendistato, p.43). Moreover, still on October 7, 1879, the Minister of agriculture, industry and trade, Benedetto Cairoli, asked the peripheral authorities to favor the creation of schools of arts and crafts, focusing on the Sunday and evening schools that presented the advantage of comfortable hours, and not the day shields, which served to train workers prepared and responsible for other workers.
47 QUINZIO, Domande sulla santitá, p. 88
Don Bosco was not only, however, a priest who welcomed abandoned boys to lead them to work, a founder of craft workshops first and then real professional schools. He entered more directly into the field of work as an entrepreneur with the establishment and, above all, the remarkable development of typography.
The Piedmontese saint had understood, as his most astute contemporaries in the climate of the Restoration, the importance of the press. Remember, on the other hand, that one of the main objectives of the «Amicizie Cattoliche» emerged in 1811 at the initiative of Don Pio Brunone Lanteri, who accepted the inheritance of «Amicizie Cristiane» of Father Diessbach, was the free dissemination of good books .47
The first book of Don Bosco, published by Speirani and Ferrero typographers in 1844, was Cenni storici sulla vita of the chierico Luigi Comollo, of which 3,000 copies were printed (a remarkable figure at the time), sold at a modest price of 30 cents to facilitate its diffusion . It was the first of a long series of publications, of devotional books (11 Giovane provveduto, which will be a classic among devotional books and which had several reprints with a first print [1847] of 10,000 copies), of school books (among they the Storia ecclesiastica and the Storia sacra, perhaps one of the best known, to which the Storia d'Italia was added), of newspapers such as "L'amico della Gioventú", begun in 1846, printed by Marietti, but which lasted very little, the «Letture
44 "Dare questo benvenuto mi é tanto caro - will say il senatore Agnelli - in quanto ricordo di yesterday personally Don Bosco e la sua immagine illuminante parla sem al mio spirito".
The discourse is quoted by BAIRATI, Salesian Culture, p. 347
"About the Salesian Cooperators, see Cooperatori salesiani, ossia pratico per giovare al buon costume ed alla civile societá, Sampierdarena 1877, Don Bosco e le sue opere, La Casa di Sampierdarena, Sampierdarena 1923, pp. 21-22.
"Cf. C. Bona, Le Amicizie, Società segrete e rinascita religiosa (1770-1830), Torino 1962.
Cattoliche », which began in 1853 on a monthly basis with teernvaas. "Religious" or "pleasant", whose first fascicles had to be reprinted, given the favorable reception they received.
For all these multiple publishing initiatives, Don Bosco made use of Turin printers, among whom were Paravia, Marietti, De Agostini. But already between 1853 and 1855, with Rosmini, he had thought to found his own typography, also to act with greater freedom and obtain greater profits. On October 26, 1861, he addressed the governor of the province of Turin, Count Giuseppe Pasolini, to be able to open a typography in the house of the Oratory, which was opened in 1862. The "Letture Cattoliche", already entrenched, could secure work . In the legal aspect, rescinded the contract with Paravia, 48 Don Bosco thus became the owner of a typeface; and in the social, in a businessman who invested his own capital for philanthropic purposes.
La tipografía se convirtió muy pronto en el centro propulsor de los talleres de Valdocco y el más conocido de todos. Don Bosco invirtió un capital notable para mejorar la maquinaria, montar una encuadernación, comprar una fábrica de papel, abrir una librería (en esta actividad estaban ocupados, en 1891, 200 obreros, la mayor parte jóvenes del Oratorio y esto nos puede dar idea del desarrollo tomado por la iniciativa), estar en la vanguardia del progreso, como él mismo decía, despertando envidias y celos en los otros tipógrafos de la ciudad y superando crisis difíciles y demostrando con todo ello que era un hombre de temperamento emprendedor.°
But for this purpose we must repeat an observation by Pietro Stella: "Between the old way of establishing working relationships between the employer and the apprentices and the new model of technical school provided for in the organic law on education, Don Bosco preferred to go his third way: that is, the one of the great workshops of his property, whose production cycle, of popular and scholastic level, was also a useful exercise for young apprentices. "" Although later, as we have seen, he will not rule out the the true professional schools.
Soul of everything remained, however, the love for his young people and for this Christian love became, in all the ways we have outlined, an extraordinary Taylorist organizer. "
48 Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economice, p. 366-368.
49 On the operation of typography, cf. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economice, p. 351-369, and F. RIZZINI's essay, Don Bosco tipograf ed editore, in the aforementioned special issue of the CNOS, p. 57-85.
50 STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economice, p. 248
51 The expression is from BAIRATI, Salesian Culture, p. 355. We consider important the judgments of the same author, who writes: "The Salesian cultural model and particularly interesting sotto profilo dei rapporti tra religione e societa, tra cultura ed economia. In the case of salesiani tali rapporti non si configurano affatto e compromessi ideologici inevitabilmente effimeri, as ardite ma sterili mediazioni dottrinali, as spregiudicati ma labili patteggiamenti politici. L'intransigenza salesiana é totale. The sociality of Don Bosco and the salesiani non é il frutto of a restless rest that two other aspects must be treated, not marginal, when they show that the center of Salesian life was still the Oratory, that is, the work-rest relationship ( or better, recreation) and the other work-prayer. However: rompecuellos (this game was called because it consisted of an inclined plane spread with a lot of soap, but it did not pose a danger of any kind, and it gave a prize to the one who reached the top) ".53 In the hours of recreation it was the same gift Bosco encouraged the children to play because he had intuited that the playful dimension of the human being is very important in the psychic equilibrium and in the relationship life.54 He used the game to meet the boys, not only because he had understood that « the patio attracts more than the church ", but also because the ludic activity sublimates aggressiveness, since it implies acceptance and respect for norms, commits to behave well with others, to get out of selfishness. "We, instead of punishments, have the assistance and the game",
51: Not lamarabsaios an of Don Bosco and of the world of work, among other things because the
Saint had also dedicated to the theme of festive rest the July 1861 issue of the "Letture Cattoliche".
53 Cf. Taurinensis. Beatificationis et Canonizationis Servi Dei Ioannis Bosco sacerdotis fundatoris Piae Societatis Salesianae. Positio super introductione causae, Rome, p. 147. "Cf. DACQUINO, Psychology of Don Bosco, page 151." Cf. MB XVI, 168.
I think of its centers there would be benches or seats of any kind to avoid giving occasion to those games. "56 He liked to accompany them on long walks through the hills of Monferrato and that is why he told his boys in 1876:" The movement is what most favors health. I am of the opinion that a cause not indifferent to the decrease in health in our days comes from not doing as much exercise as before. The comfort of the bus, of the car, of the train eliminates many opportunities to take walks, even brief ones, whereas fifty years ago it seemed like a walk to go from Turin to Lanzo. It seems to me that the movement of the train and the car is not enough for the man to be well ".57
The walks also served to awaken in their boys the feeling of admiration for nature and beauty. The aesthetic sense was also developed through singing, music (an Oratorio without music is a soulless body, he used to say), 58 the puppet theater at the beginning and then the presentation of farces and farces (the bands and the comedies Salesian women were and still are famous). He also wanted gymnastics to be introduced to help the development of his boys' body and establish a healthy harmony with work and study. He also recommended, especially to the students, a good use of free time, knowing well (and he used to repeat it frequently) that leisure is the father of all vices: "I recommend - I told them - to have a lot of fun. Play the petanque, the ball, the ball. Everyone in your family will have special amusements; Also play cards, checkers, tarocchi, chess and all the means you can find to distract them. Above all I recommend you to make beautiful long excursions ».59
I wanted this for the students, while those who worked in the workshop had to be satisfied with brief recesses, if they lived in the Salesian workshops, or with the fun of the afternoon and on Sundays in the Oratory. It might seem strange, too, that for all these manifestations, it has not occurred to anyone to make Don Bosco a precursor of ecology! 60
56 P. RICALDONE, Don Bosco educatore, vol. II, Colle Don Bosco (Asti), Libreria Dottrina Cristiana 1952, p. 49
57 MB XII, 343.
5 ° MB V, 347. As for music, he taught piano, accordion, harmonium, organ and all the musical instruments of wood, metal and string (Riassunto della Pia Società di San Francesco di Sales on February 23, 1874, in: OE XXV, 381).
59 MB XIII 431s.
60 Es verdad que una alusión la ha hecho C. SEmEtAR0, Don Bosco, il santo dell'aria aperta, en «Rivista del CAI del Piemonte» (setiembre 1988). Para un examen comparativo, se debe señalar la revalorización de la fiesta (contra la supervaloración de la actividad, del esfuerzo, de dolor y de la función social activa) hecha por I. Pieper, de la universidad de Munich, en un reciente artículo de «Settimana». En dicho artículo se revaloriza el ocio en el sentido aristotélico, y se concluye: «Fare festa, cioé dare Jode a Dio, perché il mondo é godibile».
El trinomio programático de la pedagogía de don Bosco comprendía, además de la alegría y el trabajo, la piedad." Se tratab, pues, de unir el trabajo con el descanso y la diversión, pero también con la piedad.
Piedad que tenía que cimentarse en la instrucción religiosa. Ya en 1850, cuando pedía ayudas a la «Opera Pia della Mendicitá Istruita», don Bosco presentaba una breve referencia histórica en la que se decía: «Por medio de agradable recreo animado con algunas diversiones, con catequesis, clases y canto, algunos (jóvenes aprendices) se hicieron moderados en su vida, amantes del trabajo y de la religión»," y un poco más adelante, añadía: «Un número notable de atentos señores acude a prestar su servicio dando catequesis» 63 Y sigue diciendo en 1862: «Un notable número de atentos señores viene a prestár la colaboración que se les pide dando catequesis, vigilando para que cumplan sus deberes en los respectivos talleres y colocando en empresas de honrados patronos a los que no tienen trabajo »."
Y en d Cenno storico dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales, recientemente publicado por don Braido, el Santo indica que su obra empieza precisamente con la actividad catequística: «Este Oratorio — escribe — es decir, reunión de jóvenes los días de fiesta, empezó en la iglesia de San Francisco de Asís. Don Cafasso, desde hacía bastante tiempo, en el verano, venía dando catequesis los domingos a jóvenes albañiles en una habitación contigua a la sacristía de la mencionada iglesia. La importancia de las ocupaciones de este sacerdote le hicieron interrumpir esta tarea tan grata para él. Yo la reemprendí al terminar 1841 y comencé reuniendo en el mismo lugar a dos jóvenes mayorcitos, muy necesitados de instrucción religiosa. A éstos se les unieron otros y a lo largo de 1842 el número creció hasta veinte y a veces veinticinco. Estos comienzos me hicieron comprender dos verdades importantísimas: que en general la juventud no es mala por sí misma; pero que se hace así generalmente por el contacto con los malos, y que los mismos malos, separados unos de otros, pueden experimentar grandes cambios morales (serán después estas dos verdades las que hagan que despegue el sistema preventivo). El año 1843 siguió la catequesis del mismo modo y el número subió a cincuenta, los que cabían en el lugar que se me había asignado».65
This demand for religious culture also impelled him to print in 1847, in addition to the usual small catechisms, "la Storia sacra
61 Cf. DAcQuiNo, Psicologia di don Bosco, pp. 38s.
62 The report was read on February 20 to the administrators of the "Opera della Mendicitá Istruita", cited in EI, 29ss.
63 Catalog degli oggetti 1. The opuscule is from 1857.
64 I invite you to a lottery 1.
65 Cf. BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 38s.
66 The most used (acquired and reprinted by him) was the Brief catechistno pe 'fanciulli alíe pre
(Speiraní and Ferrero, printers editors), once he saw that among those circulating there was not one suitable for his young people (it needs to be remembered) ) they were almost totally religious fasts. "Lack of popular style, inopportune events, long themes or out of time were common faults - noted in his Memorie -. In addition, many facts were exposed in such a way that they jeopardized the morality of young people. They cared very little to emphasize the points that should serve as a foundation for the truths of the faith. The same is said of the facts that refer to external worship, purgatory, confession, eucharist, and the like. "67
There is a qualitative leap here, or at least an attempt to give it, because if its Sacred Storia overcomes many of the defects denounced in the others, it did not manage to make it the "foundation of the truths of faith" that had been proposed, although it was a step in that direction. And the direction that indicated was the exact one and will contribute to the jump of quality.
Don Bosco also gathered his boys for prayer. Triduos, novenas, preparation for the main festivities constituted their plot. It is enough, also here, to go through the list of your publications. Le Sei Domeniche and the Novena di San Luigi Gonzaga (1846), II divoto dell'Angelo custode (1845), La giornata del cristiano (1852), La chiave del paradiso in hand to the cattolico che pratica i doveri del buon cristiano (1856) , and the various titles of the «Letture Cattoliche». But the best that produced - so to speak - in this field was the printing in the house Paravia in 1847 of Il Giovane provveduto. It was a devotional book of 352 pages and the first circulation was 10,000 copies. It contained the prayers of morning and night, taken from the catechism of Mons. Casati, 68 the "parvo office" of the Virgin, on the eve of Sunday,
The center of piety in which Don Bosco educated his young people was, however, constituted by participation in the Holy Mass, celebrated in the Oratory, and the frequency of the sacraments of confession and communion.
ghiere della mattina e della sera ad use delle scuole cristiane della cittá e diocesi di Tormno, previously edited many times by Marietti.
67 MO 184s. But Stella himself (Don Bosco nella storia economica, p.33) considers them just excessive and not referable to writings of biblical catechesis such as those of Aporti or Rayneri.
68 The so-called Catechism of Casati was, in fact, composed by the canon Giuseppe Maria Giaccone in 1765, commissioned by the Bishop of Mondovl, Mons. Michele Casati This catechism is placed in the furrow of exquisitely oratorian traditions: one of the sources is undoubtedly the Piccolo compendium of Christian doctrine, printed in Turin in 1710, with the effigy of San Felipe Neri on the front. The author also had in mind the Roman Catechism, the Bellarmine Catechism (as it is clearly stated in the pastoral letter of Casad, presenting it to his priests), and also that of Bossuet, from which the part referring to the liturgical celebrations is literally transcribed. at the end of the same catechism. It was adopted, in 1896, as a single text by the bishops of Piedmont and Lombardy, a fact that constitutes a confirmation of the right choice made by Don Bosco. Cf. S. TRAMONTIN, Dal catechista di Tombolo to the catechist pope, in: ID. (ed.), Le radici venete di San Pio X. Saggi e ricerche, Brescia 1987, p. 72-104; L. NORDERA, 11 catechism of Pius X. Per a storia della catechesi in Italy (1896-1916), Rome, LAS 1988.
Enria tells us things about the Masses celebrated by the Saint and heard by his boys in the cold church, 69 of the many hours spent in the confessional and, even more, of the confessions in a room. One of the most beautiful photographs is, in fact, the one that shows it to us while he is confessing to a boy who speaks to his ear, while other young people wait their turn around. He attributed to dialogue in confession a decisive importance: in addition to spiritual guidance, he felt friend and father of the penitent. The confession - Dacquino7 has rightly emphasized - in the atmosphere of family life of the Oratory becomes a moment of filial confidence and, therefore, had a supporting function of the affective aspect, in addition to the spiritual one.
Y también por lo que se refiere a la comunión, aunque una cierta mentalidad jansenista lo retenía de animar a todos sus muchachos a la comunión frecuente, sin embargo, por lo que se refiere a los mejores, los empujaba para que se alimentasen con frecuencia del pan eucarístico para un contacto más intenso con Jesús» La oración y los sacramentos debían, por tanto, alimentar junto a la instrucción religiosa, la vida de sus muchachos externos e internos, estudiantes y artesanos. Para estos últimos, además, serían un buen apoyo para que soportasen la fatiga física del trabajo, de lo que se podía advertir el efecto espiritual en el cumplimiento de la voluntad de Dios y hacerlo, por tanto, precioso ante él.
Aun durante el trabajo quería que sus jóvenes orasen, además de ofrecerlo al Señor. «Comenzad siempre el trabajo con el Ave María», decía el n. 8 del Primo Piano citado; y el n° 9: «Por la mañana, a mediodía y por la tarde, recitad el Angelus y por la noche añadíd el De Profundis».72
También Zanella en la conferencia recordada había afirmado: «Religión y trabajo se han dado de nuevo la mano (en la formación de sociedades de ayuda mutua de inspiración cristiana) y de su unión no puede salir más que el mayor bien para una y otro. ¿No ha sido acaso la religión la que ha dado dignidad al trabajo? ¿No responde, por otra parte, el trabajo a los fines augustos de la religión?» Y había invitado a promover fiestas religiosas como en los antiguos gremios para «alegrar el alma maniatada por los mecanismos del oficio
" Cf. el «promemoria» de Enria reproducido por STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 494-506. Se habla también en él de las confesiones y de las comuniones de los muchachos del Oratorio.
DACQUINO, Psicologia di don Bosco, p. 259.
" Es interesante la descripción de un domingo en el Oratorio como viene narrada en el segundo documento inédito presentado por Braido: «Le funzioni religiose ne' giorni festivi sono come segue: al mattino comodita per chi vuole confessarsi; messa cui segue un racconto di storia sacra od ecdesiastica o l'esposizione del Vangelo della giornata; quindi ricreazione. Dopo mezzol catechismo in dasse, vespri, breve istruzione dal palpito, benedizione col venerabile, cui tiene dietro la solita ricreazione. Terminate le funzioni religiose ognuno é libero dí rimanere per trastullarsi o di recarsi a casa. Sul fare della notte si mandarlo tutti a casa e si chiude l'Oratorio» (BRAmo, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 68).
72 Cf. Primo piano, cit. en nota 11.
y sacudirla y consolarla con el augusto espectáculo de los misterios de la fe». y la compara «a esas hornacinas que se encuentran por los caminos de los Alpes, que despiertan un piadoso pensamiento en el corazón del caminante y le ofrecen al mismo tiempo un asiento donde descansar»." La fiesta debía, pues, servir para el descanso y la oración: como para Zanella también para don Bosco.
Ésta era la actitud de don Bosco frente al mundo del trabajo, con sus ideas y-sus iniciativas. Su preocupación fundamental era y seguía siendo para él la salvación de las almas, pero si tuviésemos que buscar en él una «cultura del trabajo» no podríamos hacerlo mejor de lo que indicaba don Viganó en su discurso de Milán, es decir:
— primacía del hombre sobre el trabajo;
— primacía del trabajo subjetivo sobre el objetivo; — primacía de la conciencia sobre la técnica;
— primacía de la solidaridad sobre los intereses individualistas y de grupo.74
Conceptos todos subrayados en la Laborem exercens de Juan Pablo 11 75 y repetidos en sus numerosos discursos en la reciente visita de septiembre a Turín y a los lugares queridos por don Bosco.76 F1 discurso sobre el hombre, sobre su trabajo, sobre su dignidad — como ha señalado algún comentarista -- fue el motivo dominante de aquellas jornadas." E invitó, más que a ver en don Bosco a un precursor, a «sentir su presencia en nuestro hoy y nuestro mañana ».78
" Cf. ZANELLA, Religione e lavoro, p. 40. En este discurso, el autor ve la previsión y el ahorro, indicados también por don Bosco, como útiles para conservar los sentimientos religiosos, e invita a mit, a las prácticas religiosas, la lectura de algún buen libro. Los dos se encuentran de acuerdo en este punto como en el ver en todo esto una «educazione a sentire questa dignitá vostra».
74 Cf. el cit. discurso de don Viganó (fotocopiado).
" Para la Laborem exercens, cf. Le encidiche sociali dalla Rerum novarum alfa Laborem exercens, Roma 1984, p. 471-564.
76 Véanse los números 206. 207. 208. 209. 210 de «L'Osservatore Romano», en los que se recogen los discursos completos o el resumen de los mismos con algún comentario. Cf. también el BS (octubre 1988), en donde son comentadas las jornadas turinesas del papa.
77 Cf. P. Ama, Seguire la via indicara da don Bosco per restituire a Torino la sua vera anima, en «L'Osservatore Romano» 5-6 setiembre 1988, 7.
78 De la homilía pronunciada en la plaza «Maria Ausiliatrice» de Turín.
Luciano PAZZAGLIA
Al preguntarle, en 1886, qué método prefería para conducir las almas a Dios, el de San Francisco de Sales o el de San Vicente de Paul, don Bosco salió del paso diciendo: «Il mio metodo si vuole che io esponga. Mah!... Non lo so neppur io. Sono sempre andato avanti come il Signore m'ispirava e le circostanze esigevano».'
La respuesta no puede tomarse en sentido literal, como si el sacerdote piamontés hubiera querido verdaderamente sostener que había actuado exclusivamente empujado por lás circunstancias externas. La respuesta parecería, más bien, un expediente para no tener que pronunciarse entre dos autores a los que estaba igualmente ligado.2 Los estudiosos comparten ampliamente la convicción de que don Bosco fue más un educador que un «pedagogo», en sentido riguroso. Con todo, el preeminente carácter práctico de su empeño no debe hacer pensar que don Bosco careciese de un diseño teórico o que fuese adelante de forma casual. Hay que decir, a lo sumo, que resulta difícil organizar los múltiples aspectos de su obra en una visión de conjunto. Tal dificultad es debida, más que a la cantidad de documentación disponible, a la linea seguida por don Bosco en su itinerario. De hecho, llegó muy pronto a elaborar los principios fundamentales a los que iba a permanecer fiel durante toda su vida; pero, al mismo tiempo, trató de obrar de acuerdo con las necesidades del momento y de adaptar aquellos principios a las diversas circunstancias históricas. No hay, pues, que maravillarse de que su pensamiento, aun conservando algunas coordenadas estables, presente contornos algo sinuosos y se escape al intento de quien quisiera situarlo en el cuadro de un proyecto rígidamente unitario. Recientemente alguien se ha preguntado si, en vez del «sistema preventivo» de don Bosco — según una fórmula ya codificada —, no convendría más bien hablar de «sistemas», en plural?
La pregunta había sido formulada por M. Dupuy, rector del seminario de Montpellier, en una carta enviada a don Bosco, el 2 de julio de 1886, para agradecerle la visita hecha a dicho seminario, al regresar de su viaje a Barcelona. La carta de Dupuy y la frase de don Bosco se encuentran en: MB XVIII, 126-127 y 655-657.
2 P. BRAIDO, II progetto operativo di don Bosco e l'utopia della societiz cristiana, Roma, LAS 1982, p. 6.
Con la presente colaboración quisiéramos verificar, aunque sea de forma muy general, en qué forma el sacerdote piamontés decidió dedicarse a la educación de los jóvenes, y, sobre todo, de qué modo esta opción se concretó en las diversas fases de su rica y compleja biografía. La empresa no es fácil, porque se trata, precisamente, de seguir la obra educativa de don Bosco, considerando las más amplias perspectivas sociales y religiosas, en las que fue colocándola. Preciso, de entrada, que al realizar este ensayo, me he servido especialmente de la propuesta interpretativa de P. Braido, según el cual, don Bosco pasó de posiciones basadas en la idea de recuperar, para la sociedad, a los jóvenes en peligro («pericolanti»), a posiciones comprometidas en la defensa de la juventud frente a una realidad social que él, poco a poco, debía considerar cada vez más densa de peligros para las nuevas generaciones."
La versión dada por don Bosco, en sus Memorie dell'Oratorio, acerca de los comienzos del Oratorio, es generalmente conocida.5 En ese escrito, redactado en los primeros años 70, cuenta que empezó su obra en favor de los jóvenes abandonados el 8 de diciembre — día de la Inmaculada — de 1841, cuando, recién llegado a Turín para frecuentar el Convitto ecclesiastico dirigido por Cafasso y Guala, encontró casualmente a un joven, llamado Garelli, y, con su consentimiento, se puso a enseñarle algunas nociones de catecismo. La reciente publicación de algunos escritos inéditos de don Bosco autoriza, sin embargo, a. pensar que el Oratorio surgió de forma menos azarosa de lo que dichas Memorie querrían hacer creer.6 En el Cenno storico dell'Oratorio, de 1854,, el sacerdote piamontés escribió que había dado comienzo a su trabajo, reanudando, a finales del año 1841, una iniciativa catequística dominical veraniega para aprendices de albañil, iniciada años antes por Cafasso, pero que éste había abandonado después.' En los Cenni intorno all'Oratorio, de 1862, don Bosco afirmaba, en cambio, que había iniciado su obra para salir expresamente al paso de los problemas de los jóvenes presos, que, puestos en libertad, tenían necesidad de alguien en quien apoyarse. Las versiones dadas por los dos escritos — que, como se ve, no hacen ninguna alusión al episodio relativo al joven Garelli —, no son necesariamente contrastantes. En efecto, puede darse que don Bosco, aconsejado por don Cafasso, reactivase la experiencia catequística que éste no había tenido la posibilidad de proseguir: esto explicaría, entre otras cosas, la rapidez con la cual el novel sacerdote promovió los encuentros dominicales, desde sus primeras semanas en Turín. Pero no se puede excluir que, habiendo comenzado mientras tanto a visitar a los presos acompañando a don Cafasso —, se le hubiese ocurrido utilizar aquel servicio para ayudar también a los jóvenes salidos de la prisión. Fuese cual fuese la verdadera intención con la cual don Bosco emprendió su obra, queda claro que ésta, bastante. pronto, se iba a dirigir, no a una categoría específica, como era la de los ex presos, sino más en general a los muchachos «pobres y abandonados» de la ciudad o que llegaban a Turín desde los pueblos cercanos: jóvenes sin residencia fija, desocupados o empleados en trabajos eventuales, habituados a vivir precariamente, y expuestos a todos los riesgos de la calle.'
' P. BRAMO, L'esperienza pedagogica di don Bosco nel sao «divenire», ponencia presentada cc el seminario de estudio: «Don Bosco e la sua esperienza pedagogica: ereditá, contesti, sviluppi, ri soflame» (Venecia, 3-5 octubre 1988), cuyas actas fueron publicadas en «Orientamenti Pedago• gici» 31 (1989) 3-241, y en: C. NANNI (ed.), Don Bosco e la sua esperienza pedagogica, Roma, LA1 1989 (la ponencia de Braido: p. 11-39).
En este sentido se ha pronunciado Braido en: P. BRAIDO (ed.), Esperienze di pedagogía cris• tiana nella storia, vol. II: sec. XVII-XIX, Roma, LAS 1981, p. 322s.; BRAMO, Il progetto operativo di don Bosco, p. 19-20; y, últimamente, BRAIDO, L'esperienza pedagogica di don Bosco, p. 20-21.
5 MO 124-125.
6 Los escritos inéditos a los que nos referimos fueron publicados por: BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 13-81. En realidad los escritos presentados por Braido son tres: una Introduzione (que había ya dado a conocer en: G. Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo, p. 360-362), el Cennc storico dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales y los Cenni storici intorno all'Oratorio di S. Francesa di Sales. L'Introduzione y el Cenno storico fueron redactados según Braido en 1854; según lo: Cenni storici, en 1862.
La historiografía ha discutido ampliamente sobre las fuentes culturales de don Bosco. Por de pronto, hay que observar que la decisión de reunir, los domingos, a grupos de jóvenes para entretenerlos con algunos juegos e instruirlos en las verdades del cristianismo, no constituía una novedad. El título de verdadero iniciador de aquel tipo de actividades en Turín correspondería, en todo caso, a don Cocchi, el cual había abierto, el año 1841, el «Oratorio dell'Angelo Custode» en el barrio del Moschino.9 En otras ocasiones, teniendo presentes las indicaciones dadas por algunos estudiosos, además de los testimonios provenientes del ambiente de don Bosco, he sostenido que el Oratorio de este último se fue caracterizando, respecto al de don Cocchi, por un más organizado empeño educativo.10 Tal afirmación habría, quizás, que matizarla un poco, pues, en realidad, el Oratorio del Angel Custodio no dejó de promover, a lo largo del camino, iniciativas que, más allá de la preocupación de entretener a los muchachos con juegos y ejercicios físicos, se proponían atender a la formación moral, religiosa y cívica. Es singularmente interesante, a este respecto, el proyecto de escuelas dominicales y nocturnas que don Cocchi, con la ayuda del teólogo R. Murialdo, perfeccionó en 1847:" un proyecto que, por lo menos en el papel, no tenía nada que envidiar a las líneas educativas que, en los últimos años 40, había madurado Bosco.
7 Escribe don Bosco: «Quest'Oratorio, ovvero adunanza di giovani ne' giorni festivi comindó nella chiesa di S. Francesco di Assisi. II Sig. D. Caffasso giá da parecchi anni in tempo estivo faceva ogni Domenica un catechismo a' garzoni muratori in una stanzetta annessa alla sacrestia di delta chiesa. La gravezza delle occupazioni di questo Sacerdote gil fecero interrompere questo esercizio a lui tanto gradito. Io lo ripigliai sul Emite del 1841, e cominciai col radunare nel medesimo luogo due giovani adulti, gravemente bisognosi di religiosa istruzione» (BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 38-39). Diversos estudiosos han atribuido a la iniciativa de Cafasso el comienzo de los oratorios en el Convitto de Turín. Incluso P. Stella, el más informado estudioso de don Bosco, en su obra: Don Bosco 1, p. 95. P. Braido, sin embargo, recuerda que en la tradición salesiana esta atribución ha sido impugnada por algunos: BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 38.
8 El texto del 62 afirma perentoriamente: «L'idea degli Oratori nacque dalla frequenza delle carceri di questa dttá» (BRAmo, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 60).
9 Puede verse sobre don Cocchi: E. REFFO, Don Cocchi e i suoi artigianelli, Torino, Tipografia S. Giuseppe degli Artigianelli 1896; se encuentran referencias en el estudio dedicado por el mismo Reffo a la Vita del T. Leonardo Murialdo, Torino, Tipografía S. Giuseppe degli Artigianelli 1905; se halla también amplia información acerca de don Cocchi y, más en general, acerca de los oratorios turineses en: A. CASTELLANI, II beato Leonardo Murialdo, 2 vol., Roma, Tipografía S. Pio X 1966-1968.
No debe sorprender que la nueva generación de sacerdotes — como don Bosco y don Cocchi, profundamente animados del deseo de socorrer los sectores sociales más míseros — vinculase el crecimiento de los jóvenes pobres y abandonados a una mejor educación de los mismos, también desde el punto de vista cívico. Téngase presente que, desde hacía algún tiempo, la cultura de la prevención, superando la visión defensivo-punitiva de los siglos precedentes, estaba subrayando la urgencia de ayudar a los jóvenes marginados, dándoles los instrumentos indispensables para integrarse en la sociedad. Los exponentes de tal cultura — muy preocupados por las repercusiones sociales del pauperismo, de la mendicidad, del vagabundeo — recomendaban contener los fenómenos de la marginalidad con una serie de medidas indirectas. Entre éstas, en primer lugar, la instrucción y educación de los niños y adolescentes necesitados.' Para evitar falsas interpretaciones, es oportuno añadir que, aunque colocándose en una posición mucho más abierta respecto a la represiva de la tradición, la nueva concepción preventiva seguía considerando a la sociedad existente como una estructura intrínsecamente buena, y seguía considerando a las personas colocadas en los márgenes del consorcio civil como a sujetos «peligrosos», a los que había que ayudar, desde una perspectiva esencialmente paternalista. No podemos decir si don Bosco siguió y profundizó las publicaciones de estudiosos como Morichini, Petitti o De Gérando." Pero, desde los comienzos de su actividad, conoció la acción realizada en Turín por instituciones como el Albergo di Virtú o la Opera della Mendicitá Istruita, que, activas ya desde hacía tiempo, habían renovado recientemente su ayuda en favor de los jóvenes en peligro («perícolanti»)."
i. L. PAZZAGLIA, Apprendistato e istruzione degli artigiani a Valdocco (1846-1886), en: F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, Torino, SEI 1987, p. 16-17; respecto a la hipótesis de que el Oratorio de don Bosco tenía un enfoque pedagógico más sólido y completo que el de don Cocchi, cf. G. CHIOSSO, L'Oratorio di don Bosco e il rinnovamento educativo nel Piemonte carloalbertino, en: BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 98ss.
" Oratorio dell'Angelo custode, en «L'Educatore. Giornale d'Educazione ed Istruzione» 3 (1847) 762-765.
<2 Acerca de los debates que, en la primera mitad del Ochocientos, se entablaron en torno al tema de la prevención socio-asistencial, cf. G. MILANESI, Sistema preventivo e prevenzione in don Bosco, comunicación presentada en el citado seminario de Venecia: «Don Bosco e la sua esperienza pedagogica» (p. 148-165).
" C.L. MORICHINI, Degl'Istituti di pubblica carita e d'istruzione primaria in Roma, Roma,
Estas breves alusiones permiten precisar el contexto en el que don Bosco empezó a trabajar. Su opción de ponerse al servicio de la juventud pobre y abandonada arrancaba, ciertamente, de forma directa y prevalente, de las razones propias de la caridad cristiana; pero, aun así, no se puede dudar de que, inicialmente, las modalidades de tal opción se tiñeron de las orientaciones de la cultura preventiva de la época. Es decir, muy pronto, don Bosco comprendió la necesidad de contrarrestar la marginación de la juventud por medio de un generoso y fuerte empeño asistencial-educativo; pero en términos no-muy lejanos de los típicos de la cultura entonces generalizada, comenzó su trabajo considerando que todo el problema consistía en volver a ganar a los jóvenes para la vida social. Esta perspectiva se alimentaba, principalmente, de la convicción de que, siguiendo la inspiración de los principios de la tradición cristiano-católica, la sociedad era capaz de «garantire ordine, sanitá morale, pace religiosa»." Para darse cuenta de la confianza con la cual don Bosco miraba el orden social — al que el viento revolucionario había asestado un duro golpe, y que la Restauración trataba de volver a poner en pie —, es suficiente hojear la Storia ecclesiastica, redactada por él en 1845, y considerar el juicio negativo emitido sobre los movimientos revolucionarios que, a su entender, tenían como objetivo la desestabilización de los equilibrios conseguidos con la alianza entre el trono y el altar.16 No se puede, sin embargo, excluir que hayan pesado además sobre don Bosco el concepto algo pesimista de la naturaleza del hombre y el sentido agudo del pecado original adquiridos en el seminario en la clase de teología rigorista que allí se enseñaba, y por cuyas sugestiones él mismo había sido inducido a dudar hasta de la propia capacidad de salvarse." Los escritos de este período — piénsese en los Cenni storici della vita del chierico Luigi Comollo" o en el testimonio acerca de su compañero de seminario G. Burzío19— dan la impresión de que en aquel momento don Bosco tenía un concepto de los jóvenes matizado de severidad. Son sintomáticas las valoraciones hechas entonces de sus ex compañeros seminaristas. Uno se sentiría inclinado a decir que no logró descubrir en ellos más que seres vacíos y superficiales, aunque sea con la excepción de algunos «veramente buoni»; pero estos últimos — anotaba — «son pocos, y precisamente por esto se debe usar la más atenta cautela, y, encontrados algunos, tratarlos con frecuencia, y establecer aquella familiaridad espiritual de la cual se recaba tanto provecho».2° En la perspectiva de una visión que parecía dar poco crédito a la juventud en general, era natural que, al entrar en contacto con la categoría de los muchachos más extraviados, don Bosco pensara que el único camino a seguir fuese el de reintegrarlos en el contexto social en el que, en virtud de las costumbres inspiradas en los principios religiosos, tales jóvenes podrían mantenerse en el recto sendero.
Stamperia dell'Ospizio apostolico presso P. Aurelj 1835; C.I. PErn II DI RORETO, Saggio sul buon governo della mendicita, degli istituti di beneficenza e delle carceri, Torino, Bocca 1837; J.M. DE GÉRANDO, Della pubblica beneficenza, 7 vol., Firen7e, C. Torri 1842-1846.
" Sobre el «Albergo di Virtil», cf. G. PONZO, Stato e pauperismo in Italia: L'Albergo di virtú di Torino (1580-1836), Roma, la Cultura 1974. Sobre la «Opera della Mendidtá Istruita», cf. las amplias referencias de P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica e sociale (1815-1870), Roma, LAS 1980, p. 61ss.
BRAIDO, L'esperienza pedagógica di don Bosco, p. 20.
16 G. BOSCO, Storia ecclesiastica ad uso delle scuole utile per ogni ceto di persone, Torino, Tip. Speirani e Ferrero 1845, ahora en: OE I, 161-556.
" Respecto a la formación recibida por el joven Giovanni Bosco en el seminario de Chieri, además de los recuerdos del mismo don Bosco (MO 89ss), se puede ver la paciente reconstrucción de STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 51ss.
18 [G. Bosco], Cenni storici sulla vita del chierico Luigi Comollo morto nel seminario di
Pero ya en los primeros arios de la estancia en Turín, don Bosco puso premisas significativas para una ampliación de sus perspectivas. Mientras tanto, el perfeccionamiento pastoral en el Convino, realizado bajo la prudente guía de Cafasso (que continuaría siendo el director espiritual de don Bosco hasta 1860), le permitió superar el rigorismo teológico del seminario con concepciones espirituales caracterizadas por un sentido de mayor equilibrio.21 En la escuela de Guala y Cafasso, don Bosco encontró y conoció mejor a autores como San Alfonso de Ligorio, San Felipe Neri, San Francisco de Sales. Reflexionando sobre ellos, pudo abrirse al sentido de la esperanza cristiana y del abandono confiado en la misericordia de Dios. El Convitto resultó muy eficaz altres categorías: «cattivi», «non cattivi, ma non moho buoni», «veramente buoni» (OE I, 63-64).
Chieri ammirato da, tutti per le sue singolari virtu scritti da un suo collega, Torino, Tip. Speirani e Ferrero 1844, now in: OE I, 1-83.
19 The "notificazione" made by Don Bosco appeared in: F. GIORDANO, Cenni istruttivi di perfezione proposti a 'giovani desiderosi della medesima nella vita edificante di Giuseppe Burzio, Bacon, Stamperia degli Artisti tipografi 1846, p. 96ss., Now in: SO II, 6ss.
2 ° The trial, in fact, was the one that Don Bosco said he had heard from his friend Comollo, and was part of the division with which he had classified the clergy, according to
It is easy to assume that this was also the appreciation of Don Bosco. From the Memorie dell 'Oratorio it would seem that the classification of young people according to the three categories recalled, Don Bosco had come, on his own, to value his fellow Latinos, during the years of secondary school in Chieti (cf. MO 50-51). On the rather critical trial that, in the early 1940s, it issued about the seminary and its residents, one can also see the testimony about his colleague G. Burzio, in which he maintains that a good seminarian should have, with his eyes of the dove, the sagacity of the serpent, if you want to get out "da 'scogli nascosti a flor d'acqua, che nel porto medesinio potrebbero delle volte will present the shipwreck of death" (OE II, 8-9). Among these «scogli»,
21 On the years spent by Don Bosco in the Convitto, cf. STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 85ss.
22 On the relationship of Don Bosco with Saint Alphonsus, cf. STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 87ss .;
M. MARCOCCITE, Alle radici della spilitualitá di don Bosco, in this same volume. On the contacts of Don Bosco with the thoughts of San Felipe Neri and San Francisco de Sales, cf. BRAMO, L'esperienza pedagogica preventiva, p. 306-307.
help him to fix the fundamental lines of his apostolate. Urged to get out of the abstract doctrinal diatribes to confront the demands of the concrete cure of souls, Don Bosco understood that, in view of the glory of God, what counted was not the adoption of a theological doctrine instead of another, but rather, the effective help that, as a priest, he was able to give to people.
In October 1841, after completing her pastoral practice at the Convitto, she became chaplain of the "Opera Pia del Rifugio" of Marquesa Barolo, and was able to give her Sunday meetings with the youth a more stable organization: it was precisely during the period of the Refuge when Don Bosco began to designate his work with the name of "Oratorio di San Francesco di Sales". The activity that was developed (according to a formula that always linked to the explanation of the catechism happy and entertaining pastimes, in addition to moments of true and proper instruction), should confirm it in the persuasion that only living with the boys and taking care of them it was possible to lead them to think about the things of heaven 23 That is, Don Bosco realized that an essential point of his action was to make his young people understand that they had found a "friend", a person they could trust and who could open their own hearts. At that time, when the boys felt surrounded by deep affection and sincere human solidarity, the problem of their recovery would be less difficult: «It was then - I would say later referring to those first experiences - when I felt with the hand that the young people left from the place of punishment, if they find a benevolent hand, that take care of them, attend them on holidays, try to place them to work with some honest employer, leaving them to visit sometime during the week, these young people began a life honored, forgetting the past, they became good and honest citizens. "24
Historians have wondered if Don Bosco acquired this idea of prevention in a more markedly promotional sense driven by some precise source. It can be said, without further ado, that the deepening of the apostolate of a San Felipe Neri or a San Francisco de Sales could not leave him indifferent, above all, because of the orientations they gave on aspects such as joy, put by San Felipe Neri in the center of its own educational vision, or like the sweetness and charity, that San Francisco de Sales so much recommended to those who were preparing to begin their work in the healing of souls.23
23 As regards the instruction itself, Don Bosco began organizing a brief instructive meeting on Sundays aimed at imparting to the boys the first rudiments of reading and writing: in Cenni storici it is read that the "scuola domenicale" It began in 1845, but Braido believes that this date should be delayed by one year (see BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, page 68).
24 MO 127.
you can also find analogies and coincidences with works by authors and contemporary environments. Consider, for example, the pedagogical proposal of the Brothers of the Christian Schools, the teaching of Aporti, the themes of the educators and the pedagogues grouped around the magazine "L'Educatore Primario". We could say that it is a whole movement that, even without carrying out a programmatically coordinated action, was highlighting the importance of popular education and underlining the urgency of a training work that, before punishing and repressing, should to prevent the boys from making the mistake.28 However, P. Braido has shown that, apart from some relevant coincidences,
Francisco de Sales, as well as other apostles that emerged after the Council of Trent (OE I). The features with which the two saints were characterized are significant: «Correva per le piazze, per le contrade raccogliendo especialmente i ragazzi i piú abbandonati, i quali radunava in qualche luogo, dove with lepidezze ed innocenti divertimenti li teneva lontani dalla corruzione del secolo, and the administrative nelle veritá della fede "(Ibid., p.473); de San Francisco de Sales: "Spinto dalla voce di Dio che lo chiamava a cose grandi; Colle Sole Armi della Dolcezza e carita si parte per Chiablese. Alla vista delle chiese abbattute, dei monasteri distrutti, delle croci rovesciate, tutto s'accende di zelo e comincia il suo apostolato "(Ibid., P 479-480). In the Memorie dell'Oratorio,
26 G. Bosco, Il giovane provveduto per la pratica de' suoi doveri degli esercizi di cristiana pietá per la recita dell'Uffizio della Beata Vergine e de' principal:* vespri dell'anno coll'aggiunta di una scelta di laudi sacre ecc., Torino, Paravia 1847, ahora en: OE II, 183-532.
27 La obra en cuestión de Gobinet es Instruction de la jeunesse en la piété chrétienne..., publicada por primera vez en 1655, y destinada a convenirse, muy pronto, en un libro de espiritualidad juvenil muy difundido. De las varias traducciones italianas recordamos: P. GOBINET, Istruzione della Gioventú nella pietá cristiana, Tocino, Associazione prenso i librai Maspero e Sena 1831 (que constituía el vol. 23 de la «Scelta biblioteca economica d'opere di religione»). Sobre las relaciones entre el Giovane provveduto y el escrito de Gobinet, cf. P. STELLA, Valori spirituali nel «Giovane provveduto» di san Giovanni Bosco, Roma, Scuola Grafica Borgo Ragazzi Don Bosco 1960.
28 Cf. a este propósito: P. BRAMO, Stili di educazione popolare cristiana alíe soglie del 1848, en: Pedagogia fra tradizione e innovazione, Milano, Vita e pensiero, 1979, p. 383-404; BRAIDO, L'esperienza pedagogica preventiva, p. 310-313; G. CHIOSSO, L'Oratorio di don Bosco, en: BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 83-116.
tuvo relaciones." Obviamente, de este hecho no es licito concluir que él haya elaborado sus convicciones educativas a partir de su sola experiencia, alimentada a lo sumo con las tradiciones espirituales y ascéticas aludidas más arriba. Las analogías recordadas indican que don Bosco participaba, por lo menos, de un mismo clima cultural.
De todos modos, es cierto que, al final de los arios 40, el sacerdote piamontés se acercaba a una visión más serena.cle la juventud, aunque sin caer en cierto optimismo rousseauniano; acerca del cual, por el contrario, continuó manteniendo con firmeza sus reservas. Es fácil poner de relieve en Ii giovane provveduto que don Bosco estaba madurando aquella visión más serena, en estrecha relación con la perspectiva teológica fundada sobre un Dios que — en modo diverso del conocido a través de las doctrinas rigoristas del seminario —, asumía cada vez más la imagen de un padre bueno, deseoso de ayudar a los hijos a lograr la propia salvación. En el cuadro de tal concepción, don Bosco afirmaba así: «Convencidos, queridos hijitos, de que todos hemos sido creados para el paraíso, debemos dirigir todas nuestras acciones a este fin. A esto os debe mover especialmente el gran amor que Dios os tiene. Aunque Él ame a todos los hombres, como obra de sus manos, tiene, sin embargo, un amor especial para los jovencitos, en los cuales encuentra sus delicias: Delíciae meae esse cum filiis hominum. Por lo tanto sois la delicia y el amor de aquel Dios que os creó. Él os ama porque estáis todavía a tiempo para hacer muchas obras buenas; os ama porque estáis en una edad sencilla, humilde, inocente, y, en general, no habéis sido todavía presa infeliz del enemigo infernal»."
La base sobre la que don Bosco habría edificado su concepción preventiva estaba ya puesta. Si la juventud se presentaba no sólo como la parte de humanidad más amada por. Dios, sino también como el tiempo más precioso para ganarse el paraíso, los adultos tenían la delicada tarea de acercarse con caridad paterna y con razonable solicitud a los jóvenes para sostenerlos en su fragilidad y, con la ayuda de la gracia, hacer crecer en sus corazones el amor de la virtud y de la vida cristiana. Con otras palabras, la propuesta hacia la que don Bosco se estaba encaminando era una propuesta educativa que, aun sin desconocer la importancia del sostén de las estructruras sociales, buscaba, ante todo, consolidar las energías interiores de cada muchacho, de modo que fuese puesto, gradualmente, en la condición de discernir y querer el bien.
29 Éste no comparte, por tanto, la posición de quien, como A. Caviglia, ha llegado a sostener que don Bosco vendría a depender de las perspectivas pedagógicas de los hermanos de las Escuelas Cristianas y de los pedagogos que se agrupaban en torno a «L'Educatore Primario» (cf. BRAIDO, L'esperienza pedagogica preventiva, p. 310).
30 OE IL 190-191.
Mientras tanto, en el año 1846, el Oratorio había encontrado su lugar definitivo en Valdocco, zona periférica de la ciudad de Turín, y podía por tanto enriquecerse con nuevas actividades. En el invierno de dicho año, dándose cuenta de que los primeros rudimentos de lectura y escritura, que se impartían a los muchachos los días de fiesta, eran excesivamente irregulares y no podían producir frutos duraderos, don Bosco decidió organizar las escuelas nocturnas, con la enseñanza de la lectura y escritura, y, más tarde, de la aritmética y del dibujo.3' Al principio, el momento instructivo nació claramente en apoyo de la formación religiosa propiamente dicha; pero bastante pronto se cargó de un valor humano propio, porque permitía a los muchachos una mejor integración no sólo con la religión sino con la sociedad. Que el crecimiento espiritual debía concebirse enramado en el crecimiento de todo el hombre era, por otra parte, una convicción del mismo don Bosco, quien, desde el 47, había afirmado que, siguiendo el método que les había propuesto, los jóvenes, antes que «afortunados moradores del cielo», llegarían a ser «el consuelo de los [...] parientes, el honor de la patria, buenos ciudadanos en la tierra».32
Desde esta óptica se explica también la preocupación con la que él trataba de procurar a cada uno de sus muchachos un trabajo, de modo que, arrancados del ocio, tuviesen la posibilidad de llenar dignamente la vida y sentirse miembros activos de la sociedad civil. Don Bosco avanzaba, cada día más, hacia una concepción que conjugaba una intensa inspiración religiosa fundamental con una fuerte atención a los valores humanos. Es posible, sin duda, decir que, desde los comienzos, su proyecto tendía a dar a sus jóvenes todo lo que necesitasen: ante todo, los instrumentos para desarrrollar su vida de fe; pero, al mismo tiempo, ayuda material, trabajo, amistad, cuidado de su salud, consejos, momentos de diversión y de alegría.33 Naturalmente este «programma globale d'intervento» llegó a ser relativamente más realizable, cuando pudo contar con una morada que, si bien al principio era muy modesta, tenía de todos modos la ventaja de ofrecer un apoyo estable y seguro. Con la primavera de 1847, aprovechando la disponibilidad de la casa, don Bosco dio también alojamiento a algunos muchachos. Desde aquel momento Valdocco, junto al oratorio festivo y las escuelas nocturnas, disponía de un hospicio que permitiría a un cierto número de jóvenes ir durante el día a la ciudad, para trabajar en diversos talleres o para estudiar en casa de algunos profesores privados, y volver por la tarde al Oratorio, donde, gracias también a la activa y amable presencia de la madre de don Bosco, encontraban el calor de una verdadera familia.
31 Sobre la fecha (1846), indicada como el comienzo de las escuelas nocturnas, cf. el testimonio del mismo don Bosco en Cenni storici, en: BRAmo, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 72; pero, en las Memorie dell'Oratorio, había hablado del invierno de 1845-1846 (y Ceda había llegado hasta a adelantar la fecha del comienzo al año 1844) (cf. MO 150-151). Según Braido, las escuelas nocturnas de don Bosco comenzaron, muy probablemente, en el invierno de 1846-47 (Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 72).
" OE II, 187.
" Braido, al resaltar esta labor de sostén integral, habla de «programma globale d'intervento» (BRAmo, II progetto operativo, p. 9).
Para comprender la importancia que en la estrategia del sacerdote piamontés iba a adquirir progresivamente la fórmula del hospicio — y del colegio, como veremos —, es necesario no olvidar las vicisitudes políticas de los últimos años 40. P. Stella no excluye que, en los primeros meses de 1848, don Bosco se dejara tentar por cierta simpatía neogüelfa, en un momento en que «la mayoría del clero (y también de prelados que después se separaron de la causa nacional y se mostraron intransigentes) se adhirió al neogüelfismo y aplaudió la guerra de la independencia».34 Para apoyar esta no abstracta hipótesis, se pueden aducir no sólo el adjetivo «grande» atribuido por don Bosco a Gioberti en la nueva edición de su Storia ecclesiastica publicada en 1848,35 sino también algunas ideas que se pueden encontrar en el primer número del «Amico della Gioventá», un periódico político-religioso que el sacerdote piamontés comenzó a publicar a partir del mes de octubre de 1848.36En un artículo titulado Religione e liberta — que apareció anónimo, pero que, si no de don Bosco, fue publicado verosímilmente con su aprobación37 —, se sostenía la tesis, según la cual, la Iglesia, diversamente a lo que los adversarios querían hacer creer, no odiaba ni el progreso ni el sentimiento nacional: «En suma, cada día aparece más claro que catolicismo, progreso y nacionalidad son reconciliables entre sí más de lo que parece a primera vista; que los dos últimos encontraron ventajas en el primero, y que a él deben dirigirse todavía si quieren obtener su triun fo».38 Pero si nutrió alguna simpatía neogüelfa, la abandonó bien pronto, y comenzó a temer que la abolición de la censura (30 octubre 1847), la concesión del Estatuto (4 marzo 1848) y, sobre todo, la equiparación de los valdenses (17 febrero 1848) y de los hebreos (29 marzo 1848) a los demás ciudadanos en gozar de los derechos civiles39 fueran las señales premonitoras de algunas transformaciones políticas gravemente dañosas para la religión católica. Don Bosco tuvo la impresión de que, bajo el influjo de los enemigos del catolicismo, el Estado se estuviese alejando de la línea con la que hasta entonces había tate- lado premurosamente a la Iglesia, recibiendo en cambio de ella el más leal apoyo. La introducción de otra serie de reformas, a partir de la abolición en 1850 del foro eclesiástico, y la adopción de algunas medidas, como la expulSión en el mismo año 1850 de mons. Fransoni, arzobispo de Turín, debía transformar aquella impresión en amarga convicción.4° Desde aquel momento, don Bosco, más allá de sus declaraciones de ser ajeno a la política, vivió con la nostalgia de la organización político-social del Anden Régime: una nostalgia no sin consecuencias, si se tiene presente que don Bosco quedaría ligado tanto a la idea de una estrecha integración entre trono y altar, como a la visión de una sociedad organizada jerárquicamente.
" STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 78.
" Al introducir un elogio de Pío IX, don Bosco escribía: «I sovrani impararono da lui [da Pio IX] il yero modo di governare i popoli. La sola sua presenza forma la meraviglia di chi lo pub vedere. II gran Gioberti chisma il giorno che lo vide il piii bello di sua vita» (G. Bosco, Storia ecclesiastica per uso delle scuole utile ad ogni stato di persone, Torino, Tip. Speirani e Ferrero 1848, p. 182). En la edición siguiente, publicada por don Bosco en 1870, la referencia a Gioberti ya no apareció.
36 El periódico no tuvo mucho éxito y en el mes de mayo de 1849, después del fascículo
LXI, se fundió con «L'Istruttore del Popolo» (STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 78-79).
37 El artículo se puede consultar en el último volumen de las Opere edite, publicado recientemente: OE XXXVIII, 291-292.
" OE XXXVIII, 292. En el artículo se emitía, entre otros, un juicio lisonjero sobre la juventud: «In simile stato di cose, dedicad al bene della gioventú, abbiamo ideato di rivolgersi a questa bella eta delle speranze, invitandola a voler usare pienamente di sua liberta» (Ibid.). El juicio reflejaba lo que la Dirección de «L'Amico della Gioventú» escribía en el editorial del mismo número, titulado «Programma» (se puede ver en: OE XXXVIII, 289-290). Al hacer una llamada a los lectores, para que colaborasen en la obra que iba a emprender, la Dirección observaba en efecto: «[La gioventú] é la porzione piú favorita del genere umano, sopra cui si fondano le speranze della patria, il sostegno delle famiglie, l'onore della Religione e dello Stato» (Ibid.). En modo análogo se expresaba don Bosco en un Avviso sacro difundido por él en aquellos mismos meses: «La porzione dell'umana societá, su cui sono fondate le speranze del presente e dell'avvenire, la porzione degna dei piú attenti riguardi é, dubbio, la gioventù» (MB 111, 605).
Pero el motivo por el cual más se angustió, después del 48-49, fue la activa propaganda con la cual los valdenses, aprovechando los nuevos espacios de libertad, trataban de ampliar la propia presencia en medio de la gente. Piénsese en lo que don Bosco debió probar en 1851 cuando en el barrio de Porta Nuova, donde había dado vida a otro Oratorio titulado de «San Luigi», vio surgir el templo valdense. Los escritos compuestos por él en este período — de los Avvisi az' cattolici a Il cattolico istruito41 — reflejan la viva preocupación con la que el autor seguía el proselitismo actuado entonces por los valdenses
" Los valdenses obtuvieron su emancipación en virtud de las «Regie lettere patenti» del 17 de febrero 1828; los judíos en virtud del regio decreto del 29 de marzo 1848. Pero la equiparación de los ciudadanos no católicos iba a tener, no mucho más tarde, una ulterior y más solemne confirmación. En efecto, el 19 de junio de 1848 era emanada una ley cuyo artículo único establecía que la diferencia de culto ya no constituiría «eccezione al godimento dei cifrad civil e politici e all'ammissibilitá alle caniche civili e militad». Sobre la emancipación de los valdenses y de los judíos, cf. G. SPINI, Risorgimento e protestanti, Napoli 1956; S. FoA, Gli ebrei nel Risorgimento, Roma/Assisi 1978.
4' Para conocer el pensamiento de don Bosco sobre el 48, cf. lo que él iba escribir más tarde en: G. Bosco, La storia d'Italia raccontata alla gioventú da' suoi primi abitatori sino ai nostri giorni, Torino, Paravia 1855, ahora en: OE VII, 1-558 y en: MO 204ss.; sobre la reconstrucción de aquellos acontecimientos hecha por don Bosco, sobre todo en las páginas de la Storia d'Italia,
cf. F. TRANIELLO, Don Bosco e l'educazione giovanile: la «Storia d'Italia», en: TRANDELL0 (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 81-111.
" G. Bosco, La Chiesa cattolica-apostolica-romana é la sola vera Chiesa di Gesti Cristo. Avvisi ai cattolici, Torino, Tip. Speirani e Ferrero 1850, ahora en: OE IV, 121-143; G. Bosco, II cattolico istruito nella sua religione. Trattenimenti di un padre di famiglia co' suoi figliuoli secondo i bisogni del tempo, Torino, De Agostini 1853, ahora en: OE IV, 195-646.
en Piamonte. Don Bosco juzgaba al protestantismo no sólo como una herejía religiosa — que, según la apologética del Setecientos, consideraba más como fruto de inmoralidad, de las costumbres que de apostasía de la razón42 —, sino también como un fenómeno político que tendía a desquiciar toda legítima autoridad. Es sintomática, a este propósito, la presentación que él hacía de las consecuencias que, a su entender, producía el principio del libre examen: «El decir: haceos una religión a voluntad, es como decir: haced lo que queráis; robad, desobedeced, matad a vuestro rey, a los ministros, y a todo el que aparezca culpable a vuestros ojos, vosotros obraréis ciertamente bien, con tal de que creáis hacer buenas acciones».43 En el curso dé su campaña contra las «sectas», don Bosco tendía, por tanto, a identificar el protestantismo con la «revolución» y a presentar, por el contrario, el catolicismo como la religión que concurriría a instaurar la pacífica convivencia de todos."
En este contexto cobra nueva luz la importancia que en la praxis pedagógica del educador piamontés adquiría su hospicio. Este debería servir para contener los influjos negativos que, durante el día, habrían podido alcanzar a los jóvenes a través de las personas con que se encontraban, de las conversaciones que oían, de la prensa que corrían el peligro de tener entre manos. No carece de significado el que entonces don Bosco decidiese dirigir a los huéspedes un «brevísimo sermoncito por las noches después de las oraciones con el fin de exponer o confirmar alguna verdad que por ventura hubiese sido contradicha en el curso de la jornada»." Entre los años 1851 y 1853, Valdocco se enriquecía con la iglesia de San Francisco de Sales y con un nuevo edificio destinado a habitaciones: en 1853 los huéspedes de la casa eran cerca de unos veinte y comprendían, además de los artesanos y estudiantes, diversos clérigos que, al ser cerrado el seminario diocesano por la guerrra de independencia, don Bosco muy gustosamente había acogido en su casa, poniendo en marcha una nueva experiencia educativa." Como es fácil advertir, el Oratorio de don Bosco era ya una cosa bien diversa del simple encuentro dominical de los primeros años 40. Pero detrás de la evolución de las estructuras, había un cambio más profundo. Solicitado por el empuje de los acontecimientos de 1848, don Bosco empezó a revisar la concepción con la que, hasta entonces, había pensado que debía salvar para la sociedad a los muchachos abandonados de los que se venía ocupando. Es decir, tomaba cuerpo en él la idea de que eran los jóvenes — los jóvenes en general y no sólo los pobres y abandonados — los que tenían que ser puestos al abrigo de los influjos negativos de la realidad social. En esta óptica, el hospicio era solamente una etapa.
42 STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 47ss. 45 OE 590.
" STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 81ss. 45 MO 205.
46 Don Bosco se complacía diciendo que, después de 1848, el Oratorio se convirtió por casi veinte años en el seminario diocesano (MO 212).
En efecto, en 1853, pudiendo contar con un mayor número de locales, don Bosco creaba en Valdocco los primeros talleres (de zapateros y sastres) — a los que, a lo largo de unos diez años se habrían de añadir otros cuatro (de encuadernadores, carpinteros, tipógrafos y forjadores) —, y en 1855 instituía la tercera clase gimnasia! — que a la vuelta de cuatro años estaría integrada por las clases restantes hasta completar un curso gimnasia! completo. Después de estas medidas, el hospicio se transformaba en verdadero internado, en el que los muchachos tenían la posibilidad de dormir, comer y trabajar o estudiar. La progresiva transformación de Valdocco — que conservó de todos modos el Oratorio festivo —, se actuó también para dar una respuesta a algunas exigencias muy concretas como, por ejemplo, la necesidad de proporcionar a los huéspedes del Oratorio vestidos y calzado, o la oportunidad de acompañar el trabajo de escritor y de editor de don Bosco con un taller de encuadernación y con una tipografía.47 Pero en la base de esta evolución estaba, ante todo, la intención de proteger a los jóvenes de los peligros de una sociedad cuya obra, a los ojos de don Bosco, se hacía cada vez más perniciosa para la integridad de la vida moral y religiosa, en particular de aquellos en quienes no habían madurado todavía la fuerza de carácter y la solidez de convicciones.
Hacia la mitad de los años 50, don Bosco había esbozado ya las estructuras de las que se serviría definitivamente en su estrategia educativa. Y sería interesante estudiar detenidamente los documentos y reflexiones que elaboró en aquel período para encuadrar la praxis cotidiana. Pensamos, por ejemplo, en-el conjunto de reglamentos redactados a partir de 1852, en la Introduzione y el Cenno storico ya recordados, en la conversación con U. Rattazzi de 1854; aunque, en realidad, el contenido de tal conversación fuera publicado en el «Bollettino Salesiano» del 1882 y se le pudieran, por tanto, añadir valoraciones y juicios posteriores.48 Para los fines de nuestro discurso pueden bastar, quizás, algunas simples alusiones.
De estos y de otros documentos resulta confirmada, por de pronto, la idea positiva que mientras tanto don Bosco se había formado acerca de la juventud: «porción la más delicada y la más preciosa»,48 «no mala de por sí»,5° que se podía estropear «por inconsideración [...] no por malicia consumada»." En la citada Introduzione el sacerdote piamontés llegaba, por tanto, a sostener que, quitados algunos obstáculos — como «la negligencia de los padres» [o bien la falta de afecto, el abandono], «el ocio» y los «malos compañeros» sería «facilísima cosa» educar a los jóvenes e «insinuar en sus tiernos corazones los principios del orden, de las buenas costumbres, del respeto, de la religión.».52
47 Sobre las razones que indujeron a don Bosco a implantar, en Valdocco, los diversos talleres me permito remitir a: PAZZAGLIA, Apprendistato, p. 20ss.
48 El texto ha sido publicado recientemente por: A. FERREIRA DA SILVA, Conversazione con
Urbano Rattazzi, en: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 55-69.
49 BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 34.
50 BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 39.
51 BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 35.
52 BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 34-35.
La rápida definición que don Bosco, en el cuadro de su optimismo pedagógico, daba de la educación, merece ser señalada y confrontada con cuanto éj mismo observaba en 1854, en el curso de la conversación con Rattazzi. En esta circunstancia, contraponiendo los métodos «represivo» y «preventivo» según una terminología que, sin embargo, no podía todavía usar en el momento de su encuentro con el político —, don Bosco explicaba en qué consistía la acción preventiva: «Ante todo, aquí se procura infundir en el corazón de los jovencitos un santo temor de Dios; se les inspira amor a la virtud y horror al vicio, con la enseñanza del catecismo y con apropiadas instrucciones morales; se encaminan y se sostienen en la vía del bien con oportunos y benévolos avisos, y especialmente con las prácticas de piedad y de religión».53 Ciertamente esta defición de educación era más precisa que la que hemos observado en la Introduzione; pero tanto la una como la otra se inspiran en el mismo principio. Don Bosco partía de la persuasión de que, si era ciertamente importante encontrar lugares donde «reunir» a los jóvenes, la parte más positiva y constructiva del prevenir se realizaba al sembrar — «insinuare», «infondere» — en el ánimo de los jóvenes los principios naturales y sobrenaturales. En esta perspectiva, se logra también dar un contorno más preciso a aquel contexto de amplia libertad que, como se lee en el Cenno storico, él afirmaba que había introducido en el Oratorio a pesar de que, sobre todo a los comienzos, la cosa no le había dejado de procurar, de parte de los ambientes conservadores, la acusación de instruir a los jóvenes con «máximas sospechosas»: «esta última acusación se fundaba especialmente — escribe — en que yo permitía a mis jóvenes toda clase de recreación, con tal de que no fuese pecado o contraría a la urbanidad».54
Podríamos decir que, hacia la mitad de los años 50, don Bosco había llegado a definir, no sólo los «lugares», sino también los principios clave de lo que habría de ser ya su empeño educativo. Naturalmente, para conocer mejor en qué modo atendía a la realización de tal empeño, sería necesario iniciar un atento análisis de su obra, tanto más que, según él, una correcta estrategia educativa debería adaptarse a las exigencias especificas de cada situación. En realidad, a medida que procedía en la puesta en práctica de su proyecto, don Bosco seguía dos sistemas: el del Oratorio festivo, que respecto a los primeros encuentros dominicales algo improvisados había adquirido una mayor continuidad, llegando a ser de hecho, cotidiano; y el sistema del colegio, la nueva institución que, aunque ya funcionaba desde 1853 con los dos primeros talleres, se delineó de forma neta y precisa sólo después de la puesta en marcha del ciclo gimnasial completo. Pero para tener un cuadro más completo, sería oportuno que tuviésemos en cuenta una ulterior división dentro del sistema del colegio, puesto que don Bosco, a pesar de atenerse a los mismos principios, adoptó diversas líneas, según se tratase de artesanos, estudiantes o clérigos estudiantes; sobre todo, cuando instituidas todas las cinco clases gimnasia-les, debió salir del clima de sencillez seguido hasta entonces e introducir una reglamentación más exigente y puntual de cada una de las secciones. Siendo imposible, en este momento, hacer un examen pormenorizado de los varios itinerarios educativos que don Bosco fue recorriendo, nos limitaremos a hacer algunas reflexiones de carácter general en torno al sistema del Oratorio para externos y al del colegio.
53 Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 65. Y continuando a ilustrar a Ratazzi el carácter de la obra educativa inspirada en el criterio de una auténtica prevención, don Bosco añadía: «Oltre a ció, si circondano [i ragazzi], per quanto é possibile, di un'amorevole assistenza in ricreazione, nella scuola, sul lavoro; s'incoraggiano con parole di benevolpn?a, e non appena mostrarlo di dimenticare i proprii doveri, loro si ricordano ín bel modo e si richiamano a saní consigli. In una parola si usano tune le industrie, che suggerisce la caritá cristiana, affinché facciano il bene e fuggano il male per principio di una coscienza illuminata e sorretta dalla Religione» (Ibid., p. 65-66).
54 BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 45.
Por lo que se refiere a la concepción que, en medio de su actividad, había madurado sobre el Oratorio festivo, merece la pena examinar el primer Regolamento dell'Oratorio que, siguiendo la pauta de algunos reglamentos de oratorios milaneses, don Bosco comenzó a elaborar hacia 1852, precisamente con la intención de ordenar el aflujo de los jóvenes que frecuentaban Valdocco los domingos y los días laborables por la tarde. Estos jóvenes, después de la introducción del internado, se llamarían «externos».55 El Reglamento precisaba que el fin del Oratorio era «entretener a la juventud en los días de fiesta con agradable y honesta recreación después de haber asistido a las sagradas funciones en la iglesia».56 Al poner en guardia contra una interpretación seductiva de tal concepción, P. Braido ha escrito que don Bosco tenía en su mente no un simple «ricreatorío» o «ritrovo giovanile», sino una «scuola d'istruzione, di pratica religiosa e di ispirazione cristiana alla vita»57 El término escuela se debe tomar, obviamente, en sentido no literal, pues si es verdad que se preveían algunos momentos escolares propiamente dichos, la formación de los que frecuentaban el Oratorio debía tener lugar de modo informal y en consonancia con cuanto progresivamente era sugerido por las circunstancias y por la inventiva de los educadores. En suma, en lo que don Bosco pensaba era un alegre y sereno «ambiente» pedagógico que, haciendo fructificar las diversas oportunidades — escuela, juego, teatro, excursiones —, supiese ofrecer a los muchachos un sólido apoyo para su crecimiento moral, espiritual y religioso. La estructura que debería favorecer el logro de este objetivo era, más bien, articulada. En efecto, al lado del director («el superior principal, que es responsable de todo lo que ocurre en el oratorio»), el Reglamento ponía a un grupo de colaboradores más directos — desde el prefecto al director espiritual —, los cuales, por sus delicadas responsabilidades, no podían ser sino sacerdotes, y otro grupo de ayudantes — asistentes, sacristanes, monitores, catequistas, bibliotecarios —, algunos de los cuales serían escogidos de entre los jóvenes más capaces y ejemplares.
55, Este Regolamento fue publicado por Lemoyne en: MB III, 91-92.98-108. Según el biógrafo salesiano, la redacción del escrito se habría ya hecho, en gran parte, en 1847; pero es muy probable que, como sostiene P. Braido, tal redacción haya sido realizada en torno al año 1852 (cf. BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 36). El texto definitivo del Regolamento para los externos fue publicado en 1877: Regolamento dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales per esterni, Torino, Tipografia Salesiana 1877, ahora en: OE XXEX, 3 1-92.
56 MB DI, 91.
57 P. BRAMO, II sistema preventivo di don Bosco, Zürich, PAS Verlag 1964, p. 322. Sobre el oratorio festivo, véase lo escrito por BRAIDO, L'esperienza pedagogica preventiva, p. 160ss.
Don Bosco se había convencido de que para entrar en el Oratorio festivo se debía o ejercer un oficio o tener, al menos, la intención de ejercerlo: «Quien estuviese desocupado y desease trabajar puede dirigirse a los Protectores, y será ayudado por ellos».58 No debe sorprender que la actividad laboral revistiese tanta importancia a los ojos del sacerdote piamontés. Éste, fiel a una idea que le era muy querida, afirmaba en el Reglamento de los externos que el ocio y la desocupación generarían todos los vicios y harían inútil toda suerte de instrucción religiosa.59 Es evidente, sin embargo, que con las nuevas disposiciones el Oratorio tendía a caracterizarse con rasgos diversos respecto al de los orígenes. En efecto, mientras en los comienzos había sido ideado — como se ha visto — para socorrer, principal aunque no exclusivamente, a los muchachos salidos de la cárcel y abandonados a sí mismos, el Oratorio se convertía ahora en un servicio abierto a todos los jóvenes que, ocupados en alguna actividad, deseasen utilizar, positivamente, su tiempo libre. La transformación no era una cosa de poca importancia. Muy probablemente tal transformación se debía al hecho de que, al proponerse don Bosco la integración directa de sus muchachos en la vida de trabajo, el oratorio había acabado por ser cada vez más frecuentado por jóvenes artesanos; pero no se debe excluir que la nueva apertura derivase también de las reflexiones con las cuales, frente al cambiado contexto cultural, el sacerdote piamontés consideraba urgente ofrecer un apoyo no ya a una porción particular de la juventud, sino a los jóvenes en general, fuesen estudiantes o aprendices.6° Convendrá, sin embargo, añadir que, aun con esta perspectiva pedagógica más vasta, don Bosco siguió afirmando que era necesario tener una mirada de predilección para los más pobres.
58 MB 111, 92.
" MB 111, 92. Sobre la contraposición establecida por don Bosco entre vida activa y vida
ociosa, he tenido ocasión de ocuparme en el citado seminario de estudio de Venecia, con una comunicación: Il tema del lavoro nell'esperienza pedagogica, publicada en: NANNI (ed.), Don Bosco e la sua esperienza pedagogica, p. 113-131.
60 En el mismo Regolamento se afirmaba que se tenían presentes especialmente «i giovanetti,
Concebido ya en función de sectores juveniles cada vez más amplios el oratorio festivo, de cara a sus huéspedes, adoptaría un espíritu de gran comprensión. El Reglamento establecía que las puertas estuvieran abiertas aun a los más díscolos, siempre que no diesen escándalo y manifestasen la voluntad de observar una conducta mejor.6' Esta declarada tolerancia no debe hacer creer que don Bosco hiciese la hipótesis de una propuesta educativa fofa e im.. precisa. El elemento en torno al cual habría girado la obra del Oratorio era el religioso. Al esbozar la figura del director, el Reglamento decía: «Este debe ser como un padre en medio de sus propios hijos, e ingeniarse de todas las maneras posibles para insinuar en los jóvenes corazones el amor de Dios, el respecto a las cosas sagradas, la frecuencia de los Sacramentos, la filial devoción a María Santísima».62 El empeño educativo del director se debía considerar, obviamente, dirigido al Oratorio en su conjunto: todo debería concurrir, no sólo a promover el conocimiento de las verdades cristianas, sino también a favorecer su aplicación en la vida cotidiana. Para comprender en qué medida estaba enraizada en don Bosco la preocupación de ver a sus muchachos hacer propias aquellas verdades, es suficiente repasar la narración, publicada por él en 1855, La forza della buona educazione; a pesar de que la primera parte era, en realidad, la traducción casi literal de una obrita francesa.63 Don Bosco se complacía en resaltar que el joven protagonista, Pietro, que en la narración era presentado precisamente como alumno del Oratorio de Valdocco, había sido operai, i quali nei giorni festivi soprattutto vano esposti a grandi pericoli morali e corporali»; pero no se excluían «gli studenti, che nei giorni festivi o nei giorni di vacan?a vi volessero intervenire» (MB la, 91). Por otra parte, los estudiantes venían ya a Valdocco desde hacía tiempo, si bien con una finalidad especial. Es sabido que desde los comienzos, don Bosco había invitado a «giovani di buona condotta e giá istruiti» (MO 128), que, además de mantener el orden, le ayudasen a leer y cantar cantos sagrados.
61 MB III, 92.
62 MB Hl, 98.
63 G. Bosco, La forza della buona educazione. Curioso episodio contemporaneo, Torino, Paravia 1855, ahora en: OE VI, 275-386. En la presentación, don Bosco declaraba que había utilizado un escrito francés titulado: Un mari comme il y en a beaucoup, une femme comme il y en a peu. De esta obrita, publicada anónima, pero nacida, quizás, en los ambientes de los hermanos de las Escuelas Cristianas, P. Stella ha encontrado una edición de 1869 (Caen, Chénel Librairie 1869, 7' ed.), puesta, amablemente, a mi disposición. La comparación de Un mari con La forza della buona educazione permite establecer que los seis primeros capítulos de la segunda constituyen la traducción de toda la obrita francesa. Es probable que los capítulos restantes (aquellos en que se acompaña a Pietro, el joven protagonista, desde el día de la primera comunión hasta el servicio militar) sea obra de don Bosco. Hay que decir además que también en la parte simplemente traducida, se pueden encontrar algunas añadiduras o variantes, a veces no sólo marginales. Por ejemplo, a lo largo del dialogo en que la madre recomienda a Pietro referirle, todas las tardes, las conversaciones tenidas con los compañeros de trabajo, don Bosco añade una nota típica de su visión pedagógica: «Cosí — decía precisamente la madre al hijo — io potró sempre darti buoni consigli intorno a ció che devi fare e intorno a ció che devi fuggire» (OE VI, 282).
ejemplo de virtud cristiana asistiendo a la misa no sólo en los días de fiesta, ino también en los día laborables, acercándose regularmente a los sacramende la confesión y comunión, haciendo cotidianamente lectura espiritual (I/ tos giovane provveduto), evitando las malas compañías y huyendo del ocio.
Pero en la visión de don Bosco, el Oratorio debía hacer que los jóvenes, profundizando en la vida cristiana, llegasen a ser al mismo tiempo, hombres honestos: «Entrando un joven en este Oratorio — subrayaba el Reglamento debe convencerse de que éste es un lugar de religión, en el que se desea formar buenos cristianos y honestos ciudadanos».64 Esto significaba que se habría tratado de promover virtudes tales como el altruismo, la honradez, el sentido del deber, el respeto a las autoridades constituidas. Es significativo, también aquí, el modelo de joven que don Bosco ilustraba a través de las páginas de La forza della buona educazione: Pietro había honrado al padre y a la madre aceptando los sacrificios que le habían pedido; se había comportando en el trabajo de forma encomiable, conquistando tanto la estima del patrón — que había apreciado «la fidelidad, la puntualidad, la actividad» — como la simpatía de los compañeros, «que no podían tener asistente más paciente, más caritativo»; pero no menos leal y generoso se había mostrado para con la patria, que le había llamado al servicio militar.63
Si es bastante fácil delinear el perfil del Oratorio festivo que don Bosco acariciaba en los años 50, resulta mucho más difícil establecer si tal ideal logró ser traducido, y en qué medida, en la realidad de todos los días. Algunos testimonios de proveniencia salesiana no han dudado en reconocer que el Reglamento para los externos no fue nunca practicado integralmente, ni siquiera en Turín.66 Por desgracia no existe hasta hoy un estudio serio y riguroso que precise la situación del Oratorio festivo de Valdocco, durante la vida de don Bosco. Las actas de las reuniones o conferencias del personal de la casa turinesa no ofrecen elementos dignos de relieve, al menos para el período del que son disponibles.67 Sería simplista deducir de esta ausencia de referencias (aun
ILI, 92. Véase además la definición del Oratorio que daba don Bosco el 20 de diciembre de 1851, al presentar una gran lotería promovida por él: «una casa di domenicale adunanza, in cui potessero gli uni e gli altri ayer tutto l'agio di soddisfare al religiosi doveri, e ricevere ad un tempo una istruzione, un indirizzo, un consiglio per governare cristianamente e onestamente la vita» (E I, 49).
Pietro se había expresado en estos términos ante el padre que se angustiaba al ver al hijo marchar al servicio militar: «Non affannatevi, padre, siamo cittadini, dobbiamo servire la patria»
(OE VI, 343).
66 Cf. la comisión de estudio establecida para preparar el XI Capítulo general (cf. Annali IV, P. 7).
67 Sobre estas conferencias, cf. las correspondientes actas conservadas en: ASC: 0592 Deliberazioni del Capitolo dal 1866-1877; 38 Torino Oratorio S. Francesco di Sales Adunanze del capitolo della casa Ottobre 1877 - Genn. 1884. Como es fácil intuir, estas actas constituyen una documentación de primaria importancia, para la vida de la casa de Valdocco, y, más en general, para la historia de la Sociedad salesiana. Sobre estos documentos está trabajando, desde hace algún tiempo, José Manuel Prellezo. Entre sus trabajos, cf. J.M. PRELLF70, Fonti letterarie della circolare «Dei que sea en el ámbito de un órgano ciertamente importante como eran aquellas conferencias) la conclusión de que el Oratorio se estuviese, por así decir, agotando. Por los documentos examinados, hemos sacado la impresión de que, en efecto, después de los años 40-50, se había impuesto como institución educativa de relieve, el Oratorio festivo presentaba algunos síntomas de crisis-.68 A este propósito, hay que observar que, después de informar a Pío IX en 1853 de la intención de fundar una sociedad religiosa que garantizase continuidad a su trabajo, don Bosco comenzó a viajar frecuentemente, encontrándose así en la necesidad de confiar las responsabilidades cotidianas de su obra a los colaboradores más vecinos, como don Rua o don Francesia: elementos, ciertamente de valor, pero jóvenes — al comienzo coetáneos de los mismos jóvenes de quienes tenían que ocuparse —, sin el carisma del fundador, replegados sobre los problemas de la casa hasta el punto de no darse completamente cuenta de las profundas transformaciones socioculturales de Turín y, en general, del país. Es, pues, comprensible que el Oratorio festivo de Valdocco, la institución más ligada a las dotes de «conquistador» de jóvenes, cual era don Bosco, entrase en una fase de desaceleración. Una fase que estaba destinada, en realidad, a durar mucho tiempo y de la que saldría sólo en los primeros años 80, después de que — en 1883 — el tercer Capítulo general de la Socieda salesiana inició una reflexión sobre los oratorios festivos,69 y después de que castighi da infliggersi nelle case salesiane», en «Orientamenti Pedagogici» 37 (1988) 625-642; la., Studio e riflessione pedagogica nella congregazione salesiana 1874-1941. Note per la storia, en RSS 7 (1988) 35-88.
68 Esta impresión la comparte también P. Stella, el cual refieriéndose, en realidad, más a los oratorios festivos en general que al de Valdocco en particular, escribe: «Gli oratori festivi, la stampa, i pensionati, le scuole agricole non mancano e sono presentí nell'opera legislativa dei Capitoli generali, ma in pratica soprattutto g,li oratori festivi pare attraversino negli ultimi decenni del secolo una fase di compressione e di deperimento» (STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 124).
69 El tercer Capítulo general, celebrado en Valsalice del 2 al 7 de septiembre 1883, trató de los oratorios festivos en el punto VII: «Impianto e sviluppo degli Oratori festivi prenso le case salesiane». En vista de las deliberaciones a tomar sobre el tema, los directores de las casas fueron invitados a enviar toda clase de sugerencias útiles: ASC 04 Capitolo generale III 1883 («Convocazione Proposte»). Sobre la base de las propuestas enviadas, el Capítulo discutió el problema en la sesión del 5 septiembre. En las actas de estas sesiones hay una nota que confirma que, en los comienzos, el Oratorio de Valdocco descansaba completamente sobre los hombros de don Bosco: «dapprincipio don Bosco doveva fare di tutto: bisogna cercare o chierici o giov[an]etti fra' pié adatti e buoni che disimpegnino gli ufficii secondari. E perció fissarsi bese sul Regolamento spedale». Don Bosco formula un canon en estos términos: «II Direttore della Casa particolare sceglierà d'accordo coll'Ispettore un sacerdote che abbia cura speciale dell'Oratorio festivo» (ASC 046, Capitolo generale III - 1883 Verbal:). Terminada la discusión, el Capítulo emanó varias directrices generales para los oratorios festivos; pero, no habiéndose podido estudiar exhaustivamente todos los puntos del orden del día, los trabajos del tercer Capítulo general iban a ser completados por los del Capítulo sucesivo (1886), y las deliberaciones sobre los oratorios festivos aparecieron, por tanto, en: Deliberazioni del Terzo e Quarto capitolo Generale della Pia Societa Salesiana tenuti in Valsalice nel settembre 1883-1886, S. Benigno Canavese, Tipografia Salesiana 1887, ahora en: OE XXXVI (el nuevo Regolamento de los oratorios festivos se encuentra en las p. 274-276). en 1884 — don Bosco decidió llamar a la dirección del Oratorio de Valdocco un inteligente y activo educador como don Pavia."
Es conveniente, por otra parte, no olvidar que, a partir de los años 60, don Bosco y sus colaboradores estuvieron ocupados prevalentemente en el intento de potenciar el colegio. Varios elementos pesaron sobre la particular atención dedicada entonces por el sacerdote piamontés a la segunda de sus instituciones. Hemos recordado que, hacia mitad de los años 50, maduró en don Bosco la idea de un instituto religioso compuesto de personas entregadas a la educación de la juventud: en 1859, sostenido por el estímulo de Pío IX, pidió a algunos clérigos, que compartían ya el proyecto, que diesen su adhesión formal a la Sociedad salesiana. En este contexto el colegio de Valdocco venía a tener una función especialmente importante: serviría, precisamente, para favorecer el reclutamiento de personas dispuestas a abrazar el especial apostolado educativo de don Bosco. Su servicio resultaba tanto más precioso en cuanto que el internado, disponiendo de la sección de estudiantes y de artesanos, habría consentido alimentar, con la primera, las vocaciones sacerdotales y, con la segunda, las de los salesianos laicos." Naturalmente, cuando la Sociedad salesiana echó sólidas raíces y — confortada por el reconocimiento pontificio en 1869 — se difundió con la rapidez y con la amplitud que conocemos, el colegio de Valdocco ya no pudo cumplir de forma adecuada la función de vivero vocacional y, en aquel punto, fue necesario replantearse el problema en su globalidad y activar estructuras de formación específica.
Debió también de afianzarse en don Bosco la idea de la propuesta educativa de los colegios debido a la constatación de que el Estado persistía en reducir los espacios de libertad de que, hasta entonces, había gozado la Iglesia. Baste recordar que en 1855 — el año en que, no por casual coincidencia, don Bosco concebía su Sociedad salesiana — el gobierno había decretado la supresión de todas las congregaciones religiosas, a excepción de las que perseguían fines educativos y asistenciales?' Al final de los arios 50, se pusieron también dificultades y problemas a la Iglesia en el campo de la escuela. La ley Casati de 1859 consentía a los privados abrir escuelas propias en el sector de la instrucción secundaria, pero con la condición de que las personas encargadas de la enseñanza cumpliesen los mismos requisitos que se exigían para enseñar en una escuela secundaria pública." Esta disposición iba a suministrar las razones jurídicas de la acción vejatoria con que, por motivos frecuentemente ideológicos, la administración escolar comenzó a enfrentarse con las escuelas católicas mediante controles e inspecciones para verificar la conformidad de éstas con la ley. El gimnasio de Valdocco y el colegio fundado por don Bosco en 1863 en Mirabello Monferrato no escaparon a estas vejaciones. Si, además de esto, se considera que en 1861 el nuevo Parlamento proclamaba no sólo el Reino de Italia, sino también — aunque simbólicamente — Roma capital, con el conteracioso que la propuesta abrió inmediatamente; y si se tiene en cuenta que, sobre el telón de fondo de las tensiones entre el Estado y la Iglesia, las sectas intensificaron sus ataques contra la religión católica, no causa maravilla que don Bosco encontrase nuevas razones para preocuparse de la evolución socio-política y se convenciese de la extrema urgencia de dar vida a una red de colegios como estructuras educativas privilegiadas para salvaguardar a la juventud de los efectos disgregantes del cada vez más marcado ateísmo social.
70 Sobre don Giuseppe Pavia (1852-1915), cf. Un apostolo degli oratori festivi, Torino, Tipografia Salesiana 1919.
71 Como es sabido, la Sociedad querida por don Bosco estaba compuesta de sacerdotes, clérigos y coadjutores laicos. Para una visión de conjunto de la historia del coadjutor salesiano, cf. la documentción recogida por P. BRAMO, Religiosi nuovi per il mondo del lavoro, Roma, PAS 1961. Sobre las dificultades que don Bosco tuvo que superar en relación con la situación creada por la ley del 29 mayo 1855, cf. la minuciosa reconstrucción de los hechos en: STELLA, Don BoscI, p. 129ss.
72 Como la historiografía ha subrayado ampliamente, la ley Casati se atenía, pues, al criterio de una libertad vigilada. Entre las razones que movieron al legislador a seguir este camino, se pue
Don Bosco creía que «preservazione» e «immnnizzazione» eran ya las condiciones indispensables para una seria formación moral y religiosa de las nuevas generaciones." A esta luz se comprende el régimen de minuciosas reglas que, en los primeros años 60, introdujo en el colegio de Valdocco, tanto más que, como se ha observado, dicho colegio habría debido funcionar como pequeño seminario. Así como el oratorio festivo era una estructura «abierta» donde los muchachos entrarían y permanecerían con la sola condición de que tuviesen un trabajo y compartiesen los valores humanos y religiosos del ambiente, en la misma medida el colegio asumía el perfil de una institución «cerrada» respecto al mundo externo y controlada por precisas reglas referentes a la administración y a la permanencia. En el primer Regolamento del parlatorio, redactado en 1860 para Valdocco, se podían leer disposiciones como ésta: «1. No se permite a los jóvenes del Oratorio hablar con toda clase de personas sin el permiso explícito de los Superiores, o del Encargado. No pueden ser llamados al locutorio más de dos veces al mes, y solamente desde media hora antes de las dos de todos los días, excepto los festivos. 2. No se permiten nunca salidas especiales, ni con los parientes ni con otros [...] 7. No está permitido a los parientes entrar en los dormitorios de los jóvenes»." Pero igualmente rigurosa era la recomendación que don Bosco dirigía en 1863 a don Rua en una carta, destinada a convertirse (con el título de. Ricordi confidenziali ai direttorz) enden recordar: 1) la preocupación de evitar que un sistema de total autonomía pudiese ser usado, instrumentalmente, contra el Estado; 2) el deseo de que las escuelas creadas por libre iniciativa impartiesen una instrucción, al menos, digna. Sobre la ley Casaca y las reacciones provocadas por la misma, sobre todo en campo católico, me ocupé hace tiempo en: L. PAZZAGLIA, Educazione e scuola nel programma dell'Opera dei Congressi (1874-1904), en: Cultura e socktá in Italia nell'eta umbertina, Milano, Vita e Pensiero 1981 (especialmente p. 423ss).
74 Sobre el ideal de colegio acariciado por don Bosco, cf. las acotaciones de BRAMO, /I sistema preventivo, p. 330ss. (recogidas después en: L'esperienza pedagogica preventiva, p. 389ss.) y de STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 121ss.
75 MB VI, 597-598.
uno de los textos clásicos de la tradición pedagógica salesiana: «No aceptarás nunca alumnos expulsados de otros colegios, o que sepas que son de malas costumbres. Si, a pesar de la debida cautela, ocurriese que se acepta alguno de este género, señálale enseguida un compañero seguro que le asista y no le pierda nunca de vista. Si cometiese faltas obscenas, avísesele una vez, y si recae, sea enviado inmediatamente a su casa»." También el Regolamento per le case de 1877, que don Bosco y sus colaboradores fueron preparando a través de diversas redacciones," llamaría la atención sobre la necesidad de una atenta prudencia en las aceptaciones.
Pero no se debe pensar que en Valdocco y en los otros institutos que se iban fundando, el rigor sustituyese a la alegría con una visión sombría de las cosas. Don Bosco estaba convencido de que la. alegría era «una forma di vita» congénita no sólo a la índole de los muchachos, sino también al cristianismo que, en cuanto anuncio de verdad, no podía sino producir gozo interior." A su entender, los jóvenes internos deberían, por tanto, gozar no sólo de adecuados entretenirnientos recreativos, sino, más,Olfundamente, de un clima general de confiado optimismo. Don A. Caviglia escribió que «el servite Domino in laetitia podría llamarse el undécimo mandamiento de la casa de don Bosco»." Y no se crea que, al caracterizarse el colegio por el orden y la disciplina, el sacerdote piamontés tuviese la intención de renunciar al espíritu de familia que tanto le interesaba y que él ponía en estrecha relación con la amorosa paternidad que el director debería usar con cada uno de sus jóvenes. En la citada carta a don Rua — al que también recomendaba que no transigiese mínimamente en lo que se refería a la rectitud de vida de sus huéspedes —, advertía: «Procura más bien hacerte amar que hacerte temer. La caridad y la paciencia te acompañen constantemente al mandar, al corregir, y obra de tal suerte que todos saquen por tus hechos y palabras que lo que buscas es el bien de las almas. Cuando se trate de impedir el pecado, toléralo todo»." Es sabido que, según don Bosco, si se quiere ayudar a los muchachos a desarrollar las riquezas interiores puestas en ellos por la gracia de Dios, es necesario rodearlos de una caridad sensible, por la cual cada uno de ellos se sienta valorizado. Desde esta óptica, juzgaba que el colegio, lejos de irritar a los jóvenes con ejercicios militarescos mortificantes, debía crear en torno a los alumnos un ambiente de serena familiaridad: las relaciones de bondad y de confianza recíproca suavizan las inevitables tensiones entre superiores y discípulos, y permiten a estos últimos crecer plenamente.
76 Los Ricordi confidenziali ai direttori han sido publicados por F. Motto en: Bosco, Scritti
pedagogici, p. 71-86 (el pasaje citado se halla en la p. 82).
Regolamento per le case della Societá di San Francesco di Sales, Torino, Tip. Salesiana 1877, ahora en: OE XXIX, 97-196; en el capítulo relativo a los criterios a seguir en la admisión de los muchachos, el Regolamento precisaba: «Parimenti si baderá a non ammettere dei giovani od altri individua, che per la loro cattiva condotta e massime perverse potessero riusdre d'inciampo a' propri compagni, pera si esigerá da ciascuno un certificato di condona dal proprio parroco» (p. 156-157).
78 BRAMO, L'esperienza pedagogica preventiva, p. 370.
79 A. CAVIGLIA, II Magone Michele (vol. V de las Opere e scritti editi ed inediti di don Bosco), Todito, SEI 1965, p. 149.
88 Bosco, Ricordi confidenziali, p. 79.
Casi no es necesario subrayar que, para don Bosco, la validez de un colegio se medía por la capacidad que tenía de promover, ante todo, la formación moral y religiosa. Ciertamente él evitaba cuidadosamente el mortificar las actividades referidas a la formación propiamente humana y profesional. Es más, don Bosco, animado por una visión cristiana profundamente empapada de humanismo, consideraba esencial, por ejemplo, que sus pobres artesanos adquiriesen la práctica de un oficio, pues de lo contrario, sin poder proveer digna.. mente a su vida, no podrían tampoco elevarse hacia los valores espirituales y religiosos. Aun así, la convicción de que el problema último era el de llegar a ser «fortunati abitatori del cielo» lo llevaba a considerar que la principal razón de ser del colegio consistía en inculcar a los jóvenes el temor de Dios y en colaborar con la gracia. Naturalmente, en el caso del colegio de estudiantes destinados por don Bosco para seminario, el fundamento religioso llegaba a ser más radical y la espiritualidad propuesta no se alejaba mucho de una normal preparación para el sacerdocio. A tal propósito basta leer las biografías que don Bosco dedicó a D. Savio (1859), a M. Magone (1861) y a F. Besucco (1864), tres jóvenes de relevantes cualidades morales y religiosas, que habían pasado aquellos años por Valdocco.81 Sus vidas hacían ver que la piedad fundamental de la que ellos se habían alimentado — de la oración a la frecuencia de los sacramentos, del cumplimiento de los deberes del propio estado a la devoción a María — era la de un internado de orientación seminarística.
Para comprender la idea que tenía don Bosco de un colegio católico, puede ser quizás útil la narración Valentino o la vocazione impedita, publicada por él en 1866." En el escrito se comparaban los dos colegios que el joven Valentino había conocido, frecuentando, en primer lugar, un instituto católico al que había sido mandado por el padre, descontento de la precedente experiencia, y donde el muchacho había descubierto que tenía vocación religiosa. Son sintomáticas las diferencias con las que don Bosco contraponía las dos casas. Éstas se distinguían en primer lugar por el enfoque fundamental: el instituto laico reservaba a las prácticas religiosas un puesto completamente marginal
8' G. BOSCO, Vita del giovanetto Savio Domenico allievo dell'Oratorio di San Francesco di Sales, Torino, Paravia 1859 (ahora en: OE XI, 151-292); G. Bosco, Cenno biografico sul giovanetto Magone Michele allievo dell'Oratorio di San Francesco di Sales, Torino, Paravia, 1861 (en: OE XIII, 155-250); G. BOSCO, Il pastorello delle Alpi ovvero vita del giovane Besucco Francesco d'Argentera, Torino, Paravia 1864 (en: OE XV, 243-434).
12 G. Bosco, Valentino o la vocazione impedita, Torino, Tip. dell'Oratorio di San Francesco di Sales 1866 (ahora en: OE XVII, 179-242). Cf. G. Bosco, Valentino o la vocazione impedita. Introduzione e testo critico a cura di M. Pulingathil, Roma, LAS 1987 (las citas que siguen han sido tomadas de esta edición).
(«no se hacía ni meditación, ni lectura espiritual; y las oraciones se recitaban en común, pero una- sola vez al día, estando de pie y muy deprisa»); el católico, en cambio, asumía la religión como propio principio inspirador («la religión [es] enseñada, recomendada y practicada de forma excepcional»). Pero, como el responsable de la edición crítica de la novela ha subrayado, los dos colegios se diferenciaban también desde el punto de vista metodológico.83 En efecto, mientras el primero parecía que se fundaba exclusivamente en la disciplina — al menos por los rasgos con que se describía al director —, el segundo se orientaba según una concepción pedagógica abierta — alegría, estudio, piedad — y podía, además, contar con la presencia discreta pero continua de un director constantemente preocupado del progreso moral y espiritual de sus muchachos-hijos."
4. Entre las exigencias de reglamentación y nuevos problemas educativos
Después que en 1869 la Sociedad salesiana tuvo el reconocimiento pontificio, don Bosco estuvo muy absorbido por preocupaciones de tipo jurídico-organizativo, porque debía redactar y hacer aprobar las Constituciones (18721874) y porque comenzando la Sociedad en 1875 a implantarse fuera de Italia y hasta a lanzarse en la empresa misionera, era necesario seguir su desarrollo, evitando que el rápido y amplio crecimiento resultara en menoscabo de una imprescindible unidad de orientación. De esta forma fue inducido a reflexionar sobre el sentido de su obra y sobre la especificidad característica." Las Memorie dell'Oratorio, redactadas por don Bosco en los primeros años 70, nacieron precisamente en el cuadro de tales reflexiones, y fueron elaboradas por el autor con el claro intento de dejar a sus propios colaboradores una especie de memoria viva de sus orígenes. En este contexto, el sacerdote piamontés hizo también la redacción definitiva de los Reglamentos para el Oratorio festivo y para las casas, que, como ya hemos recordado, fueron publicados en 1877.
83 Bosco, Valentino, p. 42-43.
84 A propósito del primero de los dos directores, se decía: « [Valentino] aveva un direttore affabile si, ma deciso nel comandare, severo nel pretendere, rigoroso in ogni ramo di disciplina» (Valentino, p. 58). El sacerdote que dirigía el colegio católico era presentado, por el contrario, como persona afectuosa, aunque no melosa, capaz de adentrarse en las heridas más secretas de los jóvenes interlocutores, inteligentemente preocupada del destino de las almas: «Da quel giorno la vita di lui [Valentino] fu di vera soddisfazione al suo direttore che non perdette piti di vista il figliuolo spirituale che aveva acquistato» (Ibid. p. 71).
a' Sobre la especial atención con la que don Bosco y sus colaboradores fueron inducidos, en aquellos años, a profundizar el sentido de su propuesta pedagógica, cf. PRELLEZO, Studio e riflessione pedagogica, p. Il sistema preventivo riletto dai primi salesiani, en «Orientamenti Pedagogici» 36 (1989) 40-61.
De forma totalmente ocasional tuvo origen, en cambio, Il sistema preventivo. En este momento nosotros no seguiremos su génesis, ni haremos un examen pormenorizado de sus contenidos, porque, en último término, tendríamos que repetir cosas que P. Stella y P. Braido han dicho ya eficazmente, resaltando — entre otras cosas — asonancias, convergencias y conexiones de la obrita con los escritos de autores como el hermano Agathon, el abate Blanchard, el canónigo Auclisio, el lazarista Monaci, el barnabita Teppa, mons. Dupanloup." Pero es útil subrayar que, a pesar de haber nacido como simple desarrollo de la conferencia dada por don Bosco el 12 de marzo de 1877 en Niza con ocasión de la inauguración del Patronage Saint Pierre, el pequeño tratado adquirió muy pronto, dentro y fuera de la Sociedad salesiana, una relevancia que ni siquiera el autor había imaginado.87 El hecho tiene su explicación: téngase presente que don Bosco, reordenando durante aquellos meses — junto con sus colaboradores — los Reglamentos, decidió introducir la conferencia de Niza en el Regolamento per le case (1877). De este modo, la obrita asumió, a los ojos de los salesianos, el significado de «ley fundamental», y bastante rápidamente fue utilizada como metro de juicio para valorar la conformidad de las varias casas — en actividad o en vías de institución — con los principios y el espíritu de la Sociedad salesiana.88 Es necesario añadir, sin embargo, que Il sistema preventivo tenía el valor objetivo de ilustrar de forma sumaria pero eficaz algunos de los criterios inspiradores de una experiencia de más de treinta años. En efecto, los tres principios — razón, religión, amabilidad —, sobre los que, más allá de la terminología represivo-preventiva completamente nueva en don Bosco, se llamaba la atención, constituían los contenidos y la metodología en la que se había inspirado, al realizar una obra que de la recuperación de los muchachos abandonados le había llevado, progresivamente, a ocuparse de la formación de los estudiantes y hasta de futuros sacerdotes. No hay, pues, que extrañarse de que, dentro de la Sociedad salesiana, el breve escrito se revistiese de tanta importancia y que don Bosco y sus colaboradores no sólo se persuadiesen de tener en las manos un sistema educativo propio, sino que comenzasen a considerarlo susceptible de ser aplicado más allá de sus ambientes educativos.89
La distancia con la cual hoy es posible examinar el opúsculo, permite ver mejor también su límites. P. Stella ha subrayado ya que dicho opúsculo tendía a supervalorar la antítesis preventivo-represivo con la consecuencia de descuidar una parte no indiferente de la problemática educativa; corría el riesgo de método de don Bosco comenzó a recibir, precisamente entonces, de estudios dedicados específicamente a él (cf. BRALDO, L'esperienza pedagogica di don Bosco, p. 32ss.).
De STELLA, véase Don Bosco II, p. 441-474; de BRAMO, L'esperienza pedagogica preventiva, p. 313-319, y sobre todo las amplias notas a G. Bosco, Il sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventü, Introduzione e testi critici a cura di P. Braido, Roma, LAS 1985.
87 OE XXIX, 99-109.
88 BRAIDO, L'esperienza pedagogica di don Bosco, p. 28ss.
89 Fueron reforzados en esta persuasión, además, por los juicios favorables que el hacer creer que todo el problema consistía en evitar que los muchachos cometiesen errores; estaba demasiado condicionado por la fórmula del colegio y por la situación que llevaba consigo como, por ejemplo, la asistencia «visible» y «continua» de los jóvenes por parte de los educadores9° Con palabras un poco expeditivas, se podría decir que, más allá de sus indiscutibles méritos, Il sistema preventivo no reflejaba el abanico completo de las varias estructuras y actividades a las que el sacerdote piamontés había dado vida, ni la riqueza de motivaciones religiosas y pedagógicas implicadas. Lo que ocurre es que las formulaciones teóricas de don Bosco no lograban expresar justamente el concreto proyecto histórico, que con grande dinamismo y sentido de la realidad, él actuó gradualmente, tratando de adaptar sus ideales de sacerdote y educador a las diversas categorías de jóvenes que encontró a lo largo del camino.
Poi. lo demás, en el curso de la última década de su vida, don Bosco debía mostrar que se movía en un horizonte más amplio respecto al cuadro de referencia de la obrita de 1877. Sus inquietudes por las condiciones de la juventud continuaban creciendo. Sobre su estado de ánimo actuaban como de costumbre las vicisitudes políticas y especialmente el recrudecerse de la tensión en las relaciones entre Estado e Iglesia, las cuales con la conquista de Roma habían entrado en una fase crítica. Don Bosco temía que iba a deshilacharse el mismo tejido social, en gran medida por efecto de la acción disgregadora de la enseñanza pública. Precisamente poco después de la brecha de Porta Pia, el 29 de septiembre 1870, el ministro de Instrucción pública, C. Correnti, había hecho pública una circular con la que, alterando las disposiciones de la ley Casati, establecía que en las escuelas elementales la instrucción religiosa debía ser garantizada no a todos, sino a los que la hubiesen pedído.91 En las Memorie dell'Oratorio, don Bosco ponía un acento nostálgico en la situación que él había conocido como estudiante gimnasial en Chieri, que es difícil no poner en relación con el disgusto que le causaba el ver a los gobiernos del Estado italiano ensañándose con la presencia de la religión en la escuela: «Está bien que os recuerde aquí que en aquellos tiempos la religión formaba parte fundamental de la educación. Un profesor que, aun bromeando, hubiese pronunciado una palabra obscena o irreligiosa, era inmediatamente depuesto del cargo. Si se hacía así con los profesores, ¡imaginad qué severidad se usaba con los alumnos indisciplinados o escandalosos! ».92
" STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 462ss.
U La disposición fue confirmada por la Circular del 12 de julio de 1871, la cual precisaba que era competencia de los ayuntamientos el hacer impartir la instrucción religiosa por los maestros o por otras personas declaradas idóneas para ello. Sobre las dos circulares de Correnti y, más en general, sobre la política perseguida por Correnti como responsable de la Instrucción Pública, cf. B. PISA, Cesare Correnti e il dibattito sulla laicitá dell'insegnamento, en «Rassegna Storica del Risorgimento» 62 (1975) 212-229, y las referencias en mi trabajo, Educazione e scuola nel programma dell'Opera dei Congressi, p. 426-427.
MO 54.
Pero mucho más profundas debieron de ser las preocupaciones de don Bosco en 1877 cuando, poco después de la llamada revolución parlamentaria, el gobierno de la Izquierda guiado por Depretis promulgaba, por iniciativa del ministro de Instrucción pública, Coppino, dos leyes que daban un ulterior empujón a la secularización de la escuela: la ley del 23 de junio, que disponía la abolición de los directores espirituales en los gimnasios, en los bachilleratos y en los institutos técnicos, y la ley del 15 de julio que no reconocía la religión entre las materias constitutivas de la instrucción elemental, avalando de esta manera el régimen introducido por Corren-ti." Don Bosco se confirmaba, una vez más, en la idea de que no sólo estaba en peligro el joven pobre y abandonado, sino todo muchacho que, junto a la fragilidad de la edad, debía ahora pagar un fuerte escote a una sociedad que iba marginando los valores religiosos.
Los viajes, que desde hacía algún tiempo llevaba a cabo en Europa visitando las casas salesianas, le hacían ver que la condición de los jóvenes en difi.. cultad, en el sentido precisado aquí, era una condición muy difundida, pues los problemas de los muchachos de Turín, Génova y Roma se presentaban no muy diversos de aquellos de sus coetáneos que vivían en París, Marsella o Barcelona. Don Bosco tenía la impresión de que la sociedad de los varios países europeos estaba, aunque fuera por motivos e itinerarios diversos, alejándose rápidamente de la religión como elemento unificador de la vida personal y colectiva, y pensaba que todos los muchachos — sobre todo los de las grandes aglomeraciones urbanas donde los tradicionales controles sociales desaparecían más fácilmente que en los ambientes rurales — estaban, aunque en forma diversa, igualmente expuestos al riesgo de crecer no sólo fuera de las verdades cristianas, sino también alejados de todo sano criterio moral. En este momento, para el sacerdote píamontés, el problema educativo comenzó a unirse cada vez más al de la regeneración de la sociedad y, en el caso de las misiones, al de la civilización de los pueblos. Don Bosco, en la medida en que tomaba conciencia de las graves dificultades con que se encontraba la juventud, en esa misma medida se convencía de que, una vez socorridos y ayudados los jóvenes en el plano religioso además del humano, se habrían puesto también las premisas para una renovación de la misma sociedad. A este propósito, es sugerente la experiencia misionera salesiana sobre la que el fundador llamaba la atención en la carta dirigida al card. Franchi el 13 diciembre 1877." Llegados a América latina, los misioneros salesianos habían creído oportuno no situarse en medio de los llamados «salvajes», sino en los confines de los pueblos civilizados, fundando allí iglesias, escuelas, hospicios para instruir a «aquellos indios que la religión o la necesidad hubiesen movido a buscar asilo entre los cristianos».
93 Sobre las iniciativas legislativas de Coppino y, más en general, sobre la política escolar de la Izquierda, cf. A. TALAMANC.A, Liberta della scuola e liberta nella scuola, Padova, Cedam 1975, p. 202ss.; M. BENDISCIOLI, La Sinistra storica e la scuola, en «Studium» 73 (1977) 447-466; PAZZA GLIA, Educazione e scuola nel programma dell'Opera dei Congressi, p. 438ss.
" EJE, 256-261.
" La razón de esta opción era la de hacer que los indios, integrados de este modo en la civilización cristiana, llegasen a ser, a su vez, educadores y evangelizadores de sus tribus: «contraer relaciones con los padres por medio de los hijos, con el fin de que los salvajes llegaran a ser evangelizadores de los mismos salvajes ».96
Se podría decir que don Bosco creía que se debía pensar en un criterio análogo para proceder a la regeneración de la sociedad. El camino que permitiría volver a colocar en el centro de la vida colectiva los valores morales y religiosos consistía en volver a acercar a tales valores a las nuevas generaciones. Pero entonces cobra un sentido más preciso la misma línea con la cual don Bosco, poco después de las vicisitudes del 48, y también en la última década de su vida, declaró que quería estar alejado de la política. En realidad (como él mismo tendría, al fin, que admitir), su empeño, sobre todo en esa última fase de la vida, se cargó de inflexiones civiles y latamente políticas, al menos allí donde trataba de hacer hincapié en la educación como instrumento fundamental de transformación social. El 31 de mayo de 1883 escribía a los Cooperadores de la ciudad de Turín: «¿Queréis que os sugiera un trabajo relativamente fácil, muy ventajoso y fecundo de los más amplios resultados? Pues bien, trabajad en torno a la buena educación de la juventud, especialmente de aquella más pobre y abandonada, que es la más numerosa, y vosotros lograréis razonablemente dar gloria a Dios, procurar el bien de la Religión, salvar muchas almas y cooperar eficazmente a la reforma, al bienestar de la sociedad civil; pues la razón, la Religión, la historia y la experiencia demuestran que la sociedad religiosa y civil será buena o mala, sergún sea buena o mala la juventud que ahora nos rodea»." El discurso mostraba lo que don Bosco tenía en su mente para la transformación social: una obra que, precisamente a través de la educación, debía poner a todos los jóvenes, especialmente a los pobres y abandonados, en condiciones de atender dignamente a su vida; pero cuyo objetivo último era el de promover la máxima difusión de los valores ético-religiosos, respetando a las autoridades públicas y las estructuras sociopolíticas constituidas.
Naturalmente con vistas a esta obra dirigida, en perspectiva misionera, a llevar «la parola della vita eterna» a pueblos enteros; y, en la perspectiva de la regeneración de las sociedades tradicionalemente cristianas, era necesario poder contar con energías e instrumentos adecuados para reproducir y para consolidar los valores ético-religiosos perdidos o debilitados. La conciencia de la amplitud del empeño llevaba a don Bosco a fundar una organización de Cooperadores con el fin de que, colaborando con las finalidades de la Sociedad salesiana, recogiesen a los muchachos de la calle y tratasen de transformarlos en buenos cristianos y honestos ciudadanos. Don Bosco, sin embargo, no se pararía aquí y, en vista de la realización de su proyecto, habría de buscar la ayuda de círculos de personas cada vez más amplios. Consideraciones de oportunidad y de conciencia de la insuficiencia de su obra, hacían comprender a don Bosco que, lejos de encerrarse en las propias instituciones, convenía dirigir sus pasos hacia un esfuerzo unido de iniciativas que, más allá de sus características especificas, estuviesen coligadas por la misma preocupación cari. tativo — educativa: «no entendemos — precisaba en un manifiesto de 1877 a los Cooperadores — que éste sea el único medio de hacer el bien en medio de la sociedad civil; al contrario, nosotros aprobamos y ensalzamos altamente a todas las instituciones, uniones, asociaciones públicas o privadas que tienden a beneficiar a la humanidad» 98 Pero, a cierto punto, su ansia educativa le llevó a cultivar la idea de un movimiento de Cooperadores en el cual hasta tendría que reconocerse la cristiandad entera.99
9, E III, 257. E III, 257.
" BS 7 (1883) 7, 104.
Por lo que se refiere a los instrumentos, en esta última fase, don Bosco hacía ver que ya no estaba ligado de forma prevalente, y mucho menos exclusiva, a la experiencia del colegio. Daba la impresión de querer hacer fructificar todas las oportunidades formativas que, gradualmente, había proyectado y actuado. La cosa se explica, ciertamente, con el hecho de que, encontrándose la Sociedad salesiana empeñada en varios frentes para responder a múltiples necesidades educativas, no existía una fórmula que, por principio, debiera prevalecer sobre las otras: en ciertos casos podía estar bien el colegio; en otros, el oratorio o la escuela nocturna. Pero a uno se le ocurre pensar que, durante estos últimos años, don Bosco tendía a revisar también algunas perspectivas, más generales, como, por ejemplo, la visión con la cual — coincidiendo con el momento de la «colegialización» — había terminado por concebir la relación educativa sobre la falsilla de una asistencia físicamente cercana y continua, y que, debiendo mantener con los mismos jóvenes dirigidos por él relaciones más bien discontinuas — a causa de los numerosos viajes fuera de Turín —, valorizase también, ahora, un tipo de «presencia amorosa y preventiva» más matizada, aunque igualmente partícipe.m)
Pero, sobre todo, se hacía cada vez más profunda la persuasión de que la tarea educativa consistía en hacer de cada muchacho un hombre maduro P. Braido diría un «uomo tradizionale rinnovato »—, de modo que, de «destinatario del proyecto» llegase a ser, al fin, el «protagonista-operador» de la reconstrucción de la sociedad cristiana.'" Respecto a este tema, son interesantes las múltiples conferencias que don Bosco fue dando a los Cooperadores y que el «Bollettino Salesiano» registraba puntualmente: «La limosna — decía en un encuentro de 1881 — se extiende al cuerpo y al alma, a la sociedad y a la religión, al tiempo y a la eternidad. [...] Se extiende a la sociedad doméstica y porque los citados muchachos, si son aptos para un taller, con el tiempo, se harán capaces para proveer un honesto sustento a su propia familia, y con su industria y actividad proporcionarán un no pequeño beneficio a la sociedad; si además se dedican al estudio de las ciencias y de las letras, se harán útiles a la sociedad con las obras del ingenio, o con este o aquel empleo civil. y después, tanto los unos como los otros, estando no sólo instruidos, sino — lo que es más importante —, sabiamente educados, serán siempre una garantía de moralidad y de buen orden entre el pueblo».'" La insistencia con la cual don Bosco daba tanto relieve a la limosna nacía, ciertamente, de la preocupación de subrayar la amplia gama de efectos benéficos que la caridad tiene ya sobre la tierra antes que en el cielo; pero, al mismo tiempo, hacía transparentar la intención profunda con la que él se ocupaba de la obra que sus benefactores le permitían realizar: aquella obra servía para promover el crecimiento humano-religioso, no sólo de cada persona particular, sino también de la sociedad en todas sus expresiones.
98 BS 3 (1877) 8, 2.
" BRAIDO, Il progetto operativo di don Bosco, p. 33-34.
m° Podría ser útil, quizás, leer desde esta óptica toda la producción literaria (libros, discursos, cartas) del último don Bosco.
BitAIDO, Il progetto operativo di don Bosco, p. 24; MILANESI, Sistema preventivo, p. 163-164.
102 BS 5 (1881) 12, 5.
Todo acontece como si San Juan Bosco fuese .el objeto de una representación paradójica: por una parte, en efecto, se le conoce y celebra por todas partes como un gran educador, es decir, un profesional de calidad excepcional, cuyo ejemplo se presenta suficientemente fecundo como para dinamizar e inspirar aún hoy a los institutos religiosos y a la familia espiritual que proceden de él.
Por otra parte, sin embargo, se duda en reconocerlo como un verdadero «pedagogo», en otorgarle un concepto de educación que le haga merecedor de situarse con todo derecho entre los de su siglo. Se le pinta y se le mira demasiado exclusivamente como sujeto de un carisma propio, que deriva de la gracia y de su santidad. No se atiende al modo con que, más allá de su persona, sus ideas se sitúan en la historia de las ideas y su problemática en las de su tiempo, valorando mal la novedad que él aporta.
Es esta imagen contrapuesta y, sin duda poco acertada, la que interesa intentar corregir. Después de haber precisado las razones y las condiciones de este intento, nos esforzaremos en determinar bien lo que, en relación con las corrientes dominantes de su época, especifica tanto la función que él asigna a la educación y los atributos que exige para que se dé, como el conocimiento del que esta actividad constituye el objeto.'
Si, a pesar de algunos progresos recientes, se da en Francia una gran pobreza en la investigación sobre la historia de la pedagogía, en el caso de San Juan Bosco se trata de una verdadera exclusión. Todas las obras clásicas coinciden en que no dicen nada de él.
No es erróneo imputar este silencio al laicismo dominante que, en muchas publicaciones francesas, oculta parcialmente y a veces ampliamente, la visión de la historia de la pedagogía. Pero, a pesar de que sea parcialmente inevitable, esta interpretación no es del todo completa. De hecho, si muchos salesianos italianos se han dedicado a ello minuciosamente, los mismos salesianos franceses, excepción hecha de don Desramaut, parece que han estado menos atentos a este aspecto de la obra del Fundador, o bien han adoptado un estilo más hagiográfico y edificante que histórico y científico.
Para una presentación más amplia de este argumento, cf. G. AVANZJNI (ed.), Education et pédagogie chez don Bosco. Colloque interuniversitAire, Lyon 4-7 april 1988, Paris, Fleurus 1989, p.55-93:
Esta abstención depende también, no hay duda, del hecho de que su pensamiento es de difícil acceso y no se puede identificar con facilidad. No se presenta a la manera clásica. Su formulación fragmentaria y la ausencia de una obra de síntesis no ayudan a percibir su unidad. No alcanza a situarse a la altura de las corrientes universitarias o de los discursos políticos de su tiempo sobre la educación. Sus historiadores se preguntan, por consiguiente, sobre la misma legitimidad de una formalización demasiado rígida y sobre el carácter que hay que dar, en este campo, a sus textos: curiosamente don Anffray se pregunta si se trata de verdad de un «sistema» — término usado por el mismo don Bosco —, de una «doctrina», de un «método». ¿Sería entonces un «gran educador», dado que no es un «pedagogo»?
Todo esto exige el esfuerzo de caracterizar mejor la aportación de don Bosco a su siglo, de comprender si su especificidad logra explicar la marginación de que es víctima, las divergencias que se advierten entre sus intérpretes y el retraso que caracteriza su estudio por los prejuicios apuntados.
La primera pregunta que hay que hacerse se refiere a las razones que movieron a este sacerdote italiano del siglo XIX a educar y a querer educar, en vez de a otras actividades pastorales. ¿Cómo justifica esta opción? En otros términos, ¿qué función atribuye a la educación? ¿Qué espera obtener como finalidad?
Su percepción, limitada pero intensa, de las consecuencias que la situación social en los Estados Sardos, en Piamonte, en Liguria, tiene sobre la juventud de su tiempo y de las medidas que exige, podría conducirlo a dos estrategias divergentes: en la primera, la renovación y el desarrollo de la educación suponen el mejor, si no el único, medio; todo progreso duradero de la sociedad pasa por el progreso de las personas y de él depende. Caldeada por numerosos filósofos, esta estrategia estuvo ya en el origen de la fundación de varias órdenes o congregaciones dedicadas a los jóvenes, en el surco de la tradición tridentina. En la segunda, un cambio en la educación no puede ser el primer medio, porque es el poder político el que impone a la educación sus objetivos y no viceversa. El poder político confisca la educación y la mueve según sus propios fines. De aquí la inutilidad de los intentos de autorrenovación de la educación. Precisamente este último concepto es el que domina en el siglo XIX, sobre todo en su segunda mitad. Anima a los que militan para instaurar la democracia: de ella, piensan, depende la adopción de una legislación escolar progresista, capaz, a su vez, de reforzar su posición. Y así, en Italia, los liberales no esperan un desarrollo de la instrucción sin una previa evolución política y hasta constitucional, como no esperan inducir ésta a partir de aquélla.
Podríamos suponer a un don Bosco partidario de intervenciones de orden político, tanto más que, bajo el reinado de Carlo Alberto, éstas se presentan posibles. Y, en cambio, no es así. No sólo no las aconseja, sino que las desaconseja firmemente, condena repetidamente las actividades que se inspiran en ellas, prohíbe a sus religiosos tomar parte en ellas, y en varias ocasiones manifiesta que estas prohibiciones deberían figurar en las Constituciones de su Instituto. No admite más que las iniciativas de orden social y educativo.
Este rechazo es plenamente coherente con el conjunto de su pensamiento. Es más, parece que su pensamiento lo exige. Éste no depende, como podría parecer a simple vista, del factor coyuntural que es la cuestión romana. Está motivado por la reserva que le produce la mentalidad de los militantes políticos. Mientras recomendaba vivamente reformas sociales, don Bosco tiene horror al espíritu de protesta y de polémica. Teme que las ideas democráticas, a pesar de su confianza inicial en algún movimiento cristiano respecto de ellas, lleven a consecuencias nocivas y alcancen, con efecto perverso, a favorecer más bien el liberalismo, el socialismo y el anticlericalismo. Sin embargo, y más todavía, la valoración de lo político supone a sus ojos el peligro de una supervaloración de lo temporal; lo esencial no es este mundo, sino el otro. En este sentido, un énfasis abusivo sobre la felicidad terrena y el planteamiento material de la vida serían un error, porque actuarían en detrimento del único fin verdaderamente válido, la conquista de la eternidad. La alienación verdadera es de orden espiritual y no económico. La supervaloración de lo político podría inducir a situar el fin último aquí abajo, mientras que consiste en ganarse
el cielo.
Excluida de este modo la militancia política, don Bosco se adhiere fervorosamente a la corriente que privilegia la educación: sólo ésta permite hacer conocer, amar e interiorizar las ideas que lo merecen, según una sana jerarquía de valores. Por consiguiente, asigna a la educación una doble finalidad, de las que la primera es de orden rigurosamente espiritual: enseñar la Verdad en materia de Fe y Moral, para ayudar al hombre a construir su salvación, mientras que la segunda es la de «formare onesti cittadini», dotados de una cualificación profesional que, sobre todo tratándose de cualificación artesanal, permite su inserción social. Un sujeto que posee una profesión está, en efecto, menos expuesto que uno en paro a las tentaciones y a desviaciones.
Una doctrina así le aleja de la pedagogía de su tiempo, aun la católica. También esta última quiere que la educación tienda a -la salvación, pero de hecho hay una divergencia acerca del papel que se atribuye al planteamiento de la vida terrena, y por tanto a la acción temporal y, a fortiori, a los compromisos o medias medidas que algunos, supervalorando los objetivos demasiado humanos, parecen admitir. Don Bosco teme que el compromiso que se aplica en la edificación de la ciudad terrena atenúe, relativice y hasta margine el compromiso que sólo merece la ciudad de Dios.
Esta voluntad sería, con todo, todavía vana si el sujeto mismo no estuviese en condiciones de beneficiarse de ella. Se la debe acompañar, pues, implícita o explícitamente, con el postulado de que es educable, es decir, maleable y perfectible. En la idea de don Bosco, el sujeto goza de una fuerza extraordinaria, que contrasta vigorosamente con las imágenes corrientes de su época. Y tanto más exige que se le explicite cuanto más aparece a primera vista paradójico, quimérico: los que él quiere elevar y salvar son marginados, desadaptados, delincuentes, corrompidos, a veces pervertidos, es decir, los que la sociología y la psicología de la época consideran como «irrecuperables», incurables. A despecho de todo eso, pues, que le tenía que haber disuadido de creer en su recuperación, don Bosco se obstina en afirmarlo posible y rechaza todo fatalismo, sobre cualquier doctrina, opinión o experiencia que pretenda justificarlo.
Esta confianza en el otro no es más que un aspecto de la confianza en el Dios que confía a cada uno, aunque de manera diferenciada, talentos. Los talentos que cada uno debe aprender a descubrir para que pueda usarlos y de los que necesita que le ayuden a hacerlo. Una confianza que no tiene nada de rousseauniano. No es confianza en la bondad de la «naturaleza», idea de la que desconfía fuertemente, sino en la del Creador, del que las criaturas son imágenes auténticas. Por consiguiente, su «espiritualidad», como la ha analizado muy bien don Desramaut, no es sólo un aspecto singular o local de su pensamiento, sino el centro fundador de su doctrina sobre la educabilidad. Él rechaza, pues, las representaciones fixistas o fatalistas alimentadas por la imaginación común en su tiempo y por las teorizaciones anteriores a la psicología dinámica, dispuestas a afirmar la intangibilidad del capital intelectual como justificativo de la igualdad de las posibilidades, el estatuto «natural» de las cualidades y sobre todo de los defectos de cada uno y, hasta el carácter «constitucional» de las perversiones de algunos y la situación hereditaria de sus «taras» para justificar, con estos estereotipos, rigor y represión.
Para conseguir estas multas, Don Bosco no se encuentra ni en la garantía ni incondicionalmente de la escuela. Aunque todavía no hay una exploración sistemática de su postura sobre este punto, en el estado actual de la investigación podemos considerarla fundamentalmente ambivalente. Convencido de que el progreso del conocimiento lleva consigo el de la conducta, para que podamos frecuentar la escuela y recibir una formación general y, al mismo tiempo, profesional, tanto para su estructuración intelectual como para la evolución social. Por eso, las instituciones académicas, el modo especial, la práctica y la enseñanza técnica, el pensamiento en la alfabetización de los adolescentes analfabetos, el manual de aritmética y, más ampliamente,
Debe, sin embargo, no está todavía generalizada, todavía que, en todo caso, se deja en las puertas de la adolescencia y se ha beneficiado de ella, exponiendo a los peligros que se derivan de la falta de algún elemento protector. Entre la infancia y la edad adulta, el momento del matrimonio, hay que proporcionarles uno uno, para que superen con éxito esa laguna peligrosa. Además, ¿qué es lo general y lo que es más fácil y más fácil que nunca y qué no? ¿Qué es lo mejor? ¿No se le pedirá cada vez más fines temporales, ¿Qué se puede hacer con los intereses individuales y promover el espíritu de crítica cuando no hasta el laicismo? ¿No hay demasiada importancia en el estudio de la civilización greco-latina, vehículo de una ideología pagana del hombre?
Él disocia, pues, fe en la educación y la confianza en la escuela. Si comparte con muchos otros el deseo de difundir la cultura, no pensar en los mismos destinatarios y es sensible a la insuficiencia coyuntural y la ambigüedad esencial de esa exigencia. Esquematizando un poco más de lo que nos está permitido, podríamos decir que su proyecto es educar adolescentes desadaptados del ambiente urbano, mientras que las pedagogías dominantes se preocupan más bien de los niños y adolescentes.
La imagen de sus sujetos. Para eso funcionó durante su vida: para fundar esas instituciones. Y como el cometido emprendido supera las posibilidades de una sola persona, tanto más cuanto que el servicio que desea debe prolongar después de él, tiene que ser también un asuma un estatuto capaz de garantizar la continuidad y la estabilidad. De aquí el deseo de asociar a los cooperadores salesianos y más si es posible: fundar un Instituto.
Estas respuestas parecen ser contradictorias. En primer lugar, estas actividades aparecen radicalmente originales, en la medida que en la época primaria y pasiones se centran enteramente en la escuela primaria. Una mirada más atenta podría ser una manifestación más de interés que muchos sacerdotes y religiosos de la época tienen sobre el fenómeno de la urbanización y la proletarizadón y la miseria moral de los adolescentes desadaptados o en el camino de estarlo. Todas estas iniciativas son todavía deplorablemente poco conocidas. Quedan por integrar en la historia de la educación y por el estudio de las problemáticas de orden educacional. Pero son numerosas. Hace falta, no obstante, subrayando la originalidad del método: en esto don Bosco es fundamentalmente innovador. Sin duda que se guarda mucho como el "inventor" del "sistema preventivo" que contrapone al "sistema represivo". Tanto por modestia como por desarmar la desconfianza hostil que una afirmación demasiado brutal de su originalidad pudiera suscitar. En su «prudencia», busca patronos: San Alfonso de Ligorio, San Felipe Neri, San Francisco de Sales, mons. Dupanloup, etc. Pero, de hecho, aquí su originalidad es total y más allá de los detalles, depende de la valoración de un afecto, un miedos, un afecto no fingido, simulado o afectado, sino sentido. San Alfonso de Ligorio, San Felipe Neri, San Francisco de Sales, mons. Dupanloup, etc. Pero, de hecho, aquí su originalidad es total y más allá de los detalles, depende de la valoración de un afecto, un miedos, un afecto no fingido, simulado o afectado, sino sentido. San Alfonso de Ligorio, San Felipe Neri, San Francisco de Sales, mons. Dupanloup, etc. Pero, de hecho, aquí su originalidad es total y más allá de los detalles, depende de la valoración de un afecto, un miedos, un afecto no fingido, simulado o afectado, sino sentido.
Don Bosco introduce aquí una verdadera rotura; no tiene miedo de la amistad; asume sus riesgos; Quiere que se demuestre y no sea simulada; No hay un consejo exclusivo para adultos, sino también un rótulo. descubre un modelo difícil, por lo que se refiere a los resultados.
Muchos de los que reconocen el papel preventivo de la educación. Otros no se repiten en el mismo, pero sólo porque no se cree en la seducción del mal o sacralizan todas las inclinaciones del niño; Es la tentación de un cierto optimismo naturalista de tipo rousseauniano. Por su parte, don Bosco quiere una función preventiva de la educación y el método igualmente preventivo. Don Vecchi lo afirma de modo excelente: «Hablar de educación como la prevención viene antes que hablar de la prevención en la educación».
Tenemos que ir más adelante todavía, reconociendo a don Bosco un concepto nuevo del tipo de saber del que la educación puede ser o llegar a ser objeto. Según nos parece, propuso verdaderamente una «pedagogía», es decir, una reflexión organizada sobre la educación; es, por tanto, un «pedagogo» en el sentido más pleno y exigente del término, y no sólo un «educador».
Ante todo, hace falta reconocer en él una «teoría» o, por lo menos, una aproximación teórica: al distinguir entre sistema represivo y sistema preventivo, entiende exponer — de modo universalmente válido en su forma limite modalidades de regulación de las exigencias educativas a través del tiempo y el espacio. Traza un esquema explicativo alrededor del cual se podría construir una interpretación global de la historia.
Sin embargo, no se contenta con describir; no es ésta su principal preocupación. Quiere prescribir: finalidades, normas, principios, un ideal. Quiere justificar el recurso al sistema preventivo desvelando sus razones. Nos encontramos, si no ante una doctrina, sí ante una aproximación de orden doctrinal.
En función de estas normas, y de modo consecuente, organiza un método, enunciando, no sin detalle, el procedimiento de aplicación. No indica sólo el porqué, sino también cómo utilizarlo; se asegura de que se siga de verdad en las casas de su Congregación, llama la atención firmemente sobre su oportunidad y advierte a los que lo olvidan. No lo presenta como empírico, sino que lo conecta explícitamente con sus principios.
Por último, al deliberar sobre dos parámetros del acto educativo (finalidad y figura del sujeto), al inventar las instituciones y los métodos que le parecen exigir éstas, al hacer surgir de entre todas estas variables de naturaleza heterogénea una coherencia interior; una solidaridad intercondicionada e interagente, crea un «sistema». Y la acepción moderna que ha recibido esta acepción gracias a la aproximación sistemática no pone en absoluto en tela de juicio, al contrario, confirma la legitimidad de esta denominación que él mismo le dio.
Es verdad que su esquema es radicalmente diferente del que estaba en vigencia y trataba de prevalecer en su tiempo. No podemos reconocer en él ni un vocabulario normalizado, ni un tratamiento universitario, ní anotaciones de orden metodológico sobre el procedimiento seguido, ni consideraciones de orden epistemológico sobre la validez del conocimiento adquirido. Extraño por eso mismo a la tradición académica, a sus expectativas y sus exigencias, su esquema no se presta a un crédito de este tipo. Además, valorando la relación interpersonal, percibida como condición de toda eficacia, no participa del deseo, creciente entonces entre los «pedagogos», de elaborar métodos intrínsecamente buenos, es decir, una didáctica válida por sí misma, y cuya eficacia sería, en paralelo con competencia técnica, independiente de la calidad relacional de los que la utilizan. Queda así, pues, extraño al vasto movimiento que, bajo el influjo conjunto de la extensión de las ciencias de la naturaleza y de la filosofía de Comte, surge a lo largo del siglo XIX y crece incesantemente en la perspectiva de establecer aquella «ciencia de la educación» que en Francia y en Italia se convierte en objeto de enseñanzas universitarias específicas. Sin mencionarla, pero no sin conocerla, queda insensible ante la visión objetivista y hasta científica y ante la concepción experimentalista de la ciencia que se van imponiendo poco a poco en aquel tiempo. No alimenta el propósito muy bien ilustrado, por ejemplo, por la epistemología de Alfred Binet — de extender a la pedagogía la utilización de los procesos que Claude Bernard había aplicado con éxito a la biología. Sin asociarse, pues, a la construcción de la nueva disciplina soñada por sus contemporáneos y posibles interlocutores, extraña a sus problemas y a la dinámica de sus trabajos, corría el peligro de no ser reconocido por ellos. Todo esto explica suficientemente el desconocimiento que tuvieron de él y que sus sucesores siguieron teniendo y tienen todavía.
Sin embargo, el método que hasta ayer provocó su desconocimiento bien podría ser hoy la razón de su modernidad. Podrá sorprender, pero lo que lo alejó de los teóricos de su tiempo es precisamente lo que lo hace aparecer a los del nuestro. ¿No es, en efecto, posible y obligado, aun forzando un poco los términos, descubrir en su esquema pedagógico los mismos rasgos que para H. Desroche definen la «investigación-acción» ?¿No es tal vez licito descubrir un esbozo de ello en el deseo de hacer pasar la acción a objeto de estudio para iluminar su sentido, hacer crecer su eficacia y transformarla en material para una ciencia? ¿No adoptó, qni7á, don Bosco, a su modo, la «metodología de la distanciación», es decir y en resumen, el procedimiento hoy más ensalzado — y tal vez el más oportuno — de la investigación pedagógica? Según nuestro parecer, todo esto sitúa y confirma su actualidad y debe otorgarle en pedagogía un puesto eminente.
Ch. Delorme distingue entre «modelos generalizables» y «modelos comunicables», es decir, «suficientemente teorizados como para que se puedan proponer en otros lugares de formación, adaptados a su contexto particular, pero también intercambiados y confrontados con otras propuestas también ellas modelizadas». Don Bosco es un autor típico de un modelo «comunicable». Es fácil verlo: Don Bosco se diferencia de su siglo en puntos decisivos. Se aleja, sobre todo, por el papel que atribuye a la educación y por las finalidades a las que quiere llegar a través de ella, como también por su percepción de la educabilidad. Difiere, pues, por su ambivalencia a propósito de la escuela y por su voluntad de promover otro tipo de institución que, por consiguiente, considera más apta para el trabajo social que hay que hacer con adolescentes en peligro y, en sentido más amplio, con los jóvenes en su conjunto. Se distingue, sobre todo, por un método que, por la opción refleja de la que es objeto en función deliberada de los objetivos que deben alcanzarse, autoriza a hablar de «sistema» preventivo. Se distancia, por último, al dar implícitamente al nuevo saber que produce sobre la educación un estatuto irreducible tanto a un empirismo improvisador como a una cienriflcidad objetivista.
Esta especificidad multidireccional explica, sin duda, la marginación que ha debido sufrir, pero no constituye ni el índice de un retraso, ni la señal de una debilidad, ni el efecto de una laguna. Deriva de la lucidez anticipadora de miras a la que se debe la acogida hoy ya mundial que la fidelidad inventiva de su familia espiritual le ha sabido adquirir. Fidelidad que don Desramaut muestra en marcha, sobre todo en el Oratorio Saint Fierre en Niza o en el orfanato Jesús Adolescente de Nazaret. Son precisamente estas miradas las que justifican y exigen que este educador, incomprendido y desconocido por el siglo XIX, introducido por fin en el campo de la investigación universitaria, sea, junto a los más grandes, descubierto y reconocido como un pedagogo del siglo XX.
El Oratorio es la primera obra educativa que promueve don Bosco, primero en colaboración con otros sacerdotes y, después, como principal animador en Turín, en los años 40, como respuesta práctica a exigencias religiosas y educativas inmediatas y concretas. El objetivo primario del Oratorio fue cuidarse de los jóvenes, sobre todo de los «abandonados y en peligro», con el fin de salvar sus almas y hacerlos crecer como ciudadanos honrados. El Oratorio es, con su característico y polivalente entretejido de actividades, el resultado de una progresiva sedimentación de experiencias y de intentos y, no menos, el éxito de la asimilación personal por parte de don Bosco de iniciativas ya llevadas a efecto, y al mismo tiempo que él, y de actividades educativo-populares vivas en muchos ambientes turineses de aquellos años. Esta aportación pretende ofrecer algún punto de estudio en orden a la fase de constitución del Oratorio entendido como «reunión festiva» para los jóvenes, que se puede considerar ya superada al comenzar el decenio 1850-1860.
Los comienzos del Oratorio, antes de su establecimiento oficial en diciembre de 1844 en el Rifugio de la marquesa de Barolo (donde había comenzado don Bosco a colaborar con el teólogo Borel) fueron sumamente sencillos y austeros: no mucho más que una instrucción religiosa esencial, acompañada por las prácticas del buen cristiano y algún complemento recreativo, todo ello animado por la disponibilidad de don Bosco para establecer con los jóvenes que se le acercaban una relación educativa amistosa.1 Las catequesis a los jóvenes que por diversas razones no iban a las escuelas de doctrina en las parroquias, eran desde hacía tiempo una de las actividades pastorales a las que se orientaba a los jóvenes sacerdotes del Convitto que dirigía el teólogo Guala con don Cafasso. Esta costumbre, unida a la impresión que le causó a don Bosco la gran ciudad, supuso una experiencia notable en su vida de joven sacerdote, comprometido en una respuesta personal a la vocación religiosa. Cuando, una vez completados los estudios, se trasladó al Rzfugio, llevó consigo al grupo de jóvenes que giraban a su alrededor, señal de que su experiencia se había consolidado ya superando la práctica normal del Convitto.
«Per venire a qualche prova cominciarono a farsi appositi catechismi nelle carceri di questa capitale e poco dopo nella sacrestia della atiesa di S. Francesco d'Assisi; e quindi si diede principio alle radunanze festive. Ivi erano invitati quelli che uscivano dalle carceri e quelli che luogo la settimana si andavano qua e lá sulle piazze, nelle vie e anche nelle officine raccogliendo. Racconti morali e religiosi, canti di laude sacre, piccoli regali, alcuni trastulli erano gil amminicoli che si usavano per trattenerli ne' giorni festivi» (G. Bosco, Cenni storici, en: P. BRAIDO, Don Bosco per i giovani: l'«Oratorio». Una «Congregazione degli Oratori». Documenti, Roma, LAS 1988, p. 58). Cf. también: G. Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo, p. 84-86.
La hospitalidad de la marquesa de Barolo supuso tal vez la primera ocasión para dar al Oratorio naciente un mínimo de organización y ampliar sus actividades. Es probable que, por ejemplo, don Bosco y el teólogo Borel enriqueciesen con juegos y multiplicasen las iniciativas para atraer a los jóvenes, pero los hechos difíciles que se dieron entre el verano de 1845 y la primavera de 1846 no favorecieron una continuidad sistemática.
Sin la ayuda del arsenal memorial salesiano (en amplia medida dependiente de los recuerdos de don Bosco y comprensiblemente orientado a describir en términos románticos aquellos acontecimientos lejanos) es difícil verificar a partir de los pocos documentos disponibles la consistencia real y la organización del. primer Oratorio, especialmente entre 1844 y 1846. La misma carta, también importante, enviada en marzo de 1846 al marqués Michele Benso di Cavour, vicario de la ciudad de Turín, por don Bosco, para informarle del establecimiento de las actividades en fecha próxima, animadas y guiadas por él junto al teólogo Borel en la casa Pinardi, ofrece escasa ayuda. En el escrito, don Bosco, al tanto de experiencias anteriores,' acentuaba evidentemente la perspectiva catequística de las reuniones de los jóvenes,' sin omitir (y tal vez ampliando un poco) los resultados positivos alcanzados hasta entonces.'
Alguna precisión ulterior nos viene de un breve artículo aparecido algunas
2 Se trata de las protestas que, en el otoño 1845, después de la primera autorización, impidieron al Oratorio «itinerante» el uso de la iglesia de «S. Martino dei Molazzi». Acerca de este episodio y de las vicisitudes de la primavera y verano de aquel año, cf. la reconstrucción de F. Morro, L'«oratorio» di don Bosco presso il cimitero di S. Pietro, en RSS 7 (1986) 199-220.
3 «Lo scopo di questo Catechismo si é di raccogliere nei giorni festivi quei giovani che abbandonati a se stessi non intervengono ad alcuna Chiesa per l'istruzione, il che si fa prendendoli alle buone con parole, promesse, regali e simili. L'insegnamento si riduce precisamente a questo: 1° Amore al lavoro; 2°) Frequenza dei santi sacramenti; 3°) Rispetto ad ogni superioritá; 4°) Fuga dei cattivi compagni» (Una lettera "storica" del 1846 selle origini dell'Oratorio [Don Bosco al Marqués Benso di Cavour, vicario di Cittá a Torino], en: BRAIDO, Don Bosco per i giovani, p. 169170).
«Nello spazio di tre anni pió di venti abbracriarono lo stato religioso, sei studiano il latino per intraprendere la carriera ecdesiastica, molti altri ridotti al buoni sentimenti frequentano le rispettive parrocchie. 11 che é molto considerevole attesa la qualitá dei giovani i quali comunemente sono all'etá da dieci a sedici anni, sena principii di religione e di educazione, la maggior parte in preda al vizi e in procinto di dar motivo di pubbliche lagnanze o di essere posti nei luoghi di punizione» (Bosco, Lettera del 1846, p. 170).
semanas más tarde (junio 1846), en las «Letture di Famiglia», un periódico educativo-popular dirigido por Lorenzo Valerio. La nota dedicada a las «clases y diversiones para los jóvenes los domingos» citaba como ejemplos encoiniables (aun sin- nombrarlos expresamente) el caso de los oratorios de don Cocchi y de don Bosco. «También en nuestro Turín — escribían las "Letture" — muchos muchachitos andrajosos reciben cobijo e instrucción [...] gracias a una pequeña sociedad de jóvenes sacerdotes. Tomaron en alquiler dos pequeñas casas con jardín contiguo; una de ellas está cerca del Rzfugio de la marquesa de Barolo, más allá de Porta Palazzo, y la otra está situada hacia el Po y, si no me equivoco, en el nuevo barrio llamado de Vanchiglia. A estas dos casas acuden en gran cantidad los días de fiesta los verdaderos pobres, los verdaderos pillos de Turín y produce estupor el amor y la alegría con que lo hacen». El articulista anónimo no dejaba de decir quiénes eran los «veri birichini» de Turín: vendedores de cerillas, de billetes de lotería, aprendices, peones, criados, «en una palabra, de toda clase de oficios y de industria»5 y de explicar las diversas actividades que se realizaban eh los dos oratorios: «En primer lugar algunos fervorosos sacerdotes les dan una breve instrucción religiosa, se cantan salmos o cantos devotos, después se les da clase de educación, de moral y por último se les facilitan medios de diversión (en la del Po hay también ejercicio de gimnasia) y a veces se les da también algo de merienda».6
El breve escrito de las «Letture di Famiglia» — especialmente si se tiene en cuenta el contexto en el que salía publicado — constituye un documento interesante en la historia de los oratorios turineses, porque nos consiente establecer que hacia la mitad de 1846 tanto el oratorio de don Cocchi (que había dirigido el llamado del Ángel Custodio desde 1840) como el de don Bosco y el teólogo Borel (que en abril se había establecido en Valdocco) aparecían ante la opinión pública más atenta a los problemas de los ambientes populares, no sólo como simples lugares de instrucción religiosa, sino como estructuras más complejas de educación popular.
Don Bosco recuerda que el Oratorio de los primeros tiempos «era composto da scalpellini, muratori, stuccatori, selciatori, quadratori e di altri che venivano di lontani paesi» (MO 86). Se pueden consultar las observaciones que, sobre estas categorías de trabajadores, hace P. STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 104.
6 Scuole e sollazzi domen:kali pei poveri, en «Letture di Famiglia» 25 (1846) 196. Para colocar en la justa perspectiva la publicación de la breve alusión a los oratorios, es necesario precisar que la revista «Letture» había publicado en un número precedente un artículo sobre las «raggedschools» de Londres (Scuole di cenciosi in Londra 21 [1846] 161-162), lamentando que no se hubiera puesto en marcha, en Turín, ninguna iniciativa análoga. El artículo, debido al director de la revista, Lorenzo Valerio, se preguntaba, en efecto, si «la dasse dei fanciulli cui sono destinate le "ragged-schools° é ella nelle capitali italiane, avuto riguardo alfa popolazione, pió o mero, che non in Londra, numerosa? Noi nol sappiamo: certo non manca, e chi frequentó le sale di ricovero che la pietá torinese apriva nel rigidissimo inverno del 1845, ha potuto scorgere i volti squallidi, selvaggi e talora feroci, dei giovani e dei fanciulli cenciosi farsi a poco a poco pió mansueti [...]. Se non che, chiuse le sale dei soccorsi invernali, quei fanciulli tornavano alle abitudini, agli errori di prima [...]. Se l'opera dei soccorsi invernali non fosse cessata, se scuole simili a quelle sovradescritte esistessero a Torino, forse quei fanciulli non sarebbero ora clamad a una vita d'infamia».
Era sintomático que fuese precisamente el periódico dirigido por el dinámico director de la industria de seda de Aglié la que se ocupase de los oratorios. No sólo aquellos meses y aquellos años, sino desde tiempos de las «Letture Popolari», se había hecho portavoz de las más variadas iniciativas de educación popular. Pero algún tiempo antes había dado acogida a un amplio ensayo de Caí() Ignazio Giulio en el que, bajo el pseudónimo de Luca Ligorio, había sostenido la tesis de que para intervenir de modo eficaz en favor de los «niños abandonados por las calles», para sustraerlos a la «suciedad del cuerpo» y a la «más repugnante del alma» no bastaba la escuela, sino que hacía falta actuar también por medio de los «entretenimientos populares». Giulio pasaba lista a un buen número y los presentaba como «instrumentos validísimos para enderezar las tendencias feas»: el juego, la gimnasia, la enseñanza de la música vocal, el ejercicio del dibujo, el teatro de marionetas, los museos de historia natural y la exposición de máquinas industriales se presentaban así como tantas otras ocasiones capaces de animar con buenos sentimientos las clases populares y, sobre todo, a los muchachos dejados demasiado frecuentemente a su aire.'
El interés de don Cocchi, de don Bosco y de los otros sacerdotes que con ellos compartían el propósito de dedicarse a la juventud y sobre todo la novedad de su acercamiento, al menos por lo que se refería a la realidad de la capital, aparecía a los ojos de los filántropos liberales de las «Letture» como un episodio que merecía ser subrayado aunque la inspiración fundamental que animaba a los jóvenes sacerdotes entraba en la categoría de la caridad y la beneficencia. Tanto los unos como los otros, con diversos grados de conciencia, pertenecían al fervor general educativo-popular que animaba al Píamonte carlosalbertino a comienzos del decenio 1840-50, consecuencia igualmente, como se sabe, del complejo progreso de la vida económica que se tradujo, por un lado, en un creciente desarrollo de la vida ciudadana y, por otro, en una mejora general de la vida, pero con un no pequeño costo humano pagado por los estratos más débiles de la sociedad de aquel tiempo.
El acentuado interés de la sociedad piamontesa hacia los problemas de la educación del pueblo reflejaba preocupaciones y exigencias que entraban en todo ello, aunque el cuadro conceptual en que se daba era, en su conjunto, el de «instruir al pueblo» y «hacer pasar a las mentes del pueblo las ideas justas de las cosas», y no «tomar del pueblo sus mismas ideas, pocas, simples, indefinidas, exclusivas, imperfectas», según lo que escribía precisamente en aquellas semanas Rosmini en las páginas de «L'Educatore Primario ».8 En los ambientes
7 L. LIGORIO GIULI0], Dei trattenimenti popolari, en «Letture di Famiglia» 2 (1843)
9-11.
8 A. ROSMINI, Della vera popolaritá, en «L'Educatore Primario» 10 (1846) 148-150.
de la burguesía y de la nobleza liberalizante la «popularidad» iba unida a exigencias de orden social, primera e importante manifestación de la conciencia que se venía difundiendo en los ambientes más elevados respecto a las nuevas relaciones entre las clases, y la promoción de la escuela se entretejía con el deseo de una nueva cultura y de nuevos hábitos capaces de dar a los grupos que empezaban a aparecer caracteres que los reforzasen como potenciales clases dirigentes.
La tradición caritativa de los Cottolengo, de los Barolo y de las numerosas iniciativas sostenidas por el celo cristiano se proponían en primer lugar de modo tangible el valor de la caridad y del amor por el prójimo, uniéndolos en el plano educativo con el propósito de eliminar los procesos de descristiani7ación que se advertían como el paso previo al desorden moral y la revolución política. En los jóvenes sacerdotes, nacidos entre 1810 y 1820 y formados casi todos en la escuela del Convitto, que se comprometieron con los oratorios, la idea de pueblo iba estrechamente unida a la de «conversión» en el sentido que esta expresión había adquirido durante la Restauración, es decir, como respuesta religiosa explícita a los esfuerzos de los ilustrados y revolucionarios por crear un mundo sin Dios. El objetivo más urgente era el de acercar a las masas populares a las prácticas de los sacramentos y a las grandes devociones. Su modelo sacerdotal iba poco a poco alejándose del de cura-juez, atento principalmente a lo que bastaba para absolver de modo válido, al de cura-padre y pastor, capaz de incrementar en los fieles la vida de gracía: un sacerdote, - pues, cercano a la mentalidad, a las exigencias del pueblo que, aun sin indulgencias, era capaz de entenderlo y de hablar su propio lenguaje.
Los oratorios de don Cocchi y de don Bosco se desarrollaron precisamente en el cruce entre exigencias pastorales (la conversión del pueblo a través de esa nueva figura de sacerdote) y las necesidades educativo-populares (ayudar a la juventud sola, abandonada y sin guía y, por tanto, potencialmente en peligro y peligrosa a que mejorase para sí misma y para la sociedad). Educar religiosa y socialmente a los jóvenes significaba crear algunas premisas importantes para el desarrollo gradual y ordenado de la sociedad piamontesa. Como sabemos, la primera preocupación fue la de la catequesis y las prácticas religiosas. Don Cocchi se aventuró en el barrio de mala fama del Moschino, primera sede del oratorio del Ángel Custodio, con el fin de impartir instrucción religiosa a una categoría de muchachos que evitaba cumplir con este deber9 y no muy diferente, según hemos visto, del itinerario que emprendió don Bosco. Pero la atención religiosa se encontró muy pronto con necesidades humanas y educativas más complejas, de las que la primera e inmediata era evitar que los jóvenes se encontrasen solos los días festivos, fuente de «muchos vicios»: muchos jóvenes «que eran buenos, se hacían muy pronto peligrosos para sí y peligrosos
9 «Vi era nella parrocchia della SS. AnnunziAta una regione, ora scomparsa del tutto, detta il Moschino, scaglionata sulla riva sínistra del Po, dove in luridi abituri si annidava guamo vi era aflora in Torino di pió mí5erabile e pericoloso Era la nostra gentile popolazione. Colá, nel bel mezzo di quella gente, il Cocchi portó le sue tende, e fin dal 1840 aprl per quei ragazzi un Oratorio, che intitoló all'Angelo Custode [-I di la l'anno seguente, nel 1841, l'Oratorio venne trasportato in Vanchiglia pió verso fi centro, sotto una tettoia dell'orto dell'avvocato Bronsino, nel cui rustico cortile si eresse una cappella e si impiantó Il teatrino e la ginnastica, che era aflora per Tocino un'istituzione del unto nuova. Cola egli ricoverava tutti i ragazzi, che nei giorni festivi inter para los demás».10
Las responsabilidades de los sacerdotes se multiplicaron por ello y si don Cocchi recurrió a la gimnasia para entretener e interesar a los jóvenes, orientando según intentos educativos la fuerza física y el amor al desafío, don Bosco y el teólogo Borel se arreglaron con diversos tipos de juegos, con excursiones, con la lectura y un poco de instrucción. El estímulo de Cafasso, la benevolencia del arzobispo, la reflexión personal ayudaron a don Bosco a superar numerosas dificultades y también algunas incomprensiones de algunos ambientes. Sobre todo le permitieron llegar a algunas convicciones importantes, las experiencias que poco a poco iba teniendo y madurando en su estrecho contacto con los jóvenes: por ejemplo, el valor pedagógico del juego y de la fiesta, tan radicados en la mentalidad popular y en el gusto de los jóvenes. El juego y la fiesta eran momentos privilegiados para crear sentido de unión, familiaridad, amistad, y para facilitar la comunicación de valores humanos y religiosos. Igualmente importante fue el recurso (como ya hacía don Cocchí en Vanchiglia) a la colaboración de jóvenes bien formados y en condiciones de presentar, más allá de la importante ayuda prestada en la catequesis y en la animación del tiempo libre, un modelo pedagógico significativo para muchachos acostumbrados a ambientes y modos de vida muy diferentes!'
Otras dos importantes intuiciones se pueden considerar adquiridas ya por don Bosco en el momento en que el Oratorio se establece por fin en Valdocco. La primera se refiere a la estructura flexible con la que plantea el oratorio: ni parroquial (como en el fondo era la experiencia de don Cocchi), ni interparroqnial; sino obra de mediación entre Iglesia, sociedad urbana y estratos populares juveniles. La segunda se refiere a la interacción dinámica entre formación religiosa y desarrollo humano, entre catequesis y educación.
venivano al catechismo in quena parrocchia, e dopo aver falto adempiere loro i doveri di nostra santa Religione procurava ad essi i mezzi di ricrearsi onestamente» (E. REFFO, Don Cocchi e i suoi
artigianelli, Torillo, Tip. S. Giuseppe degli Artigianelli 1896, p. 9-10; cito de la reimpresión de 1957).
«Frequentando le carceri di Torillo ho voluto scorgere che gli sgraziati che trovansi condotti in quel luogo di punizione, per la maggior parte sono poveri giovani che vengano di lontano in cittá o pel bisogno di cercarsi lavoro o alienad da qualche discolo. I quali soprattutto ne' giorni festivi abbandonati a se stessi spendono in giuochi o ghiottonerie i pochi soldi guadagnati nella settimana. Il che é sorgente di molti vizi; e que' giovani che etano buoni, diventano ben tosto pericolanti per sé e pericolosi per gli altri. Né le carceri producono sopra costoro alcen miglioramento perciocché cola dimorando apprendono phi raffinate maniere per far male, e perciò uscendo diventano peggiori» (Bosco, Cenno storico, en: BRAMO, Don Bosco per i giovani, p. 35-36). " MO 85.
El plan de don Bosco se configura así ya delineado en lo esencial, aunque en el plano operativo se den seguidamente muchos cambios: la religión puesta como «fundarnentum» de la educación, la importancia dada a la relación personal educador-educando, el relieve atribuido al desarrollo de las facultades humanas para un pleno y autosrificiente ingreso en la vida adulta (instrucción, trabajo, respeto a las leyes), y, por último, el reconocimiento del ambiente como ámbito inmediato de educación y, especialmente, el ambiente popular con sus recursos potencialmente educativos.
Con el traslado a la casa Pinardi, el Oratorio de don Bosco pasa de la fase, por decirlo así, experimental a una organización cada día más compleja, en la que él asume una responsabilidad cada vez mayor. Sostenido por el apoyo de mons. Fransoni, en noviembre de 1846 don Bosco se trasladó con su madre a Valdocco, como para sellar la estrecha relación que pretendía establecer entre su vida y sus obras. En los meses anteriores, el Oratorio había pasado por un período, de asentamiento con algunas dificultades (complicadas también por una seria enfermedad de don Bosco), resueltas con la ayuda de Cafasso, de Borel y gracias a la disponibilidad de un grupo de sacerdotes, como el teólogo Vola, el teólogo Carp ano y don Trivero. Esta colaboración entre sacerdotes jóvenes (algunos de los cuales ayudaba también a don Cocchi) era el signo de una nueva sensibilidad pastoral y de una percepción concreta de los problemas sociales por parte del clero más dispuesto a aceptar los cambios que se daban en la sociedad subalpina.
La estabilidad del Oratorio en Valdocco consintió un planteamiento más amplio y, sobre todo, una participación sistemática de jóvenes (que enseguida llegaron, seguramente, a unos doscientos o trescientos),12 lo que supuso un cierto cambio en la fisonomía de los que acudían. Según los datos recogidos sobre este particular, se ha podido precisar que hasta 1850 (el contenido de
Éstas son las cifras de los jóvenes que frecuentaban las reuniones festivas de San Francisco de Asís y después las del Oratorio de San Francisco de Sales: unos 20 en 1842 (cifra en la que coinciden tanto el Cenno storico como las Memorie dell' Oratorio); cerca de 80, al terminar la experiencia en la iglesia de San Francisco de Asís (Cenno storico, Memorie dell'Oratorio y carta a la «Mendicitá Istruita» del 1850). Pero las coincidencias terminan aquí. A propósito del período, otoño 1845 («San Martino al Molazzi») y primavera 1846 (prado Filippi), se va de un mínimo de 250 (número indicado en la carta del 1846 a Benso de Cavour) a los 300 sugeridos por el Cenno storico y a los 300-400 de las Memorie dell'Oratorio. Para los primeros tiempos de Valdocco, se pasa de los «trecento e pié ragazzi» de las Memorie biografiche (III, 133) a los 600-700 de la carta a la «Mendidtá Istruita» ya citada. Teniendo en cuenta la notable flexibilidad del Oratorio, sujeto a obvios altibajos, y faltando cualquier tipo de indicación del criterio con el cual se anotaban las presencias, resulta difícil cuantificar la real consistencia de la población oratoriana en los primerísimos tiempos.
Valdocco empezó a variar algo de nuevo cuando aumentó el internado desde la mitad del decenio 1850-1860 en adelante) la población oratoriana estaba distribuida en tres categorías principales de jóvenes, cuya edad estaba en general comprendida entre los 10-12 años y los 18-20: peones temporeros, muchachos de la «clase baja del pueblo» y estudiantes que don Bosco y los demás sacerdotes conocían durante las actividades religiosas escolares. Después había un cierto número de seglares, jóvenes o adultos, que seguían ayudando como en los primeros tiempos."
El aumento del número de los muchachos y el carácter más variado de la población del Oratorio respecto a la que se reunía en el Convitto o en el Rifugio tuvieron consecuencias importantes. Don Bosco se encontró frente a la exigencia, percibida más en términos de experiencia que como conclusión de una reflexión teórica, de poner a punto un método educativo y organizativo, no sólo capaz de aglutinar en justo equilibrio participación y disciplina, espontaneidad y orden, sino sobre todo en disposición de poner en juego todas las energías y las iniciativas útiles para suscitar el interés de los jóvenes y para responder a necesidades objetivas de los cetos populares a los que pertenecían los jóvenes oratorianos en su mayor parte. En el esfuerzo de dar una respuesta eficaz a este conjunto de problemas, el Oratorio de Valdocco entre 1846 y 1850 se consolida en el aspecto de las estructuras," adquiere prestigio progresivo en la opinión pública y entre la gente" y adquiere en sus rasgos fundamentales su fisonomía característica. Los años, pues, de las esperanzas neogüelfas y del Estatuto, de la primera guerra de la independencia y de la amarga desilusión de 1849, del entusiasmo de Pío IX y del giro anticlerical que se siguió discurren junto al gradual pero constante fortalecimiento de la primera obra de don Bosco.
13 «Definid i principali uf:fui colle speciali loro attribuzioni, D. Bosco li affidó a quelli tra giovani, che per buona condotta ed assennatezza gli parvero piel abili a disimpegnarli, creandoli, per cosi dice, suoi uffiziali o aiutanti di campo. Siccome egli soleva lasciarli responsabili dell'impiego loro affidato, limitando l'opera sua ad invigilare che ciascuno facesse il proprio dovere, cosi ognuno si dava grande sollecitudine per conoscere ed eseguire la parte sua nel miglior modo che dato gli fosse [...]. Il Direttore poi soleva ogni settimana raccogliere a sé d'intorno i suoi uffiziali, e da esperto generale li animava con fervorose parole a rimanere fedeli e saldi al loro posto, suggerendo le cose da farsi o da fuggirsi per lavorare con buona riuscita. Talora dava loro qualche premiuzzo, una divota immagine, un libretto e simili, terminando sempre coll'additare loro la bella corona, che li attendeva in Cielo» (G. BoNErn, Cinque lustri di storia dell'Oratorio salesiano fondato dal sac. Giovanni Bosco, Torino, 1892, p. 129).
" Cf. P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica e sociale (1815-1879), Roma, LAS 1980, p. 75-77.
Sobre el eco que tuvo el Oratorio en la prensa turinesa de 1848-49, pueden verse los apuntes de G. TUNINETTI, L'immagine di don Bosco nella stampa torinese (e italiana) del suo tempo, en: F. TRANIELL0 (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, Torino, SEI 1987, p. 210-212. Don Bosco pone en relación el ulterior incremento del Oratorio con la apertura de las escuelas: «Quanto piel era grande la sollecitudine a promuovere l'istruzione scolasdca, tanto piel cresceva il numero degli allievi» (MO 135, y casi con las mismas palabras en: BONETTI, Cinque lustri, p. 152). Sobre la fecha precisa de la introducción de las escuelas nocturnas en el Oratorio falta una indicación precisa. Braido ha expresado recientemente la convicción que «sia realistico e probabile» pensar que tal introducción tuvo lugar en el primer invierno pasado en Valdocco, es decir, en el de 1846-47 (BRAIDO, Don Bosco per i giovani 68). La insistencia con la cual don Bosco recuerda las escuelas nocturnas de la casa Moretta (invierno 1845-1846) podría significar que, antes de la introducción de verdaderas y propias escuelas, fueran impartidas lecciones a individuos y a grupos deseosos de adquirir el dominio de la lectura, escritura y cálculo.
El problema de la puesta a punto de un Reglamento le preocupó durante mucho tiempo por la urgencia de regular la tumultuosa vida del Oratorio, llegando, por fin, a una primera redacción16 a partir de experiencias y modelos ya contrastados," pero sobre todo llevó a maduración una serie de intuiciones anteriores como el funcionamiento, cada día más ordenado y regular, de las clases nocturnas y festivas, la valoración de la música (canto y banda), del teatro y de la declamación, concebidas como instrumentos de educación humana y religiosa, el perfeccionamiento de la función pedagógica del patio. Enriquecido así el Oratorio — aunque primariamente se tomaba como «agradable y honesta diversión, después de haber asistido a las funciones sagradas de iglesia» — manifestaba ricas posibilidades, favorecidas sin duda por el asentamiento estable de que ya se podía gozar en Valdocco.
Don Bosco empezó, por tanto, a pensar cada vez más en el Oratorio como en un lugar y una forma educativa útil para la juventud en general y, sobre todo, para la de los ambientes populares. El criterio de la «juventud pobre y abandonada» que le había conducido en la primera fase de su iniciativa fue sometido por ello a una primera revisión. A pesar del uso frecuente de esta fórmula para calificar al Oratorio, don Bosco empezó a dirigirse, no sólo a algunos individuos o categorías de individuos colectivamente «en peligro», sino más globalmente a aquellos amplios estratos de población juvenil de proveniencia popular que, en contacto precoz con la dureza de los puestos de trabajo y la brutalidad de las diversiones de aquel tiempo, se encontraban expuestos (aunque no estuviesen solos ni abandonados) a peligros de orden físico y moral.
La mayor circulación de ideas y de opiniones, favorecida además por la libertad de prensa después de la concesión del Estatuto, que difundió en Turín una cierta mentalidad anticlerical, sobre todo después de 1848, y el activismo de los protestantes fueron probablemente algunas de las razones que impulsaron a don Bosco a multiplicar los esfuerzos para hacer del Oratorio un lugar de educación popular y de asociacionismo cristiano, extendiendo sus actividades también a Porta Nuova (Oratorio de San Luis abierto en 1847) y después al del Ángel Custodio (1849). Este proyecto de expansión se apoyaba en la convicción de que el Oratorio era la respuesta más eficaz para la pastoral juvenil de aquel tiempo, en una fase histórica en la que la libre circulación de nuevos modelos educativos subrayaba cada vez más nítidamente los límites de la iniciativa parroquial.
16 «Lo scopo dell'oratorio festivo é di trattenere la gioventer ne' giorni di festa con piacevole e onesta ricreazione dopo dí ayer assistito alle sacre funzioni della Chiesa» (MB IN, 91).
«Erasi falto spedire molti regolamenti di Oratoril festivi piel o mero antichi, fondati da uomini zeland nella gloria di Dio, i quali fiorirono in varie cittá d'Italia. Voleva esaminare de) che abrí aveva giá imparato dall'esperienza. Noi fra le sue cante trovammo ancora: Le regole dell'Oratorio di S. Luigi eretto in Milano nel 1842 nella contrada di S. Cristina e Le regole per i figliuoli dell'Oratorio sotto il patronato della Sacra Famiglia» (MB IQ, 87). Sobre las relaciones de don Bosco con los oratorio milaneses y lombardos, cf. P. BRAIDO, Il sistema preventivo di don Bosco, Torno, PAS 1955, 87-92. Sobre la génesis y función de los reglamentos en las comunidades de don Bosco, véase cuanto observa el mismo P. Braido en: Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo, p. 355-359.
Respondiendo a problemas y exigencias que se presentaban de día en día, el Oratorio tomó los caracteres de escuela abierta a todos sin plazos fijos, orientada a implicar de modo útil y moralmente honesto las horas que se habrían podido perder en el ocio de los días festivos, lugar de instrucción y práctica religiosa y de recreo, de estudio y de distensión. Una sencilla pedagogía popular, basada en la necesidad de crear el clima de la familia, en la acogida, en el despliegue y la valoración de las habilidades de cada uno, en el valor educativo de la fiesta y de la alegría (todo ello sostenido a su vez por el supremo principio cristiano de la caridad), consolidó al Oratorio naciente, haciéndolo salir de la categoría de la asistencia.
Los contemporáneos que nos hablan de don Bosco hacia 1850, lo ven no sólo como al sacerdote que se ocupa de los jóvenes, sino como un educador del pueblo. Casimiro Danna, en el «Giornale della Societá d'Istruzione e d'Educazione», mientras lo define «padre y hermano, maestro y predicador» atendiendo a los aspectos religiosos de su actividad, indica con vigor la polivalencia educativa del Oratorio en el que se enseñan, además de la historia sagrada y eclesiástica y el catecismo, «los principios fundamentales de aritmética, el sistema métrico decimal y a los que no saben, también leer y escribir. Todo esto para su educación moral y civil».'s Casalis, por su parte, menos entusiasta de don Bosco, subraya «el provecho que obtienen los jóvenes que frecuentan (los) oratorios» como la «educación de sus costumbres», el «cultivo de la inteligencia y del corazón», de modo que «en poco tiempo adquieren un carácter afectuoso y civilizado y se entregan al trabajo y se hacen buenos cristianos y óptimos ciudadanos».19
Por su carácter de respuesta pragmática a las necesidades de los jóvenes, el Oratorio supuso para don Bosco un estímulo para ulteriores iniciativas y experiencias. Muy pronto se presentó, también en Valdocco, la necesidad de ofrecer acogida a muchachos solos y sin recursos: igual que había comenzado a hacer ya don Cocchi, don Bosco dio vida a una pequeña comunidad juvenil (el «ospizio»). Casi como una consecuencia natural del interés demostrado a los que eran más pobres (de afecto y de bienes materiales), don Bosco empezó
18 C. DANNA, Cronichetta, en «Giornale della Societá d'Istruzione e d'Educazione» 1 (1850) 459.
19 G. CASALIS, Dizionario geografico-storico-commerciale degli Stati di S.M. il Re di Sardegna, vol. XIX, Torino 1851, p. 718.
también a preocuparse por encontrar una ocupación a sus muchachos y especialmente a los que había recogido en su hospicio." Según la práctica en marcha en la Mendicitá Istruita (institución asistencial y educativa con la que don Bosco tenía relaciones frecuentes), empezó a confiar a artesanos capaces y honrados a los jóvenes oratorianos, firmando contratos de aprendizaje, como garante en lugar de los padres.
Reconociendo, por último, la importancia de las escuelas, abrió en Valdocco y en el Oratorio de Porta Nuova una escuela elemental diurna, siguió atendiendo las clases nocturnas, pero sobre todo comenzó a admitir como internos a muchachos (de ordinario de familias modestas) que; dotados de buenas cualidades y moralmente sanos, dieran garantías de éxito en los estudios. Como se sabe, de este modo don Bosco extendía el área de las intervenciones educativas del Oratorio tradicionalmente entendido, orientándose hacia la creación de un verdadero colegio en Valdocco. El grupo de los estudiantes creció poco a poco junto al de los artesanos, primero asistiendo a las escuelas de la ciudad y después a clases preparadas a propósito en Valdocco (segunda mitad de los años 50). También los jóvenes artesanos tuvieron cabida al pasar de los años en los talleres del Oratorio, el primero de los cuales se abrió en noviembre de 1853.21
No es éste el lugar para indagar las razones que indujeron a don Bosco a transformar Valdocco en colegio, pero esta decisión, junto a algunas otras iniciativas (la construcción de la iglesia de San Francisco de Sales, la renovación de los edificios, la edición de las «Letture Cattoliche», los primeros pasos concretos hacia la Sociedad salesiana) fueron otras tantas piezas del mosaico de amplio contorno de las que el Oratorio propiamente dicho fue sólo una de esas piezas.
«Fra i giovani che frequentano questi oratori se ne trovaron di quelli talmente poveri e abbandonati che per loro riusciva quasi inutile ogni sollecitudine senza un sito dove possano essere provveduti di alloggio, vitto e vestito. A questo bisogno si studió di provvedere colla casa annessa e delta anche Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales. Ivi in principio si prese a pigione una piccola casa nel 1847 e si cominciarono a raccogliere alcuni de' piú poveri. In quel tempo essi anda-vano a lavorare per la cittá restituendosi alla casa dell'Oratorio per mangiare e dormire» (Bosco, Cenni storici, p. 79-71). «La quotidiana esperienza faceva toccare con mano a D. Bosco che per giovare stabilmente ad alcuni giovinetti non bastavano -le scuole e le radunanze festive, ma era d'uopo di un caritatevole Ospizio» (BONETA, Cinque lustri, p. 143-144).
21 STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 175-199; L. PAZZAGLIA, Apprendistato e istruzione degli artigiani a Valdocco, en: TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 20-39.
La leadership de don Bosco en el campo de los oratorios fue oficialmente reconocida por el arzobispo Fransoni con un decreto del, 31 de marzo de 1852, en el que le nombraba «director-jefe espiritual» del Oratorio de San Francisco de Sales y superior del de San Luis Gonzaga y del Ángel Custodio, Entre los dos animadores de los oratorios de Turín, don Cocchi y don Bosco, la elección recayó, pues, en el fundador de Valdocco. Fi primero se había situado en la práctica «fuera de juego» por sus abiertas simpatías liberales y por la imprudencia con que había llevado a un grupo de jóvenes hacia Novara con ocasión del choque fatal del 23 de marzo de 1849, aunque su generosa actividad se puso de nuevo al servicio de los jóvenes huérfanos y abandonados en octubre de aquel mismo año de 1849, con la propuesta de una asociación de sacerdotes y seglares, cuya primera realización fue el «Collegio degli Afligía. nelli».
Los sucesos políticos de 1848-49 habían acentuado las dos «almas» del movimiento de los oratorios y un grupo de personalidades con autoridad en-el clero turinés (el mismo Cafasso, el padre Durando, el canónigo Gastaldi y él abate Peyron) elaboró un plan para unificar las fuerzas e imprimir una orien- - tación unitaria a las diversas iniciativas. Como bien se sabe, se proyectó la creación de una federación, que debería asumir cometidos de dirección y de vigilancia sobre las actividades ya en marcha y sobre las que se pudiesen emprender en el futuro. Don Bosco reaccionó con mucha energía ante esta propuesta, oponiéndose al proyecto y negando su adhesión. Aducía como motivo principal la diversidad de las orientaciones educativas de Valdocco y el Ángel Custodio: según su criterio, en Vanchiglia se hacía mucha política, era insuficiente la instrucción religiosa y las diversiones se tomaban demasiado alegremente como fines en sí mismas 22
Nos falta, por desgracia, sobre las divergencias reales entre los oratorios de don Bosco y el de don Cocchi, el testimonio directo del grupo de este último y por eso es difícil establecer, sólo a través de fuentes salesianas, si el planteamiento educativo de Vanchiglia tenía verdaderamente, y hasta qué punto, los límites que le achacaba don Bosco. El análisis de la única síntesis disponible, la biografía de don Cocchi redactada por don Reffo,23 confirma la existencia de dos estilos educativos, aun con la existencia de algunos rasgos comunes, como el planteamiento familiar del intento educativo, la aceptación de la importancia educativa del recreo, lo esencial de la dimensión religiosa, la menuda filosofía del «sapersi accontentare». Don Cocchi atribuía, por ejemplo, gran importancia «a reforzar el temple de sus alumnos y darles una educación varonil y robusta para el cuerpo», trataba «de captar con oportunidad las ocasiones para insinuarse en el corazón de los jóvenes, descubrir sus pasiones y corregir sus costumbres torcidas», pero «su reserva era tan grande, que nunca quiso ser confesor de sus alumnos»; manifestaba un interés menos intenso por la instrucción y al tener que encontrar un método aceptable para llevar la colonia agrícola de Moncucco (abierta en 1853), no dudó en recurrir al del pastor protestante Fellenberg que había visto directamente aplicado durante un viaje a Suiza. Además, era casi proverbial su tolerancia educativa, en un corazón bueno y generoso que, sin embargo, no parecía estuviese sostenida por una visión pedagógica que animaba el principio educativo de la amabilidad de don Bosco.
22 Cf. MB 111, 453-454.
23 Cf. REFFO, Don Cocchi e i suoi artigianelli.
Sin minusvalorar las diferencias de carácter político que situaron en posturas distintas a don Cocchi y don Bosco (que, a su vez, reflejaban tendencias moduladas diversamente en el clero piamontés), hay elementos que justifican en términos educativos la presencia de dos estilos, tal vez más diferentes que antagónicos, a los que hay que referirse en última instancia cuando hablamos de las diversas experiencias de Vanchiglia y Valdocco. Si además se tiene en cuenta que don Bosco, después de 1850, acentuó los aspectos «protectores» de su pedagogía, se podrán comprender las razones de desconfianzas persistentes también después, cuando, por ejemplo, seguirán distinguiéndose muy bien los oratorios don Bosco y el de «San Martino» promovido por el infatigable don Cocchi en 1851, dirigido durante muchos años por don Ponte (que había estado antes con don Bosco) y animado por un grupo de sacerdotes y laicos ligados a la obra de los «Artigianelli».
Después de 1850, los horizontes de don Bosco van mucho más allá de las experiencias de los primeros oratorios: el decenio 1850-1860 es la etapa en la que se pone en marcha o se realiza la mayor parte de sus iniciativas y consolida la fama de hombre extraordinario. Es el decenio de Savio, Magone y Besucco y del encuentro con los primeros colaboradores válidos y estables. Es el período más feliz de sus actividades como escritor y polemista. La fase de constitución de su Oratorio se puede considerar ya cerrada y el interés primordial se dirige cada vez más frecuentemente y más intensamente a los jóvenes del internado, aunque en las numerosas peticiones de ayuda, la presentación de los oratorios en funcionamento en la capital resulta insistente.' La razón se explica rápidamente: los oratorios eran, ante los ojos de todos, iniciativas bien consolidadas, de modo que suponían una garantía para el empleo de otros posibles subsidios. A don Bosco le gustaba, además, seguir apareciendo como el sacerdote y el educador de los jóvenes pobres y abandonados, lo que era verdad, aunque en términos y modos diferentes respecto de los del pasado.
Véanse, por ejemplo, la carta a la «Mendidtá Istruita» de 1850 y las cartas circulares para las loterías de 1857 y de 1862, en las cuales la solicitud de ayuda o la invitación a participar a una lotería benéfica están precedidas de la descripción de los oratorios festivos y de los resultados logrados por ellos en favor de la juventud «povera e abbandonata». Quizás la descripción más sobria es la de 1850: «Col mezzo di piacevole ricreazione allettata da alcuni divertimenti, con catechismi, istruzioni e canto parecchi divennero morigerati, amanti del lavoro e della religione. Ci sono anche le scuole di canto tutte le sere e le scuole domenicali per qu
La expresión «Oratorio» asume cada vez más aquellos «varios sentidos» que don Bosco mismo precisará pocos años más tarde, cuando hable de F. Besucco y de su llegada a Valdocco: «Si se considera como reunión festiva se entiende un lugar destinado a recreo con entretenimientos agradables para los jóvenes, una vez satisfechos sus deberes religiosos. [...] Se llaman también oratorios diarios a las escuelas de día y de noche que se hacen a lo largo de la semana para los jóvenes que, por falta de medios o porque van mal vestidos, no pueden frecuentar las escuelas de la ciudad. Tomada, por fin, la palabra Oratorio en sentido más extenso, se entiende la casa de Valdocco de Turín conocida bajo el nombre de oratorio de San Francisco de Sales. Los jóvenes pueden ingresar en ella como artesanos o como estudiantes».25
Circunscribiendo nuestro análisis al significado inicial de Oratorio, es decir, como «oratorio festivo», no se puede dejar de señalar que don Bosco, precisamente en el momento en que esa actividad no constituye ya su principal preocupación, nos deja el documento tal vez más interesante sobre su función educativo-popular. Se trata, como todos saben, de la novelita La forza della buona educazione, publicada en 1855. El protagonista es, en efecto, un joven oratoriano, Pietro, tomado como modelo por todos los jóvenes que llenaban en su tiempo libre los patios de Valdocco y del Ángel Custodio e iban a las clases de catequesis: un caso, pues, diferente de lo que serán M. Magone y F. Besucco, que pertenecen ya a la historia de Valdocco como internado 26 El relato se sitúa en la periferia de Turín, en una de las muchas familias que vivían en las casitas baratas de Borgo Dora o de Vanchiglia. Y Pietro es el hijo mayor de un carpintero y de una buena madre de familia. Precisamente es la madre la que le hace crecer como buen cristiano y cuida de él aunque después, un poco precozmente, tiene que dedicarse al trabajo.
Pietro encuentra en el Oratorio y en las diversas actividades que se hacen en él, un importante punto de apoyo para su vida de fe y de buen muchacho. En el Oratorio asiste a la catequesis y se prepara a la primera comunión. Con su buen comportamiento se atrae la simpatía de sus superiores, logra alejar a su padre de sus visitas demasiado frecuentes a la taberna y a dar buen ejemplo a sus amigos, evitando que caigan en pecado. Llamado al servicio militar, cumple con este deber como honrado ciudadano y, destinado al cuerpo expedicionario que va a Crimea, no se aparta, aun estando tan apartado de su casa y del Oratorio, de las reglas de buena educación recibidas: amar al Señor, huir de las ocasiones de pecado, rezar, cumplir los deberes de su estado. La novela acaba con el ascenso de Pietro a sargento y el previsible regreso a casa.27
25 G. Bosco, II pastorello delle Alpi ovvero vita del giovane Besucco Francesco, Torino, Tip. dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales 1864, p. 70-71.
26 Junto a D. Savio, M. Magone y F. Besucco se encuentran entre los más célebres alumnos de don Bosco (cf. Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo, p. 175).
27 G. Bosco, La forza della buona educazione. Curioso episodio contemporaneo, Torino, Tip. Paravia 1855.
A través de esa floja trama, don Bosco se propone de modo evidente, delinear los caracteres del buen oratoriano externo: Pietro vive, en efecto, una experiencia juvenil normal en familia (dentro de la cual se subraya el papel fundamental de la madre), de trabajo y de tiempo libre, pero sabiendo y queriendo interiorizar las buenas enseñanzas (la fuerza de la buena educación), vive de modo alegre la propia vida cristiana aun cuando está lejos de la familia y de las circunstancias habituales. De la novela brotan algunas indicaciones interesantes: el lazo familia-oratorio como premisa para una buena educación, el contagio del bien y del buen ejemplo (Pietro es, en efecto, el motivo del arrepentimiento del padre y ayuda y apoyo para que los amigos cumplan con su deber), un modelo de santidad «sencilla» que se basa en cumplir los deberes cotidianos, en la obediencia, en la oración, en la caridad que crece mediante el ejercicio del bien, en la mortificación (no extraordinaria, sino la que se da en la vida ordinaria) y la castidad.
El escrito de 1855 constituye, en cierto sentido, la coronación de la reflexión de don Bosco sobre el Oratorio en su dimensión original de «reunión festiva» abierta a todos, aunque en los otros treinta años, el fundador de Valdocco iba a volver muchas veces sobre el tema. Pero los primeros años de los 50 señalan, sin duda, un giro significativo en la historia del Oratorio, pasando de incunable y de primera y central realización de la experiencia religioso-educativa de don Bosco a un aspecto especial dentro de una estrategia más compleja de desarrollo y de reforzamiento de la obra salesiana. Sobre la marcha de los oratorios se reflejan opciones y prioridades diferentes que apuntan, al menos, en una primera fase, a la asunción de responsabilidades que van en dirección diversa de la valoración del patrimonio de ideas y experiencias maduradas en este sector. Así, al menos hasta el decenio 1870-1880 (como ha sido documentado autorizadamente),28 el Oratorio vive una fase de estabilidad inicial: el esfuerzo de los salesianos se multiplica en la provincia, en la que faltan las condiciones para la apertura de obras del tipo de los oratorios juveniles turineses y responden, en cambio, preferentemente, a las necesidades de tipo escolar, especialmente como consecuencia de la entrada en vigor de la ley Casati de 1859.
Es, además, sintomático, en otra situación, el estancamiento de los oratorios en Turín mismo. En 1860 eran seis, uno más solamente de los que funcionaban al principio del decenio: los tres de don Bosco, el de San Martino, el Oratorio femenino de Borgo San Donato, fundado en 1850 por el teólogo Gaspare Saccarelli y el Oratorio de San José en «Borgo San Salvario» abierto en 1859 por algunos seglares y después regido por los salesianos en 1863. Este número siguió sustancialmente igual aun en el decenio siguiente, a pesar de un cierto crecimiento de la población juvenil estable en la capital después de 1850. Las dificultades se acentuaron más tarde, entre 1860 y 1870. Después de la unidad, se dieron algunos hechos concomitantes que podrían explicar esa falta de crecimiento: la disminución de la migración estacional, la existencia de otras ofertas de asociación para los jóvenes más adultos, como, por ejemplo, las sociedades obreras, el englobamiento de los oratorios de Vanchiglia (que pasó en 1867 a la nueva parroquia de «Santa Giulia») y de Porta Nova al centro de barrios residenciales con su final como oratorio de periferia. En 1869 Baricco daba algunos datos sobre la población de los oratorios, referida al año anterior, indicando una cifra ligeramente superior a los dos mil." Es difícil compararla con los datos muy dispares entre sí, dados vez por vez por don Bosco,3° pero parece razonable la tesis según la cual la asistencia a los oratorios se estabilizó entre los años 50 y 70, sufriendo, tal vez, también alguna disminución como consecuencia de las crisis que azotaron a Turín, como el traslado de la capital en 1864.3'
Sobre el desarrollo de las iniciativas salesianas entre 1860 y 1870, cf. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 123-157.
Después de esa fecha, y especialmente durante los años últimos de la vida de don Bosco, los oratorios registraron una cierta recuperación, a la que aludimos al final de esta nota. En 1875 don Bosco se quejaba de que no hubiese oratorios más que en Turín y en Sampierdarena32 y en aquella ocasión pronunció la conocidísima frase de que «si se quiere hacer un bien radical a la población de una ciudad hay que abrir un oratorio». Efectivamente, hacia los arios 80 se manifiesta un nuevo interés y mayor atención hacia los oratorios, que
29 P. BARICCO, Torino descritta, vol. II, Tocino 1869, p. 719. Según los datos de Baricco, la población oratoriana turinesa estaba constituida de 800 jóvenes en Valdocco, 450 en San Luigi,
400 en San Giuseppe (San Salvario), 100 en Santa Giulia y 300 en San Martino (chicos y chicas en patios distintos).
'° Como hemos visto, hablando de los primeros tiempos del Oratorio, las cifras indicadas por don Bosco se deben tomar siempre con gran prudencia. Entre 1850 y 1862, los oratorios habrían pasado de un millar de participantes, en los tres oratorios juntos, a varios millares, en cada uno de ellos: una escalation poco convincente y, de otra parte, poco compatible con las estructuras de que disponía don Bosco. Indico algunos datos, tomados en parte de P. STELLA (Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 173), y en parte de algunas invitaciones para las loterías, recogidos por BRALDO (Don Bosco per i giovani, p. 24-26): 1850, 1000 jóvenes en los tres oratorios; 1852, más de 2.000 en Valdocco; 1855, entre 1.500 y 2.000 en el conjunto de los tres oratorios; 1857, más de 3.000; 1862, «talvolta ascendono a piú migliaia in uno solo di questi oratori».
31 Stella concluye así el examen de las cifras: «In conclusione, ammesso il fluttuare dei giovani nei mesi estivi e in quelli piú rigidi dell'inverno, ammesso il diradarsi in círcostanze straordinarie come ll colera del 1854, é da ritenere che nel ventennio 1850-1870 sia avvenuta una certa stabíli7zazione numerica dei giovani negli oratori diretti da don Bosco» (Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 174). La población de Turín había pasado en aquellos veinte años de los 136.849 habitantes de 1848 a los 194.480 del 1868 y a los 212.644 del 1871 (cf. la elaboración de C. BERMOND, Torino da capitate politica a centro manufatturiero, Tocino 1983, p. 122-138).
32 Los salesianos se establecieron en Sampierdarena en 1872, después de una breve permanencia en Marassi: la casa se convirtió pronto en «l'opera salesiana piú emblematica della Liguría»: el oratorio para los jóvenes del barrio y el hospicio para la juventud pobre reprodujeron «le esperienze primordiali di don Bosco», representando «le finalitá essenziali preferite» (STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 153).
vuelven a adquirir un carácter prioritario en las opciones de los salesianos junto a una orientación hacia la periferia urbana, que se fue acentuando en el último cuarto del siglo. En los nuevos barrios populares que surgían junto a instalaciones industriales, se daban condiciones de vida y exigencias educativo-sociales que evocaban el contexto en el que se habían desarrollado Valdocco y los demás oratorios subalpinos.
Mientras tanto, en 1877, se publicó el documento más explícito sobre los oratorios, es decir, el Regolamento, aunque ya se había elaborado y aplicado años antes. Díez arios más tarde se decidió que en toda casa salesiana hubiese un Oratorio festivo: «Todo Director debe procurar con solicitud la aperturadarle pujanza si ya está fundado». Se trataba de la clara voluntad de que el Oratorio se plantease de nuevo como momento sustancial en la ya compleja iniciativa religioso-educativa de los salesianos, primer paso del florecimiento subsiguiente de oratorios que se daría en Italia (no sólo gracias a los salesianos, pero sí con su aportación significativa) entre el último decenio del siglo XIX y el primero del nuevo siglo en el cuadro de una presencia social y educativa renovada en los católicos italianos.33
" P. STELLA, I salesiani e il movimento cattolico in Italia fino alfa prima guerra mondiale, en RSS 2 (1983) 223-251.
He escrito ya en otra circunstancial que, según mi parecer, el tema de la escuela en don Bosco no se había estudiado todavía a fondo. Tampoco yo tengo la pretensión de hacerlo con esta comunicación que, unida a otras de este mismo Congreso, o publicadas mientras tanto, espero que pueda ofrecer alguna aportación al menos a nivel de sugerencia. Hay que decir igualmente que no es fácil encontrar materiales útiles a este propósito ni siquiera en el Archivo Salesíano Central. Como consuelo, en parte, si no como justificación, vale también el principio de que «la historia se hace con documentos, pero los documentos no son la historia»?
Los estudios en esta temática pueden ser de diversos tipos, pero los que existen se podrían catalogar en dos grupos fundamentales: uno con preocupación pedagógico-educativa y otro con preocupación histórico-pedagógica. Como ejemplo, recuerdo, entre los primeros, las páginas de don Pietro Ricaldone, cuarto sucesor de don Bosco, a quien le interesaba la orientación práctica de la Congregación salesiana.3 Y entre los segundos, en cuyo cauce querría situarme, los estudios de Pietro Braido y de Pietro Stella: aquél, con más valor pedagógico, y éste, con más valor histórico.4 Con todo, sigue siendo verdadero el problema de la escuela en don Bosco en general. Y en su tiempo se concedió poca atención entre los salesianos a este tema respecto a otros argumentos, y esto porque no suponía un punto especialmente significativo ni de su actividad ni, menos todavía, de su pensamiento.
B. BELLERATE, Don Bosco e la scuola educativa salesiana, en «Salesianum» 50 (1988) 75.
2 Se puede ver, a este propósito, la literatura sobre la metodología histórica, en particular: H.I. MARROU, De la connaissance historique, Paris, Éditions du Seuil 1954 (sobre todo, los capítulos 3. 4 y la conclusión).
Cf. P. RICALDONE, Don Bosco educatore, Colle Don Bosco (Asti), Libreria Dottrina Cristiana 1952, vol. 1, p. 504-609, vol. 2, p. 109-188.
Sus publicaciones, en este campo, son más bien numerosas; pero, por lo que se refiere al tema específico de la escuela, se pueden señalar, sobre todo: P. BRAmo, Il sistema preventivo di Don Bosco, 2. ed., Zürich, PAS-Verlag (ahora: Roma, LAS) 1964, p. 360-376; P.BRAIDO, L'esperienza pedagogica preventiva nel sec. XIX - Don Bosco, en: ID. (ed.), Esperienze di pedagogia cristiana nella storia, vol. II: Sec. XVII-XIX, Roma, LAS 1981, p. 389-399; STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 121- 127; ID., Don Bosco nella storia economica e sociale (1815-1870), Roma, LAS 1980, p. 123-157.231243.278-284.
El limitarse a considerar la escuela de humanidades, es decir, la escuela secundaria superior (y, según mi criterio, bajo el perfil prioritario de contenidos y metodología), da lugar a ulteriores interrogantes y agudiza las dificultades, tanto por la escasez de los materiales (más abundantes, en cambio, para el aspecto jurídico-institucional) como por la identificación de un sentido que se le pueda atribuir razonablemente a don Bosco mismo.
Un primer elemento, no determinante pero con toda probabilidad influyente, se refiere a la historia personal del Santo, centrada, por una parte, en la convicción de la llamada divina al sacerdocio, con todas las condiciones y exigencias que esto suponía; y, por otra, en las dificultades económicas que en principio le podían impedir la realización de su «sueño». De hecho, con la ayuda de sus bienhechores, «Giovannino» se convierte en don Bosco y, a lo largo del camino, tiene que dedicarse a los estudios humanísticos y clásicos, en los que encuentra también satisfacción, hasta el punto de que don Rua, su sucesor, escribirá: «Don Bosco no despreciaba a los clásicos profanos; los había estudiado, sabía de memoria larguísimos párrafos y los comentaba magistralmente. Al hablar con buenos profesores demostraba algunas veces tanta erudición, que quedaban admirados y se sentían obligados a decir que nunca hubieran pensado que don Bosco tuviese un conocimiento tan profundo de la literatura latina»? Fue, pues, una experiencia que no olvidó y que supo valorar a su tiempo, precisamente cuando comience la escuela secundaria en el Oratorio, primero sólo a nivel de «ginnasio» o «latinidad» inferior (1855-1856) con las clases de gramática, y después también superior (1859-1860).
No es menos significativa la situación escolar-educativa en el Piamonte hasta la ley Casati. Dos puntos merecen una especial atención de nuestra parte.
Por un lado, el reconocimiento a la escuela de un fuerte compromiso educativo, orientado sobre todo hacia la instrucción y la práctica religiosa, como garantía de humanidad y, en paralelo, de sumisión a la autoridad constituida, según los cánones de la época, cimentados en la alianza entre trono y altar. En este sentido se situaba la legislación saboyana del siglo XVIII aún en vigor, con algunos retoques del P. Taparelli d'Azeglio en 1822, bajo el reinado de Carlo Felice. Con ellos no se habían introducido propiamente innovaciones en las orientaciones, bien radicadas en el seno del absolutismo monárquico de entonces y de un espíritu moralista-pietista casi inquisitorial, sino más bien normas detalladas que, manteniendo aquella connotación de la escuela (de la que, por otra parte, disfrutaban pocos), acentuaba su monopolio o, cuando menos, una vigilancia centralizada, aunque diárquica, es decir, por parte del Estado y del clero?
' Lettere circolari di don Michele Rua al salesiani, Tocino, Tip. S.A.I.D. «Buona Stampa» 1910, p. 37 (carta n. 4 del 27.12.1889).
En 1848, instituido el Ministerio de Instrucción pública, su primer titular, Carlo Boncompagni, dictaminó una nueva ley que rompió, en total ventaja del Estado según el espíritu de los movimientos revolucionarios de aquel tiempo, la colateralidad tradicional y, por consiguiente, provocó fuertes pero comprensibles reacciones en el ámbito eclesiástico. Sin embargo, en ella no se prestaba mucha atención a los contenidos educativos dejando a la religión todo su peso, sino a los aspectos de organización e inspección. Revocó, no obstante, los privilegios por los que, por ejemplo, la Iglesia gozaba de derechos propios y tenía la posibilidad de intervenir, reduciendo, entre otras cosas, las oportunidades de crear nuevas escuelas, sin las debidas autorizaciones estatales y títulos para la enseñanza debidamente solicitados, aun cuando se tratase de disciplinas eclesiásticas. Los estudios secundarios se reorganizaron en tres cursos de «gramática» (que correspondían la latinidad inferior de antes), dos de «retórica» (con la reducción de un año respecto a los de «gramática», «humanidades» y «retórica» anteriores) y dos de filosofía (como antes). Se introdujo la experimentación de escuelas y de institutos técnicos.'
Por otra parte, con la ley siguiente (22.6.1857) del ministro Lanza (art. 7) y después con la ley Casati (13.11.1859, art. 246-247), se rompió el monopolio estatal, con una revisión más profunda de toda la materia escolar. Se reconocían en ellas, en efecto, derechos y espacios específicos tanto a la familia como a las autoridades municipales, con mayores posibilidades de intervención también para la iniciativa privada.8 La escuela fue reorganizada por completo y, por lo que toca a nuestro tema, la orientación clásico-humanística quedó reestructurada en el «ginnasio», con cinco años de duración en total, y en el «liceo» con otros tres años, uno más respecto a la ley Boncompagni. Se le unió, además, de modo definitivo, la instrucción técnica.
Esta nueva situación, en la que se iba manifestando poco a poco una creciente necesidad de instrucción, favoreció que se multiplicasen las instituciones
escolares, tanto laicas, deseadas por los ayuntamientos que creían con ello adquirir mayor prestigio, como religiosas, debido a la proliferación de congregaciones de hombres y mujeres, dedicadas especialmente a la educación de la juventud.9 Sín embargo, las condiciones cambiaron significativamente y a peor sobre todo con la llegada al gobierno de la izquierda (1877), como se puede apreciar en las discusiones y deliberaciones del segundo Capítulo general de los salesianos (1880).
6 Cf. V. SINISTRERO, La legge Boncompagni del 4 ottobre 1848 e la liberta della scuola,
SEI 1948, p. 6-7, y A. GAMBARO, La pedagogia del Risorgimento, in Nuove questioni di Stork della pedagogia, vol. Da Comenio al Risorgimento italiano, Brescia, La Scuola 1977, p. 590-591.
7 Cf. el citado ensayo de SINISTRERO, La legge Boncompagni, en el que se recogen las principales críticas hechas al documento, sobre todo por parte de los católicos, además del texto de la ley misma; y el trabajo de GAMBARO (599-603), que subraya los cambios institucionales.
La literatura sobre la ley Casati, o a partir de la misma, es más bien amplia. Aquí recuerdo sólo: G. CANESTRI - G. RICUPERATI, La scuola in Italia dalla legge Casati a oggi, «Documenti della storia», 18, Tocino, Loescher 1976; el ensayo de GAMBARO, La pedagogia 608-612 y de G. TA-LAMO, La scuola dalla legge Casati alla inchiesta del 1864, Milano, Giuffré 1960; pero también el interesante opúsculo de G. ALLIEVO, La legge Casati e Pinsegnamento privato secondario, Torino, Tipografia Salesiana 1879.
Éste es el ambiente y el terreno en el que se encuentra don Bosco en relación con la apertura y difusión de la escuela humanística en sus «casas», como prefería llamarlas.
La primera obra y la más típica del Santo fue el Oratorio, al que se unió después el internado (1847), impuesto por las condiciones de vida en que se encontraban los jóvenes que buscaban trabajo o lo realizaban ya. Después de 1848, especialmente tras la clausura de los seminarios de Turín y de Chieri en 1849, don Bosco, que quiere por una parte acoger a los seminaristas de la diócesis y por otra, tener colaboradores para su actividad catequístico-educativa, abrió su casa también a los estudiantes, que iban, no obstante, a escuelas privadas externas.' El 7 de abril de 1880, en su relación al Ministerio de Instrucción pública, el Provveditore de estudios de Turín reconoce que Valdocco era un «vivero, del que el sacerdote Bosco, fundador de una orden religiosa, obtiene sus seguidores», pero, al mismo tiempo añade que «dos tercios al menos de los alumnos [..1 vuelven a la sociedad»." A aquellos mismos años se refiere Tina importante declaración de don Rua: «Don Bosco, desde los primeros tiempos del Oratorio, mostró siempre vivo deseo de que se estudiasen también los clásicos cristianos». Y un poco más adelante insiste: «Desde 1850, durante varios años, él mismo, en vacaciones, nos explicaba varios pasajes de estos Autores de la Iglesia, especialmente las cartas de San Jerónimo, y manifestaba siempre un vivo deseo de que se estudiasen».'5
Algún año más tarde, el Santo, que escribió sobre ello también bastante después, se dio cuenta del hecho de que: «Había, sin embargo, una gran dificultad. Como no teníamos todavía en casa los talleres, nuestros alumnos tenían que ir a trabajar y a clase a Turín, con gran menoscabo de la moralidad, porque los compañeros que encontraban, las conversaciones que oían y lo que veían, hacían inútil lo que se hacía con ellos y se les decía en el Oratorio. [...] Lo que sucedía con los artesanos había que lamentarlo igualmente de los estudiantes. [...] Eran escuelas óptimas, pero el ir y volver suponían muchos peligros. El año 1856 fueron definitivamente establecidas escuelas y talleres en la casa del Oratorio con lógica ventaja» (MO, 205-206). Fue el comienzo de nuevos compromisos que, por otra parte, completaron el abanico de stn, intereses educativos en Italia, fuera, naturalmente, de sus posteriores establecimientos en el extranjero.
Cf. el ya citado vol. II de BRAIDO (ed.), Esperienze di pedagogia cristiana nella storia.
1° Sobre estas vicisitudes, cf. especialmente: MO 199ss, MB y también: Annali I,p. llss.
" MB XIV, 756.
12 Lettere circolari, p. 36-37.
Para justificar la decisión de abrirse, primero, a los estudiantes y, después, de crear escuelas propias, no disponemos de una documentación amplia. Las pocas afirmaciones al respecto, como la que hemos reproducido antes.' pueden despertar muchas dudas sobre todo si se advierte la difusión de lo. colegios salesianos, a partir de los años 60, que respondían a otras necesidades muy diferentes.
Hay que buscar las motivaciones que indujeron a don Bosco a dedicarse progresivamente a los estudiantes, con una bajada de atención paralela hacia los artesanos, (impulsada un poco más tarde)," más que en declaraciones explícitas, en su personalidad y en las situaciones históricas. Su personalidad, por un lado, era muy sensible a las «necesidades de los tiempos», a las exigencias que se iban manifestando en el ambiente y que implicaban a los jóvene,;. Especialmente, al requerimiento de mayor instrucción, con la que parecía que se podían obtener mejores condiciones de vida en el futuro. Y la educación, a su parecer, tenía que mirar con atención ese futuro. Por otra parte, el impulso hacia la acción casi incoercible del Santo, desde luego dirigido a la «salvación de las almas» y a una obediencia confiada a los designios divinos, aun respetando necesidades y prioridades, no le consentía quedarse mirando frente al florecimiento de nuevas instituciones. De hecho, como él mismo hace notar varias veces, el dato de que muchos chicos, intelectualmente bien dotados, no pudiesen ejercitar esa capacidad que Díos les había dado, no le dejaba tranquilo.1-9 Además, esa misma expectativa de mejor instrucción iba cundiendo en las familias y en la sociedad, en la que daba sus primeros pasos la industrialización. Más aún: como se ha dicho, se habían ido multiplicando las posibilidades de inserción con la gestión de escuelas propias, apoyándose en los obispos, que tenían necesidad de ayuda para la reorganización de sus seminarios, y de los ayuntamientos, que no disponían con frecuencia de personas en condición de dirigirlas.
Don Bosco siguió ambas pistas, abriendo pequeños seminarios: como tal se podía considerar el internado para estudiantes del Oratorio de Turín y así fue la obra de Mirabello (1863), después de la experiencia de Giaveno (1860); y verdaderos colegios, como los de Lanzo (1864), Alassio y Cherasco (1869).
' E I, 377-378; III, 471 y 486.
14 En las actas de la 8' conferencia del II Capítulo general del 7.9.1880, se lee: «Si ripete in-tanto ció che giá tante altre volte si disse in altre circostanze e doé ció che ci tiene su e deve essere nostro scopo speciale dover essere i collegi od ospizi di artigianelli, gli Oratori festivi e riguardo a scuole solo [después tachado] quelle del popolo e per poveri giovani abbandonati» (ASC 046 Capitolo Generale fi 1880 [micr. 1.858 B10]).
Véanse: Regolamento per le case della Societá di S. Francesco di Sales, P. II, c. 2. a. 7; E
248.
Esta «colegialización» obedecía, a mi parecer, más que al movimiento europeo de revaloración de los internados, en sintonía con el proceso de restauración, a la emergencia política italiana, que veía a los «católicos» a la caza de espacios autonómicos ante el Estado, en los limites que consentían las leyes, y de la libertad de enseñanza y de educación.16 El Santo estaba especialmente atento a defender el planteamiento propio de la educación, de modo que no dejó escaparse la ocasión que le ofrecían los tiempos y cuando se le bloqueó el camino de las escuelas de «ginnasio» (1879), se batió con todas sus fuerzas para defenderlas.
En realidad, don Bosco había utilizado la actividad escolar como un instrumento ulterior y eficaz de educación y, por tanto, en su perspectiva, de cristianización, aunque al principio tuviese un motivo importante su necesidad de colaboradores y, a partir de los años 60, frente a los obispos y a los mismos salesianos, diese mucho relieve al cuidado de las vocaciones.''
Bajo esta luz, pues, también la escuela humanística entraba en su planteamiento educativo, obedeciendo a los mismos principios escolares fundamentales, como ya ha hecho notar P. Braido,18 calificándola, ante todo, como «escuela cristiana». En ella debía tener un lugar privilegiado la instrucción religiosa y la educación moral, como «preparación a la vida»; pero es que, además, se debía actuar a la luz del «temor de Dios», en la fidelidad a los propios deberes y, por tanto, al «trabajo», de modo que se incidiese sobre la marcha de la misma vida civil, como «honrados ciudadanos», además de «buenos cristianos» como don Bosco solía remachar. El Regolamento per le case della Societá di S. Francesco di Sales, elaborado en varias etapas desde los años 50, subraya esos mismos principios.
Es convicción común hoy entre los estudiosos de la «pedagogía» de don Bosco, que el sistema preventivo, nacido más de la práctica que de lecturas o reflexiones de carácter teórico e impuesto como estilo educativo específico, tuvo que sufrir notables modificaciones precisamente con la «colegialización»," que había exigido estructuras y relaciones diferentes de las que regían en el Oratorio de Valdocco.
16 Cf., sobre este punto, las densas páginas de S'TELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 121-127; pero que evoca también un probable influjo europeo.
17 Puede verse, especialmente, el ya citado pasaje del Epistolario I 248; además: el art. 5 del
c. I de las Costituzioni della Pia Societá di S. Francesco di Sales: «Mezzi per coltivare le vocazioni alío Stato Ecclesiastico», introducido en las Deliberazioni del secondo Capitolo generale della Pia Societá Salesiana, tenuto in Lanzo Torinese nel setiembre 1880, Torillo, Tipografía Salesiana 1882, Distinz. III, c. 4, pp. 56-59; MB XII, 27; XVII, 616.
" BRAIDO, II sistema preventivo, p. 360-366; y para las repercusiones sobre la sociedad: ID., II progetto operativo di Don Bosco e l'utopia della societá cristiana, «Quaderni di "Salesianum"», 6, Roma, LAS 1982.
19 Cf. BRAIDO, II progetto operativo, p. 5 y p. 15-21; STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 462-466.
Esto se deduce, no tanto del opúsculo con aquel título, preparado y publicado en 1877, cuanto del análisis de la actividad y de las enseñanzas de don Bosco. A pesar de esto, algunos rasgos típicos del «sistema» se encuentran también en el terreno de la escuela, tanto en la práctica como en las orienta-dones que sobre ella se dan. Entre los más significativos, hay que señalar, en clave más bien metodológíco-educativa, la centralidad del ambiente, cuyo eje es la familiaridad, orientado a la promoción de una moralidad y religiosidad auténticas, genuinas; 2° la corresponsabilidad que, por una parte, quería tener en cuenta las diferencias de carácter y de edad y, por otro, jugaba con la implicación de los mismos muchachos; por último, la atención a cada uno, que en el plano didáctico se expresa como individualización. A este respecto, creo significativo señalar que, con los años, se intensificó la indicación de atender a los muchachos en dificultad, a los últimos, sin que esto supusiese desatender a los demás: «De ordinario los maestros tienden a complacerse con los alumnos que sobresalen por estudio e inteligencia y explican atendiendo sólo a esos [...]. Yo, en cambio, soy de parecer totalmente contrario. Creo que todo maestro debe atender a los más torpes de la clase; preguntarles con más frecuencia que a los demás, detenerse más por ellos en las explicaciones y repetir, repetir, hasta que entiendan, acoplar los deberes y lecciones a su capacidad. Si el maestro tiene un método contrario a esto, no da clase a los alumnos, sino a alguno de los alumnos. Para ocupar convenientemente a los alumnos de inteligencia más despierta, dénseles deberes y lecciones extraordinarios, premiándolos con puntos de aplicación. Más que descuidar a los más retrasados, dispénseseles de cosas accesorías; pero las materias principales adáptense totalmente a ellos»?'
Análogas afirmaciones, repetidas varias veces por don Bosco, se encontraban también en los pedagogos más perspicaces de la época y no sólo extranjeros aunque es siempre difícil decir si y hasta qué punto se puede demostrar su posible influencia, teniendo en cuenta que el Santo tenía la experiencia personal y repetida de trabajar con muchachos con dificultades en la escuela.'
20 A este propósito, se puede consultar: BELLERATE, Don Bosco e la scuola, p. 88-93. Pero no hay que olvidar el hecho de que, ya en 1880, don Bosco se da cuenta de que son las escuelas las que más fácilmente caen en el frente de la «cantó e dolcezza», especialmente con los últimos. En la 2' conferencia del II Capítulo general decía: «Un'altra cosa che bisognerá studiamo insieme di promuovere si é lo spirito di cantó e di dolcezza di S. Francesco di Sales. Esso va diminuendo specialmente nelle scuole. Alcuni giovani non sono ben visti e non ben trattati dai maestri: altri sono abbandonati nella scuola, non curad, lasciati per tempo e tempo senza essere interrogati, senza che loro si correggano lavori ecc.: altri poi sono mandad fuori dalla scuola [...]» (ASC 04 Capitolo generale H 1880 [micr. 1857 C9].
21 MB XI, 218. En este sentido existían en Valdocco los «ripetitori», de quienes don Durando ha transmitido los nombres, para los años 1869-1872, en su agenda personal (ASC, 272. Durando).
Cf. por ejemplo: MO 51.78.94.101. En cuanto a los pedagogos, J.F. Herbart había hecho ya propuestas análogas, y, por ejemplo, en «L'Educatore primario», que don Bosco conocía, se pueden, probablemente, encontrar exhortaciones del mismo tipo.
Indicados los objetivos fundamentales que don Bosco se proponía alcanzar con la escuela y las modalidades educativas a las que debía obedecer, resulta muy lejos de su pensamiento la idea de una posible «neutralidad» de aquella institución, no por su función instrumental, sino por su uso, que tenía que orientarse necesariamente a un tipo cualificado de formación humana. Por eso, la «escuela cristiana» se ha ido delineando, a sus ojos, como el remedio principal para la «única causa verdadera» de la «aberración» que estaba extendiéndose al difundirse la obligación y la frecuencia escolar: la «educación pagana que se da generalmente en las escuelas».23
La puesta en marcha de la actividad escolar en el Oratorio había respondido, sin embargo, a otras motivaciones, como se ha visto. Y sólo más tarde tomó cuerpo la convicción que absorbió progresivamente la atención y el empeño del Santo. Efectivamente, aquella iniciativa suponía inevitablemente una serie de complicaciones burocráticas: desde la obtención de los permisos necesarios, condicionados por la situación legal de los maestros y la practicidad de los locales; el planteamiento educativo, al que se ha hecho alusión y que más tarde entrará en crisis hasta en el Oratorio (1882-1884);24 los destinatarios, que poco a poco se fueron diversificando; hasta los subsidios didácticos que, a su vez, no se podían considerar neutrales.
El problema más grave que debió afrontar don Bosco, desde el principio, fue el de los maestros. Empezó, en 1855-56, con el clérigo G.B. Francesia, de 17 arios, que había sido antes interno en el Oratorio y al que él mismo había impuesto el hábito. Después, con G. Ramello y F. Blanch, «patentato» y que se había ofrecido a trabajar gratuitamente. Y, poco a poco, con otros colaboradores suyos que, sin embargo, carecían, las más de las veces, del título exigido o «patente» de enseñanza. De aquí la preocupación y la densa correspondencia del Santo con las autoridades competentes, a partir del 4 de diciembre de 1862, para obtener excepciones y reconocimientos, y que duró toda la década de los años 60 y volvió después de la clausura del «ginnasio» de Valsalice, con tonos, acentos y promesas de diverso género, que ponen en evidencia la astucia y sabiduría de quien, sabiéndose en situación deficiente, juega todas las cartas que tiene para conseguir sus objetivos, sin desanimarse por las dificultades, las amenazas y los abusos a los que se vio sometido. Basta recordar las frecuentes y a veces fastidiosas inspecciones de que fue objeto la escuela del Oratorio.25
" Cf. F. CERRUTI, Le idee di D. Bosco sull'educazione e sull'insegnamento e la missione attuale della scuola - Lettere due, San Benigno Canavese, Tipografía e Libreria Salesiana 1886, p. 88: se - transcribe un coloquio del Santo con el abogado Michel.
24 Véase: J.M. PRELLFZO, Studio e rillessione pedagogica nella Congregazione Salesiana 18741941 - Note per la storia, en RSS 7 (1988) 36-47.
" Cf. E I, especialmente, de la carta 219 a la 685, passim; MB v-VII y XVI; Annali I, passim.
Presionado por esa urgencia, don Bosco no dudó en enviar a sus clérigos a la Universidad, primero en calidad de oyentes y después, cuando se le exigía por el Ministerio regularizar situaciones, como matriculados normales, llegando, aunque con retraso, a disponer de maestros titulados en número suficiente. Sin embargo, las dificultades volvían a aparecer enseguida, impidiéndole con frecuencia aceptar invitaciones para nuevas fundaciones. Es más, uno de los motivos de volver a cierta preferencia por los «artigianelli», según don Bosco, fue precisamente el hecho de que «al mismo tiempo se pueden sostener con menos personal y, esto es lo mejor, que por ahora el personal no necesita titulación y a nosotros nos faltan tanto títulos de diplomados como de licenciados».
Y añade: «En estos hospicios, además, con los artesanos podemos, poco a poco, poner también escuelas y entonces no hay tanto peligro de que las autoridades escolares vean lo que se hace y si los maestros están titulados o no».26
En cambio, no había tenido dificultad en aceptar desde el principio los programas propuestos por el Estado, aun sin renunciar a introducir alguna exigencia especial, como el estudio de los autores clásicos cristianos, a los que quiso que se dedicase una hora de dase a la semana.' Después, mientras insistirá en aceptar los programas y la autoridad del gobierno, decidirá reservar los estudios universitarios a los sacerdotes q «al menos» a los iniciados en las órdenes sagradas.28
En cuanto a los destinatarios, inicialmente eran muchachos con esperanza, al menos, de vocación eclesiástica, si no salesiana. Tanto es así que, mientras antes había enviado a sus estudiantes también a las clases del canónigo Anfossi, del vecino Cottolengo, en un segundo momento recibió él mismo a los aspirantes del canónigo en Valdocco. Sólo más tarde se abrió esta escuela a otros externos, pero privilegiando siempre a posibles candidatos al sacerdocio. En cambio, en otros centros, el Santo fue reduciendo poco a poco las mallas de su red, para recoger toda clase de «peces», con tal de hacerles alcanzar la meta de la salvación. La «colegialización» ensancha de este modo el horizonte, desde la juventud «pobre y abandonada» a «cualquier otra clase de personas», aunque la «Congregación» «prefiere ocuparse de la clase media y de la clase pobre como quienes tienen mayor necesidad de ayuda y de asistencia».29 Un caso especial fue la aceptación del colegio de Valsalice (1872) destinado a los retoños de «familias patricias y pudientes» de la clase alta de Turín, por indicación y presión de la curia y del arzobispo, y aceptando tatobién «a algunos (aunque pocos) jovencitos pobres».
26 Verbali del Capitolo generale II (micr. 1.858B11): muy probablemente esta postura refleja la disquisición jurídica en curso, en orden a la abrogación del decreto de clausura del colegio («ginnasio») de Valdocco.
27 Cf. Regolamento per le Case, P. I., c. VI, a. 14. Pero, curiosamente, en los únicos Programmi d'insegnamento per le scuole elementari, ginnasiali e liceali que he logrado encontrar (ASC 35) para el «Armo Scolastico 1888-1889» (Torino, Tipografía Salesiana 1888); no aparece tal hora, sino sólo «S. Girolamo (De viris illustribus)» en el tercer curso gimnasia'.
Cf. Verbali del I Capítulo general de 1877, respectivamente, 4' conf., p. 128 de la edición crítica (preparada por M. VERHULST, I verbali del I Capitolo Generale Salesiano [1877], Universitá Pontificia Salesiana 1980) y p. 292s. sobre el respeto de los programas y de la autoridad; y el 7° art. sobre los «Studi tra i confratelli Salesiani» del mismo Capítulo: Verbali, p. 99 y además p. 109- 110 (edición crítica).
La apertura de las escuelas a muchachos de la «clase media» hizo reaparecer, también por la escasez de vocaciones eclesiásticas, la preocupación por ellas a partir de los años 60, como se ha dicho; don Bosco vuelve a insistir para que se cuide y se prefiera a los que dan esperanza de vocación, codificando en las Constituciones de la Sociedad salesiana este compromiso." Naturalmente, dentro del problema de las vocaciones, ocupaban un puesto privilegiado los que podían llegar a ser salesianos. En un primer momento, en Valdocco, no estaban separados de los otros estudiantes en los cursos del «girinosio», mientras que para los cursos de liceo y filosofía frecuentaban como externos, las clases del seminario, colaborando también a satisfacer las exigencias de asistencia y de enseñanza en el mismo Oratorio. Sólo mucho más tarde, en los últimos años de la vida del Santo, se pensó en llevarles después del Noviciado a una institución a propósito, San Benigno Canavese, primero, y a los «estudiantados» después, como decidió el segundo Capítulo general?'
Por lo que se refiere a los salesianos, no hay que olvidar, de modo especial, las exigencias especificas de carácter pedagógico orientadas a su preparación en el plano educativo, además de formación eclesiástica: se insiste en ello tanto en los reglamentos como en los Capítulos generales.32
4. La instrumentación didáctico-educativa
Subrayada la finalidad religiosa fundamental, siempre presente en el pensamiento y en la acción del Santo, señalo aún tres elementos especialmente significativos del escenario escolar-formativo promovido por él: el recurso a modelos, válidos, según él, para todo tipo de intervención pedagógica, la coloquialidad y la preparación de textos y manuales adaptados, en este caso, a la escuela humanística. Terminaré este punto con iina palabra sobre el latín.
29 Ibidem c.I, a. único.
30 Cf. BRAIDO, Il sistema preventivo, p. 353-359. Véase también RICALDONE, Don Bosco educatore II 452-493, teniendo en cuenta el diverso enfoque e interés de este escrito. Además: Costituzioni della c. I, a. 5; y las páginas ya citadas de las Deliberazioni del secondo Capitolo.
31 Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 150-160. Además los ya citados volúmenes de los Annali y, sobre todo, de las MB. Véase además: Deliberazioni del secondo Capitolo, p. 69-71. Se tenga presente que el principal motivo aducido para cerrar el gimnasio de Valdocco era que enseñaban maestros sin título, en lugar de los maestros titulados que habían sido comunicados a la autoridad civil.
32 CE especialmente el trabajo ya citado de PRELLEZO, Studio e nflessione pedagogica, páginas recordadas. Me parece importante recordar también los consejos dados a don Bertello, profesor de filosofía, respondiendo a sus quejas sobre el poco empeño en el estudio de los clérigos salesianos; en tales consejos se repiten indicaciones dadas a todos los enseñantes (E II, 471).
El tema de los modelos, o con el significado práctico actual de esquemas estructurales los que hay que atenerse en las propias intervenciones, sino el sentido o de figuras emblemáticas que reproducir, o que no hay que imitar y que han caracterizado durante siglos a la educación cristiana (así como el papel tradicionalmente atribuido al «ejemplo»), o también sólo en el sentido de ideales a cuyo logro se ha invitado, está muy presente en los escritos y en las normas dadas por don Bosco. Para ello no sólo recordaba la ocasión de celebraciones esperiRles (fiesta de la Inmaculada Concepción, de San José, de San Luis...) que había que aprovechar en las clases con breves referencias, sino que se había comprometido, con una laudable sensibilidad pedagógica, en proponer a sus jóvenes modelos de entre sus compañeros desaparecidos poco antes, aunque lejanos de ser canonizados. Así, Domingo Savio, ahora santo, Francisco Besucco, Miguel Magone.33
Por coloquialidad, en este contexto, entiendo una doble exigencia subrayada por el Santo ante sus maestros. Ante todo, la insistencia en que explicasen y lo hiciesen de un modo fácil, comprensible para todos, de acuerdo con aquella atención a los últimos de la que ya se ha hablado. Este tipo de enseñanza no tiene en cuenta el brillo del maestro, que se debe poner al nivel de los alumnos, como en cualquier diálogo humano, pero de modo que interpele al alumno. En la misma línea está su insistencia sobre las preguntas en clase, aunque vistas principalmente como verificación: «Y soy también del parecer de que se pregunte mucho, mucho y, si es posible, no se deje pasar ningún día sin preguntar a todos. De esto se sacarían ventajas incalculables. Oigo, en cambio, que algún profesor entra en clase, pregunta a uno o dos y, después, sin más, explica su lección.-Este método no lo querría ni siquiera en la Universidad. Preguntar, preguntar mucho, preguntar muchísimo: cuanto más se haga hablar a los alumnos tanto más aumentará el provecho».34 No se trata, de todos modos, de una fiscalización, sino que ese modo de actuar tiene que situarse en el horizonte de la amorevolezza, típica de su planteamiento educativo. Gracias a ella uno se hace «pequeño con los pequeños», de modo que, como hace escribir desde Roma en 1884, los muchachos «si son amados en lo que les gusta participando "en sus aficiones infantiles, aprendan a ver el amor en las cosas que naturalmente les gustan poco: como la disciplina, el estudio, la mortificación de sí mismos; y aprendan a hacer estas cosas con amor»."
Indicaciones más detalladas sobre la metodología didáctica y, todavía más, sobre los objetivos que se deben obtener, se leen en las dos cartas de don Cerruti a don Rua cuyo título es: Le idee di D. Bosco sull'educazione e sull'inse
" Véanse las respectivas biografías, preparadas por él mismo. Además: MB VI, 244-245 y 390; Regolamento per le case, P. I, c. VI, a. 13.
34 MB XI, 218. Cf. también: Regolamento per le case, P. I, c. VI, a. 5. Sobre este tipo de indicaciones, se insiste de vez en cuando en las conferencias a los salesianos de Valdocco (por ejemplo en la 4° del 82.1881: ASC 38).
33 Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 294. Cf. MB V, 917; VI, 320-321; VIII, 750; IX, 69-70.
gnamento, ya citadas. Su valor estriba en que fueron escritas cuando todavía vivía el Santo que, muy probablemente, al menos fue informado de ellas, y porque don Rua las recibe como tales explícitamente,36 de modo que se apoya en ellas en su circular, aunque, a su vez, llame la atención sobre otras sugerencias didácticas, y porque el autor había sido alumno y maestro en el Oratorio de Valdocco. La insistencia mayor, no obstante,--se-....claáquí también sobre la «cristianita» de la escuela y la elección de los escritores latir so que dan a aquélla una buena aportación.
Por último, en lo que se refiere a los manuales, don Bosco, descontada una selección cuidadosa previa, exigía, en primer lugar, el respeto: «Querría, además, que las explicaciones se ajustasen al texto, explicando bien sus palabras. Irse por regiones elevadas parece dar palos al aire [...]. Y que no se critiquen los textos. Hace falta poco para desacreditarlos ante los jóvenes; cuando éstos hayan perdido su estima, no los estudian ya. Se puede añadir lo que falta, dictándolo; pero críticas, no, nunca».37 Sin embargo, se sentía el problema, y en los dos primeros Capítulos generales se dieron normas, más bien detalladas, con pequeños reajustes en el segundo de ellos: «1. Por regla general, los libros de texto deben estar escritos o revisados por nuestros socios o por personas conocidas por su honestidad y religión. 2. Cuando las autoridades escolares mandasen algún libro, puede introducirse sin dificultad en nuestras escuelas; pero si en ese libro hubiese máximas contrarias a la religión o a la moral, no se ponga nunca en manos de los alumnos. En ese caso, provéase dictando en clase o haciendo imprimir o multicopiar dicho libro, omitiendo o rectificando las partes, los períodos y las expresiones que se juzgasen peligrosas o sin más inoportunas. Esto es cometido del Consejero escolar del Capítulo superior».38
Hoy, indudablemente, estas indicaciones pueden sonar a excesiva prudencia, pero no lo eran en aquellos tiempos, sea porque era costumbre común, al menos entre los religiosos, «purgar» a los clásicos, según la práctica de San Carlos Borromeo para sus seminaristas;39 sea porque no existían otras fuentes fáciles de encontrar libres de «contaminación» moral, como se atribuía a dichos autores; o, por último, porque los textos tenían precios no muy asequibles. En aquel clima, que el Santo había respirado desde hacia tiempo y que había fomentado, tanto con sus publicaciones como con sus intervenciones, se puede comprender mejor y valorar el tardío desahogo con el abogado Michel de Marsella en 1885: «He combatido toda mi vida contra esa perversa educación (pagana), que arruina la mente y el corazón de la juventud en sus años más bellos; fue siempre mi ideal reformarla sobre bases sinceramente cristianas.
36 Lettere Circolari 38: «In quello voi troverete le precise idee di Don Bosco su questo argumento; io le volli rileggere ultimarnente con attenzione, e dovetti constatare che realmente vi erano con tutta fedeltá esposte quelle idee, che phi e pl.' volte aveva io stesso udite ripetere e inculcare dal labbro del nostro caro padre». Véase, en la p. 43, otros consejos didácticos.
MB XI, 218: MB XIV, 838.
38 Deliberazioni del secondo Capitolo, c. IV, p. 73. Cf. Deliberazioni del Capitolo Generale della Pia Societa Salesiana, tenuto in Lanzo-Torinese nel settembre 1877, Torino, Tipografia e Libreria Salesiana 1878, c. Da, p. 18.
" Lo afirma don Cerruti en su opúsculo (p. 9).
Con este fin he acometido la impresión revisada y corregida de los clásicos latinos profanos más frecuentes en las escuelas; con este fin empecé la publicación de los clásicos latinos cristianos, que deberían, con la santidad de su doctrina y de sus ejemplos, hacerla más bella con una forma al mismo tiempo elegante y robusta, completar lo que falta a los primeros, que son el producto de sólo la razón, hacer vanos en lo posible los efectos destructores del naturalismo pagano y volver a dar el antiguo honor debido a cuanto en las letras produjo de grande el Cristianismo. Este es, en una palabra, el objeto que he buscado siempre en todos los intentos educativos y didácticos, que di de palabra y por escrito a: directores, maestros y asistentes de la Pía Sociedad salesiana. Y ahora, viejo y caduco, muero con el dolor, resignado, pero dolor al fin, de que no me han comprendido bien, de no ver plenamente en marcha la obra de reforma de la educación y la enseñanza a la que he consagrado todas mis fuerzas y sin la que no podremos jamás, lo repito, tener una juventud estudiosa sincera y enteramente católica»."
Esta larga, pero muy significativa cita, por la que pido excusa, aunque puede suscitar alguna perplejidad desde un punto de vista estrictamente histórico, no deja dudas sobre las intenciones y preocupaciones de don Bosco en relación con la escuela humanista, en la que no se podía tolerar nada que supusiese daño para la formación cristiana. Don Cerruti, que se alarga en el tema, insinúa también las posibles fuentes, pasadas y contemporáneas del Santo, con una referencia especial a la polémica que se había desencadenado en Francia entre Dupanloup y Gaume, cerrada con una decidida intervención de Pío IX con la encíclica Inter mirifica.s del 21 de marzo de 1853. En ella se defendía el uso de los clásicos cristianos junto a los profanos «a quavis labe purgati». En la misma línea se había situado también León MIL Y esto habría sido suficiente para decidir la actitud y las opciones de don Bosco:' En esta misma perspectiva se entiende también la exclusión de muchos autores y obras literarias italianas, como Ariosto, Machiavelli, Metastasio, Giusti, D'Azeglio y hasta Manzoni (y como «lo que puede hacer mal a los nuestros puede hacer mal a los demás: no se pueden poner a la venta»), como todos los textos «en que hay enarnoramientos».42 De todos modos, don Bosco «estudió los clásicos italianos y en los últimos arios de su vida recordaba todavía y declamaba de memoria con mucho gusto cantos enteros de Dante y poesías de otros autores. Sintió la necesidad de estudiarlos, como algo necesario para aprender bien la lengua y hacerse con un buen estilo. Y promovió su estudio.
40 CERRUTI, Le idee di D. Bosco, p. 89.
Cf. CERRUTI, Le idee di D. Bosco, p. 11-14. Se dan, explícitamente, las razones por las que se deben preferir los autores cristianos (p. 15), y se transcribe una significativa exclamación de don Bosco: «Aihmé quanti giovani di belle speranze ha rovinato la mitologia!» (p. 40).
Cf. Verbali del Capitolo generale II (micr. 1.857D7).
Pero vio los peligros que iban a encontrar en este estudio los jovencitos, sobre todo porque muchos de ellos están prohibidos por la Iglesia o la ley natural». Pero no hay que olvidar, a propósito de ello una observación de don Cerruti, a la que atribuye valor didáctico: «Yo recuerdo, querido don Rua, con cierta emoción, aquellos bellos arios en que él, nuestro amadísimo padre, nos contaba con aquella rara ingenuidad suya, el cuidado ardiente que había puesto durante sus años de estudios juveniles por adquirir una forma de hablar especialmente florida, rotundidad en los períodos, belleza de dicción y cosas parecidas, y cuántos esfuerzos debió hacer después, cuántas luchas sostuvo contra sí mismo para librarse de ello y adquirir, en cambio, aquella otra llana, sencilla, cándida y siempre correcta que hace amables tanto sus palabras como sus escritos». La retórica, especialmente en los trabajos escolares, se presenta de ese modo negativamente.43
Por último, una referencia también sobre el latín. El Santo que, como se ha visto, lo había estudiado diligentemente, se convirtió en paladín de su estudio, antes de nada, entre sus clérigos colaboradores y, después, entre los estudiantes, hasta el punto de hacer representar, con éxito comedias clásicas en su texto original.44 El motivo principal de esta actitud suya, que tenía también raíces muy lejanas y profundas en la tradición escolar piamontesa, derivaba del hecho de que el latín era la lengua de la Iglesia y de los Padres, por los que nutría una gran veneración, aun bajo el aspecto literario, como ya se ha dicho. No se puede, por otra parte, excluir una consciente funcionalidad con vistas a la promoción de las vocacione eclesiásticas. Sin embargo, con la expansión de la Congregación en el «nuevo mundo», sólo se menciona el latín en relación con los clérigos y no ya con los colegiales, como aparece en las Deliberazioni del secondo Capitolo generale, y después.
Al final de este recorrido histórico por los arios de la madurez y vejez de don Bosco con el fin de captar las motivaciones y opciones que le llevaron a asumir el peso que suponía abrir una escuela humanista, querría presentar algunas consideraciones, en clave «positiva» y, tal vez, personal, que estimulen, según creo (y no sólo a los salesianos), aunque vayan de forma esquemática, y espero que no moralista.
Ante todo, sobre la función de la escuela. Aunque hoy se puede pensar en la escuela como una institución dirigida fundamentalmente, si no exclusiva mente, a la instrucción y hasta la profesionalización, me parece que, a la luz de la postura del Santo, no se puede (ni debe) dejar en la sombra su cometido educativo y, por tanto, dirigido en primer lugar a una promoción humana; y, eventualmente, a un éxito profesional en todo caso no necesario.
" Cf. CEJuwrI, Le idee di D. Bosco, p. 44-45y p. 46-47.
" Cf. MB VI, 884 y 958; VII, 666; VIII, 419 y 782-783. Por lo que se refiere a su admiración por los Padres y a la defensa del latín de los miqmos, además de los pasajes citados, cf. MB IV, 634-636.
Por eso resulta indispensable unir, a la preparación disciplinar de los maestros, una preparación igualmente comprometida de corte pedagógico; don Bosco lo pedía a sus religiosos, teniendo en cuenta, naturalmente, los progresos de las ciencias de la educación.
Lo que no contradice, según mi parecer, la exigencia y la práctica del Santo de unir al estudio y a la información (entonces no siempre adecuada) una experiencia directa y probada: el «tirocinio». Tal vez el mismo don Bosco exageró el papel determinante de la práctica, pero por necesidad más que por convicción, dado el aprecio que demostró en general por los estudios. Hoy, con frecuencia, el riesgo es el contrario: nos contentamos con la teoría, académica o no, y ni siquiera porque se la estime más de lo debido.
Algo todavía. El Santo, aun después de haber abierto a la «clase media» las escuelas, insistió mucho para que no se descuidase a los muchachos con dificultades en el aprendizaje. Se diría que defendía una escuela no selectiva, pidiendo a sus maestros un empeño mayor y diferenciado, no resignado en absoluto. Hoy, a nivel teórico, se difunden tesis paralelas (desde la de una individualización más tradicional en la enseñanza hasta el mastery learning), pero se está muy lejos en la práctica, en la que vuelven a aparecer con vigor posturas discriminatorias.
El principio de la corresponsabilidad o de la coloquialidad, como lo he denominado aquí, invita a pensar de nuevo en el valor del sujeto humano y la densidad del respeto que le es debido. Don Bosco sin duda estuvo condicionado por su pensamiento teológico y religioso, más que por el antropológico-psicológico en esta implicación buscada de los alumnos. Pero crear espacios para los otros y compartirlos como iguales, la utilización (como piden, entre otras cosas, la amorevolezza y la familiaridad) es una exigencia que, pedagógicamente y tal vez también psicológicamente, tiene un significado liberador. Como cuando se trata con niños, se mira mucho de arriba abajo. J. Korczak tendría mucho que decir en este campo y precisamente en ese sentido he relanzado un concepto más amplio de coeducación, como con-tributo continuo y recíproco, aunque no siempre consciente, a la promoción humana.
Por último, la aceptación por parte del Santo de los programas oficiales, aun tomándose la libertad que consideraba irrenunciable de adaptarlos, es índice de una notable capacidad de adaptación que, si no se puede llevar hasta las fronteras de un pluralismo impensable para aquella época, manifiesta una cualidad fundamental para una gestión inteligente de las relaciones humanas: discernir lo esencial de lo accidental, lo sustancial de lo accesorio. En educación es objetivo indiscutible la promoción del sujeto, su crecimiento humano; las modalidades, los medios y hasta las metas intermedias pueden variar o desaparecer; en una educación cristiana, igualmente no hay que confundir lo que garantiza la fe con lo que otros aconsejan o exigen.
Se trata de sugerencias para la reflexión, si no para la revisión, que se encuentran en buena sintonía con las actitudes y las opciones de don Bosco que, aun referidas a un tema no medular de sus intereses y de su pensamiento, brotan con notable evidencia y, aparte la diversidad de los tiempos, de las situaciones y de los condicionamientos, se pueden volver a proponer, aún hoy, a todos.
Historical approach (1870-1887) *
José Manuel PRELEZZ0 GARCÍA
The Salesian historian Eugenio Cenia has written with some emphasis: "To measure the scope of the professional schools of Don Bosco, it is necessary to wait for the wonderful development of them to take place, in the old and in the new Continent, under the successors of the Saint; he, however, gave them the direction and the first impulse, which consented to advance towards further progress. "1
O. Preliminary Preliminaries
In fact, the same denomination "professional schools" entered the current language and the Salesian writings after the death of Don Bosco. He and his collaborators preferred to speak, like his contemporaries, of "artisti" and "artigiani", of "officine", of "laboratori", and, later, of "ospizi per arti e mestieri" or of "case di artigiani". » In the cultural field of Castilian language the expression "Salesian workshops" was fortunate.
The most important document on the subject, prepared in the General Chapter - 1883 and 1886, presented, in the first handwritten edition, the title: "Indirizzo da darsi alla classe operaia nelle Case Salesiane e mezzi onde svilupparne e coltivarne le voca7ioni" .2 The highest legislative body of the Salesian Society was still presided over by Don Bosco.
The text of the definitive text, together with another document on the Lay Salesians, was published in the official Deliberations of 1887, under the heading: "Dello spirito religiosa e delle vocazioni fra i coadiutori e gli artigiani" .3
It is precisely this the publication that the aforementioned Don Cenia defined with an expression that has found good reception among scholars: as a "parva chanta" of Salesian professional schools.
* This communication was written and read by the author in Spanish (nde).
'Annali1, p. 649
2 Capitolo generale III 1883. Deliberazioni del temo e quarto capitolo generale della Pia Societa Salesiana tenuti a Valsalice nel settembre 1883-86, San Benigno Canavese, Tip. Salesiana 1887, p. 16-22.
The publication constitutes, without a doubt, an important and authoritative point of reference, to approach the more mature phase of the proposal made to the Salesian houses of arts and crafts, during the life of Don Bosco.
In my communication, I will devote special attention to the various editions of the document, in order to highlight the meaning and scope of the most central issues, and with the intention of also defining the limits of the presence of Don Bosco and his collaborators in the elaboration of them.
To fully achieve these objectives, it would be necessary to make at least a> prior approximation to the «living reality» of the institutions in which Don Bosco and the first collaborators carried out their work for the benefit of the young apprentices.
My contribution is intentionally and necessarily limited to the scope of an institution: the Oratory of San Francisco de Sales of Valdocco (Turin), and in the indicated time period: 1870-1887.
The choice of Valdocco is not arbitrary. It is the first and the only institution directed directly by Don Bosco. In it he opened his first workshops. As regards the chronological limits, a brief quotation is enough: the final limit (1887) is obvious, if one takes into account the date of the aforementioned chapter deliberations that came to light a few months before the death of Don Bosco. More problematic, however, appears the starting point. All in all, the materials that are kept in the Central Salesian Archive (diaries and notes of the first Salesians, minutes of meetings of the house council ...) allow us to affirm, at least as a working hypothesis, that, a. As of the date indicated, certain change in perspective can be seen in certain aspects of Valdocco's life. Precisely in 1870, It was decided to introduce a clear separation between artisans and students. This is what Don Michele Rua says in the minutes of the so-called Chapter Conferences. At that time, Don Rua was prefect of the Salesian Society and an intimate collaborator of the Founder.
Como me referiré muchas veces a éstos y a otros documentos similares, conviene advertir:
a) Hablaré de «Conferencias capitulares», para referirme a esas actas, en las que el citado don Rua recoge (al menos desde 1866 a 1877) las deliberaciones de las reuniones celebradas por el capítulo (hoy, consejo) de la casa. En dichas reuniones intervenían también los miembros del Capítulo superior (hoy, Consejo general).4
b) Con la expresión «Conferencias mensuales», indicaré las actas (redactadas por don Giuseppe Lazzero, viceclirector y, más tarde, director) de las reuniones del personal de Valdocco (1871-1884).
ASC 9.132 Rua Capitolo Deliberazioni. En la primera página de algunos cuadernos, don Rua escribe: Conferenze capitolari dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales...; cf. ASC 110 Barberis Cronachette (23.1.1878).
Intervenían, frecuentemente, en estas reuniones todos los salesianos de la casa. Desde 1871, se tenían también conferencias mensuales en las que tomaban parte únicamente los responsables de la asistencia de los artesanos del Oratorio de San Francisco de Sales.5
c) Con el nombre de «Conferencias generales», se entienden las actas (escritas por diversas manos) de las reuniones del Capítulo superior y de los directores de las casas celebradas con ocasión de la fiesta de San Francisco de Sales. Eran presididas por don Bosco.6
Esquema del trabajo:
1. Los talleres de don Bosco: notas introductorias.
2. Progresiva separación entre artesanos y estudiantes, y «gran progreso de los artesanos» (1870-1878).
3. La «sección de artesanos»: propuestas de organización (1879-1882).
4. Líneas para un plan de formación en las «casas de artesanos» (1883 1887).
5. Presencia de don Bosco y presencia de los colaboradores: un tema a profundizar.
Para recorrer con una cierta seguridad las etapas que serán objeto de nuestro estudio, puede ser útil acercarse un momento a los orígenes. Esquemática, mente, se podría sintetizar así el devenir de la obra de don Bosco, con relación al tema: 1° encuentro con jóvenes aprendices que él entretiene e instruye los días de fiesta (1841-1843); 2° acogida de pobres muchachos inmigrados, desocupados, a los que busca un trabajo en el taller de algún honesto patrón, estipulando regulares contratos de trabajo (1844-1852); 3° y, finalmente, apertura de talleres internos propios, con una clara intención preventiva (evitar los graves peligros morales de los talleres de la ciudad) y con explícita finalidad práctica: zapatería (1853), sastrería (1853), encuadernación (1854), carpintería (1856), tipografía (1861), forja (1862).7
En este punto, el educador piamontés no siguió los modelos escolares pú
ASC 110 Conferenze del Personale e del Capitolo dell'Oratorio; ASC 38 Oratorio S. Fr. di Sales Adunanze del Capitolo della Casa Ottobre 1877 - Genn. 1884.
6 ASC 04 Conferenze generali.
7 Cf. Annali I, p. 649-659; MB VII, 114-120; P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella simia economica e sociale (1815-1870), Roma, LAS 1980, 243-258; R. ALBERDL Impegno dei salesiani nel mondo del lavoro e in particolare nella formazione professionale dei giovani, en: Salesiani nel mondo del lavoro. Atti del convegno europeo sul tema «Salesiani e pastorale per il mondo del lavoro» (Roma 9-15 maggio 1982), Roma, Editrice SDB 1982, p. 9-63
blicos: «Entre el antiguo modo de establecer relaciones de trabajo entre el maestro de arte, dueño de taller, y los aprendices, y el nuevo modelo dela escuela técnica prevista por la ley orgánica de instrucción pública, don Bosco prefirió recorrer una tercera vía propia: la de los grandes talleres de su propiedad, cuyo ciclo de producción, de nivel popular y escolar, constituía también un útil entrenamiento para los jóvenes aprendices».8
Este hecho ha sido interpretado desde perspectivas diversas. En este momento, basta recordar que las experiencias de Valdocco habían comenzado algunos años antes de que entrara en vigor dicha ley orgánica de instrucción pública, la llamada «legge Casati» de 1859. Es decir, habían comenzado cuando el legislador italiano (y no sólo éste) seguía sin dedicar una seria atención a la instrucción profesional de los jóvenes aprendices.
La escuela técnica, establecida en el marco de la enseñanza secundaria, por la citada ley Casati, estaba destinada, más bien, a la pequeña burguesía de los negocios y del comercio.9 A finales de siglo, se seguía aún discutiendo polémicamente sobre la incapacidad de las escuelas técnicas de preparar para un oficio («dare un mestiere») a los alumnos (no muy numerosos) que las frecuentaban.i°
El imperativo de «dare un mestiere» a sus muchachos, para que pudieran ganarse honradamente el pan, se encontró, desde el principio, en el centro de los intereses de don Bosco. La obra iniciada a favor de jóvenes desocupados y, en su mayor parte analfabetos, se insertaba sin esfuerzo entre las iniciativas «privadas», nacidas en un clima de nueva sensibilidad por la instrucción de las clases populares y por la creación de talleres destinados a los jóvenes aprendices.
En los años que precedieron a la apertura de los primeros talleres de don Bosco, diversas publicaciones periódicas («L'Educatore Primario», «Letture di Famiglia», «Giornale della Societá d'Istruzione e d'Educazione») insistían en la importancia de la formación de artesanos instruidos; y presentaban a sus lectores las experiencias italianas («istituti di arti e mestieri di Biella») y extranjeras («Ecoles royales d'Arts et Métiers de Chálons-sur-Marne»). Don Bosco pudo, ya entonces, tener en sus manos «L'Educatore Primario», pues el primer número de la revista aparece citado en la presentación de su obra Storia sacra (1847). Y, ciertamente, mantuvo contactos con institutos
8 STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 248.
9 A. Torirw, L'istruzione tecnica e professionale di Stato nelle strutture e nei programmi da Casati al nostri giorni, Milano, Ginffré 1964, p. 13; cf. S. SOLDAN', L'istruzione tecnica nell'Italia liberale, en «Studi Storici» 22 (1981) 1, 110. En la ley Boncompagni del 1848, se hablaba de «scuole speciali»: «quelle che, continuando l'istruzione elementare, preparano all'esercizio delle professioni per le quali non é destinato alcuno speciale insegnamento nelle universitá» (tit. I, art. 4).
SOLDAN', L'istruzione tecnica, p. 110.
en los que funcionaban talleres para los jóvenes alumnos, como «La Generala» o el «Regio Albergo di Virtú» de Turín."
Resulta relativamente fácil colocar los orígenes de la obra de don Bosco en el contexto contemporáneo. Existen además publicaciones serias que se ocupan del tema, situado en el marco de la historia económica y social durante el período 1815-1870, En cambio, «la falta de documentación — ha observado P. Stella — no permite esbozar, sino en línea hipotética, las vicisitudes de las comunidades juveniles de los tres oratorios de don Bosco después del 48 hasta el 70».m
Esta afirmación habría que hacerla, sobre todo, al referirnos a los talleres de Valdocco y al período posterior al 1870, del que nos vamos a ocupar aquí. Pero habría que añadir también que, a pesar de que los documentos disponibles son fragmentarios e incompletos, se encuentran en ellos datos y elementos que permiten determinar, al menos «en línea hipotética», algunos rasgos que contribuyen a caracterizar la laboriosa andadura de la obra de don Bosco y de sus primeros colaboradores en favor de los jóvenes aprendices.
En la Conferencia general de 1871, don Bosco, después de haber escuchado la relación de los directores de las casas salesianas, quiso expresar su punto de vista sobre el Oratorio de San Francisco de Sales, la «casa central» de la Congregación: Veo que «se va regulando el orden en todas las cosas. Estoy contento también por el gran progreso de los artesanos, los cuales en años anteriores eran un verdadero flagelo para la casa. No es que todos sean harina para hacer hostias; pero un progreso ha tenido lugar, y hay algunos que piden poder entrar en la Congregación»
" En este último, hacia 1842, eran acogidos unos 150 muchachos, que se ejercitaban, durante 5 ó 6 años, en el aprendizaje de un oficio o arte manual, con el objeto de llegar a ser «abili a campare onestamente la vita» (F. GARGANO, Educazione e tecnologia, in «Letture di Famiglia» 1 [1842] 35, 274). Cf. Frammenti d'un viaggio pedagogico, en «Guida dell'Educatore» 3 (1838) 281307; Istruzione tecnica, en «L'Educatore Primario» 1 (1845) 18, 294-296.; Ordinamento dell'Istruzione in Piemonte, en «Giornale della Societá d'Istruzione e d'Educazione» 1 (1850) 1, 289-294; P. BARICCO, L'istruzione popolare in Torillo, Torillo, Tip. Botta 1865, p. 140-141; R. AUDISIO, La «Generala» di Torillo. Esposti, discoli, minori corrigendi (1785-1850), Santena, Fondazione Cavour 1987, p. 154-158. Don Bosco pudo leer el «Avviso-invito» lanzado por don Cocchi, el 15 octubre 1849, para la fundación de una «Societá di buone persone, e principalmente di Sacerdoti, e di Giovani secolari, i quali si prendessero a cuore l'incarico di provvedere al bisogni dei tanti raga7.71, orfani principalmente, abbandonati che bullicano per Torillo, e fano ii disordine della Societá Civile, e dell'umanitá - dar loro una qualche educazione, provvederli dei mezzi onde avviarli a qualche professione, a qualche mestiere».
STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 171.
" ASC 04 Conferenze generali (30.1.1871). Cf. J.M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco 1866-1888. Problemi
De las crónicas y testimonios del tiempo, se desprende claramente que, en efecto, no todos los artesanos eran «harina para hacer hostias». En 1876, don Ginlio Barberis (íntimo colaborador de don Bosco), en una de sus «cronachette», anota la decisión tomada en las Conferencias capitulares de expulsar a algunos de los más hábiles jóvenes artesanos «por razones de inmoralidad».14
Entre esas dos fechas — 1871 y 1876 —, al menos media docena de veces, se trató en dichas Conferencias capitulares acerca del tema de la mejora y progreso («miglioramento») de los artesanos. Precisamente en este contexto se recuerda insistentemente la medida tomada en 1870, que he recordado al principio: separar artesanos y estudiantes en los diversos ambientes de la casa. Y me parece que la insistencia en este punto no respondía, o no sólo respondía, al deseo de evitar encuentros u ocasiones peligrosas. Respondía, ciertamente, a preocupaciones de mayor alcance.
Sabemos que después de los años 60, por influjo de la tendencia general postunitaria hacia la enseñanza clásica, la sección de estudiantes se convirtió en la categoría propulsora («trainante») de Valdocco y de otras casas salesianas, como Lanzo, Alassio, San Pier d'Arena.'
Probablemente, sería exagerado hablar ahora de una clara inversión de tendencia. en Valdocco. Con todo, en los años 70, se advierte más de una señal respecto a una progresiva y mayor atención hacia los jóvenes aprendices. A pesar de algunas ligeras flexiones, se puede decir que el número de alumnos artesanos que entran en los talleres sigue un ritmo creciente.
organizzativi e tensioni ideali nelle «conferenze» dei primi salesiani, en RSS 8 (1989) 289-328.
" ASC 110 Barberis Cronachette (23.1.1876). Dos meses más tarde (31.3.1876), recoge un «discorsetto», «falto dopo le orazioni sgli artigiani», en el que don Bosco, aludiendo a «lo sciolamento e la ricostruzione del corpo musicale», dijo: «Vi sará giá stata delta la ragione di questo. E proprio da dirsi che la ragione precipua, anzi unica si fu perché, da molti non si faceva la parte del musicante che é di tenere allegri gil animi degli uomini e farli giá partecipare della musica che andremo poi a sentire in paradiso; ma si faceva la parte del cattivo, di chi vuol fare stare allegro il demonio».
STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 378.
TABLA 1: Número de nuevos alumnos artesanos y de otros empleados que entraron anualmente en los talleres de Valdocco (1870-1879)
año alumnos otros total
1870 76 54 130
1871 43 81 124
1872 45 44 89
1873 58 56 114
1874 53 69 122
1875 71 56 127
1876 67 80 147
1877 80 90 170
1878 77 41 118
1879 75 38 113
(Fuente: elaboración de ASC Torino Valdocco Anagrafe giovani 1869-1901).
Es éste el período en el que se asiste a un notable incremento en el número de Coadjutores, es decir, de los salesianos laicos que iban a desempeñar, por deseo de don Bosco, un papel importante en la dirección de los talleres. En el 1870, los Coadjutores eran 23; en 1880, 182.16
No faltaron estímulos en el ambiente cultural contemporáneo. En el bienio 1870-1871, el movimiento obrero católico echaba a andar en Turín, con la fundación de la «Unione Operaia Cattolica» por iniciativa de Leonardo Murialdo. Éste, según asegura su biógrafo, «accese della sua fiamma anche D. Bosco. Ne sollecitava la presenta e la parola nelle inaugurazioni delle nuove sezioni, nell'intento pare di convogliare nelle societá operaie cattoliche i giovani operai dei suoi Oratori, ed anche per stabilire armonía di relazioni tra i dirigenti delle opere giovanili, quelle delle Unioni ed i Parroci».17
Eran los años en que, por obra del mismo Murialdo, el «Collegio degli Artigianelli» se estaba organizando mejor, y llegaba a Piamonte el eco de las inicíativas francesas de Léon Harmel y de Timon-David en el campo de la formación de los jóvenes obreros. En Madrid, en 1871, se creaba la primera «Escuela de Artes y Oficios» (Decreto ley de 5.5.1871).
16 P. STELLA, I coadiutori salesiani (1854-1974). Appunti per un profilo storico socio-professionale, en: Atti del Convegno Mondiale Salesiano Coadiutore, Roma, Esse Gi Esse 1976, p. 5. Cf. P. BRAMO, Religiosi nuovi per il mondo del lavoro. Documentazione per un profilo del coadiutore salesiano, Roma, PAS 1961.
17 A. CASTELLANI, Il Beato Leonardo Murialdo pioniere e l'apostolo dell'azione sociale cristiana e dell'azione cattolica (1867-1900), Roma, Tip. S. Pio X 1967, p. 409. El teólogo L. Murialdo (1828-1900) había sido colaborador de don Bosco: director del Oratorio «San Luigi» (1857 1865).
La coyuntura económica favorable del 1872 permitió a don Bosco dar nuevo impulso a sus «Letture Cattoliche» y a los talleres de encuadernación y tipográfico. Superados momentos de contraste con los tipógrafos turineses, la tipografía de Valdocco tuvo, en los años siguientes, un notable desarrollo y consiguió amplios reconocimientos. «Di questi giorni — escribe don Barberis en una de sus " cronachette" del 1878 — all'Oratorío avvennero varíe altre cose che credo degne di menzione. E prima di tutto: si fecero venire dalla Germania tre nuove macchine da tipografía E veramente se ne abbisognava.
Quasi tutti gli inverni bisognava lavorare di notte. Ora con serte macchine due delle quali sono doppie cioé stampano due fogli, del lavoro se ne fa gil! »." Es conocida, por otra parte, la participación de don Bosco en la Exposición General de Turín del año 1884.19
Cuando en el Oratorio de San Francisco de Sales se buscaba el modo de mejorar la condición de los artesanos, se pensaba en los aspectos religiosos y morales. Pero no. sólo en éstos. Se encuentran testimonios explícitos que hablan de seriedad en el trabajo, de mejoras en la organización de los talleres. A este propósito, cabe citar una noticia: en 1873, funcionaba también en Valdocco un «taller de sombrereros» («laboratorio di cappellai»), que estaba pasando un momento crítico por falta de personal. Informado don Bosco de la situación, se mostró partidario de cerrar el taller.20
La preocupación del progreso de los artesanos se hace quizás más intensa al final de la década de los 70. Y los que participan en las Conferencias capi.
ASC 110 Barberis Cronachette (11.5.1878).
19 Cf. E IV, 299-301. En la reunión del 16.1.1884, los miembros del Capítulo superior aludieron a algunos problemas internos: «4. Esposizione di Torillo cui prende parte l'oratorio colla macchina per la fabbrica della carta e la nostra libreria di libri legati. D. Sala fa presente come sia necessario far apparecchiare libri legati ed avere persone capad per custodire gli oggetti all'esposizione. Quindi o chiamare due novizü legatori da S. Benigno, p prendere a pagamento giovani antichi dell'oratorioesteri. Fra 1 giovani dell'oratorio non vi sono piú lavoranti capad perché gli uni andati via gil altri mandati. [...] D. Bosco condude che se é necessario si facciano venire a Torino i legatori novizii [d]a S. Benigno, piuttosto che chiamare lavoranti esteri» (ASC 0592 Verbali delle riunioni capitolarz).
20 ASC 9.132 Rua Capitolo (9.2.1873). En 1878 se abrió también un laboratorio químico-fotográfico que tuvo escaso desarrollo. El coadjutor Pietro Barale, director de la Librería y del «Stabilimento fotografico», en una exposición solicitada por don Rua en 1884, declaraba que «se si impiantó la fotografia nell'Oratorio ció si fece dietro le calde istanze del sig. Carlo Ferrero e le larghe speranze che dava di grandi guadagni, i quali peró in realtá si cambiaron in danni non inclifferenti [...] 1° per l'inesattezza nella consegna dei lavori; 2° per la grande imperfezione dei medesimi» (ASC 123 Relazione del Direttore dello Stabilimento fotografico [14.6.1884]). C.A. Ferrero (en 1877 «aspirante a divenire religioso Salesiano») había presentado su actividad en una luz más positiva (cf. ASC 123 Relazione Rendiconto Triennale dell'Esercizio Laboratorio Chimico-Fotografico dal 1877-78-79-80 e relative proposte di attuazione pel incremento progressivo fatto per cura di C.A. Ferrero).
ollares descubren una estrecha correlación entre la mejora de los jóvenes y la instrucción escolar impartida durante todo el curso?'
El argumento de la instrucción escolar no era nuevo. Ya en 1867 se habla de «scuole serali per gli artigiani». El 6 de noviembre de 1870 se decidió dar una conferencia a los maestros, para dictar normas y orientaciones sobre el modo de enseñar. Don Rua, más tarde, añadió en sus notas que había tenido lugar la conferencia establecida y se había comenzado «assai bene la scuola serale».22 Desde este momento, se habla habitualmente de «le scuole serali per gli artigiani» o, simplemente, de «le scuole per gli artigiani»; .y aparecen registrados en las actas de las Conferencias capitulares los nombres de los maestros designados para las clases nocturnas de los artesanos. Con los datos disponibles se puede elaborar la siguiente tabla.
TABLA 2: Maestros para las clases nocturnas de los artesanos
años 1871 1872 1873 1874 1875
Bases
Inf. Remotti Boido Becchio Berno Bernasconi
Sup. Borio Davico Bini Ghione Ghione
Elem. Delgrosso Albano Mazzarello Beauvoir Pavia
3'Elem. Rocca Farina G. Piacentino. Piacentino Piacentino
Francés Martin Borio Rocca Chiesa G.B. D. Paglia
Dibujo Enriú Rocca Enriú Enriú Enriú
Música instrum. — — Devecchi
D. Cipriano
(Fuente: elaboración de ASC 9. 132 Rua Capitolo).
Las deliberaciones tomadas no quedaron en el papel. He recordado el testimonio de don Rua; y se puede documentar que, a partir de 1871, tuvo lugar anualmente el reparto de premios a los artesanos, con función religiosa en la iglesia; y, fuera de ella, con música vocal e instrumental, diálogos y sencillas piezas teatrales.
21 «Si passó quindi a cercare spedienti per migliorare i nostri artigiani, e per ora si proposero ed approvarono tre cose: la prima é di continuar loro la scuola tutto l'anno, cominciando per quest'anno a farla nell'estate pei meno istruiti. Finita la scuola serale, si penserebbe di farla loro al mattino dopo la messa» (reunión del 21.2.1875).
ASC 9.132 Rua Capitolo (6.11.1870).
No es posible precisar el programa escolar desarrollado en las escuelas nocturnas de artesanos. De los datos señalados y de otras indicaciones dadas por don Bosco en diversos escritos, se desprende que los contenidos quedaban, en este momento, limitados dentro del ámbito de una instrucción elemental: lectura, escritura; nociones de aritmética y de lengua italiana, catecismo e historia sagrada. Sabemos también que en Valdocco se impartían lecciones de urbanidad, y se insistía sobre la necesidad de la limpieza personal y de los ambientes. Frecuentemente se advertía que, en este punto, las cosas dejaban bastante que desear. Don Bosco hizo, en 1874, esta singular puntualización: «Per ottenere la pulitezza della testa nei giovani piú piccoli si puó stabilire un pettinatore o una pettinatrice attempata che ogni giorno occupi qualche tempo in tale ufficio».23
Aparte algunos elementos, sin duda interesantes, como la música vocal e instrumental y el «teatrino», que debía siempre «divertir e instruir», la propuesta cultural hecha a los artesanos era, más bien, modesta. Pero Valdocco no constituía una excepción. No habían desaparecido completamente viejos prejuicios y reservas de cara a la generalización de la instrucción popular.24
Estas últimas anotaciones no se proponen encubrir límites reales; los cuales, por otra parte, no oscurecen totalmente el significado de la existencia en Valdocco, durante los años 70, de clases destinadas exclusivamente a los artesanos. Y hay otro hecho que conviene todavía apuntar. Se empezó a comprobar que no bastaba promover iniciativas y propuestas aisladas. En 1876, tratándose, una vez más, de los medios de mejorar la condición de los artesanos, prevaleció el parecer de quienes querían que se estableciera un «catequista» (director espiritual), que pudiera ocuparse habitualmente del sector. La petición fue aprobada por don Bosco. En el Reglamento para las casas salesianas, publicado en 1877, además de las figuras clásicas del «maestro de arte» y del «asistente de los talleres», aparece ya el «catequista de los artesanos», con la misión de atender a su formación religiosa y moral.
En la vida real quedaban todavía pendientes cuestiones importantes.
2 ASC 04 Conferenze generali (1876).
- 24 En 1841 (el año en que comenzó don Bosco su obra), el arzobispo de Turín, mons. Fransoni, manifestaba en una carta pastoral su preocupación por «rodiemo impegno di volere in tutti eccitare la smania di leggere [...] gravemente dannosa anche riguardo all'ordine pubblico» (cit. por R. ROMEO, Cavour e il suo tempo (1810-1842) I, Bari, Laterza 1969, p. 791). Solaro della Margherita, ministro y primer secretario de Estado, escribía en 1853: «Se 1' istruzione é .necessaria, non é necessario, anzi pregiudizievole che sia uguale per tutti indistintamente. [...] D'uopo é che ciascheduno conosca ció che pub giovargli nell'esercizio della professione cui si dedica; é superfluo e nocivo porre l'intelletto in cose maggiori. A che servono la geografia, l'astronomia, la storia, e simili sciPrize al calzolaio, al falegname, al sarto?» (Avvedimenti politici, Torino, Dai TipografiLibrai Speirani e Tortone 1853, p. 136). Cf. también: G. MIALARET - J. VIAL, Histoire mondiale de l'éducation BI: De 1815 á 1945, Paris, PUF 1981, p. 291-318.
El tema de la mejora y del progreso de los artesanos se inscribía en el cuadro de la organización general de Valdocco, que presentaba aspectos problemáticos. Personas razonables hablaban, en 1879, de «inconvenienti», de «disordini», y hasta de falta de una «vera ed assoluta amministrazione». Don G. Barberís, después de consignar este severo juicio en las actas del Capítulo superior, añadía textualmente: «Le cose vanno avanti "alla buona". Ma in una questione grande dire "si va avanti alla buona" suona quanto dire "si va avantimate" ».25
En el mes de mayo del citado año 1879, el asunto fue objeto de prolongado
estudio por parte de don Bosco y de sus colaboradores. Don Barberis sintetizó el parecer común en estos términos: «A primera vista pareció que la fuente principal de todos los desórdenes es la falta de un centro activo en torno al cual giren todos los centros secundarios. Don Bosco no puede estar, como lo estaba en otros tiempos, a la cabeza de todo el movimiento, pues está demasiado abrumado por otros cuidados gravísimos».
Nombrada una comisión, para que formulara una propuesta, se llegó, no sin alguna «vivace discussione», a tomar las siguientes medidas: la El Capítulo superior dejaría de intervenir, en adelante, en la dirección del Oratorio. 2" El director de Valdocco, aun actuando en las cosas de mayor importancia de acuerdo con don Bosco, según deseo de éste, gozaría de la misma autoridad que los demás directores de las casas. 3' Un administrador central o prefecto sería el responsable de toda la «azienda artigiana, economica, industriale, commerciale».26
Las lineas de organización propuestas respondían a necesidades reales y estaban llamadas a tener repercusión en la administración de los talleres.27 Se ponía, en ellas, un acento especial sobre la unidad y coordinación de los diversos sectores de la «casa madre». Quizás, se tenían menos en cuenta las características específicas de cada uno de tales sectores.
Fue ésta, precisamente, la exigencia que los responsables de la «sezione artigiani» hicieron presente al 2° Capítulo general de 1880. El título de uno de los documentos conservados en el ASC es de por sí elocuente: Progetto d'una ben regolata amministrazione secondo le esigenze attuali dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales nella sezione artigiani.28
No está firmado, pero los redactores (¿redactor?) advierten que se basan en cuatro años de experiencia y en múltiples pareceres de jefes de taller y de responsables de administración.
25 ASC 0592 Verbali del Capitolo superiore (8.5.1879).
26 ASC 0592 Verbali del Capitolo superiore (16.5.1879). 2 Cf. ASC 110 Lanero Diario dell'Oratorio (16.5.1879). 28 ASC 04 Capitolo generale II 1880.
La expresión «sezione artigiani», encontrada quizás por primera vez en estos escritos, y usada varias veces en ellos, merece atención. En efecto, las consideraciones que se hacen arrancan de una constatación: «El Oratorio, en la actualidad, se compone de dos categorías: una de estudiantes y otra de artesanos».
Colocándose fuera de los muros de Valdocco, los autores del Progetto encuentran en el contexto contemporáneo (es decir, en las nuevas exigencias de las artes y en el desarrollo del comercio), algunos de los factores que, en su opinión, explican el aumento continuo de la segunda categoría en los últimos años. Y esto, en tal medida, que los artesanos, habiendo alcanzado ya la cifra de 317, son ya casi tan numerosos como los estudiantes.
Este hecho y las características específicas de la sección de artesanos exigían, lógicamente, una organización más autónoma. Es la conclusión a la que se llega en el escrito dirigido al Capítulo general de 1880, haciendo una propuesta, que recoge, según ellos, un punto de vista ampliamente compartido. En síntesis: 1° Que don Bosco, personalmente o a través de su vicario, vuelva a hacerse cargo de la administración general. 2° Que, a diferencia del pasado, divida toda la administración en dos secciones: de estudiantes y artesanos. 3°
Cada una de las administraciones tenga un reglamento propio y un responsable propio.
Los colaboradores de don Bosco, en aquel momento, no sólo se mostraban atentos a los aspectos económicos o administrativos. Entre los materiales del Capítulo general hay otro escrito («Diverse esigenze degli artigiani da proporre nel Cap. Sup. Gen.»), que pone el acento sobre el «bisogno d'una scuola per gli artigiani». No está tampoco. firmado, pero se advierte que las propuestas formuladas son compartidas por todos los responsables de los artesanos («da tutti gli applicati alla direzione degli artigiani»).29
Además de las clases ya recordadas (de la la a la 3a elemental, francés y dibujo), se pide en el «progetto» que sean provistos maestros y locales para una 4a clase elemental y profesional y comercial. Para los artesanos analfabetos, se solicita otra hora diaria de clase, además de la habitual.
Hablar, en 1880, de que en Valdocco se siente la necesidad de una «scuola per gli artigiani» puede parecer sorprendente. Y hasta podría dar pie para suponer que, hasta aquel momento, los artesanos asistieran a las escuelas nocturnas comunes del Oratorio?' Precisamente por eso, al hablar del período anterior, me he detenido un poco, insistiendo en que, al menos desde 1870, se puede hablar de «scuole per artigiani» en Valdocco. Y es un hecho que, ya en sí, tiene su importancia.
Otro problema muy diverso es su funcionamiento: el tema de fondo de la petición de 1880. Los responsables de la sección de artesanos proponen introducir nuevos contenidos en el programa, dedicar más tiempo a la enseñanza de los mismos y un cambio de horario escolar: que se tengan las clases por la mañana, en lugar de por la noche.
" ASC 04 Capitolo generale 11 1880.
" Cf. L. PAZZAGLIA, Apprendistato e istruzione degli artigiani a Valdocco, en: F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella cultura popolare, Torino, SEI 1987, p. 44.
Motivan, justamente, su petición, diciendo que los jóvenes, fatigados después de una «giornata intiera di lavoro», están poco dispuestos al estudio y a la actividad intelectual.
A este propósito, hay un dato que nos puede acercar al clima cultural en el que fue redactado el documento. Los autores consideran necesario dedicar un amplio párrafo (31 líneas de las 86 que comprende el documento) a justificar que, de la propuesta de cambio de horario de las clases, no se derivarían graves perjuicios en el trabajo; es decir, el cambio no supondría una disminución de las horas dedicadas al mismo.
Probablemente, al aducir estas justificaciones, se asumía o se tenía presente un modelo de aprendizaje artesanal, concebido como preparación para un arte u oficio manuales a través de concretas y prolongadas prácticas de taller.3'
Las clases para los artesanos siguieron teniéndose por la noche. Aunque Valdócco no constituía tampoco en este caso una excepción 'en su tiempo, como veremos más adelante. Ahora conviene añadir que, por aquellas mismas fechas, don Bosco, en una exposición al Prefecto de Turín, decía que a los jóvenes, inclinados por naturaleza a la práctica de artes u oficios más nobles y elevados, como la tipografía, se les daba cierta instrucción en latín, griego, francés, geografía y aritmética?'
Pero no es fácil documentar que, de hecho, estas materias hayan entrado a formar parte del programa de los tipógrafos de Valdocco. En perspectiva más general, me parece que reflejan mejor la «mens» de don Bosco y la realidad concreta de los hechos las palabras dichas por él mismo, pocos meses después, en 1881, a sus antiguos alumnos: «Yo no quiero que mis hijos sean enciclopédicos; no quiero que mis carpinteros, mecánicos, zapateros sean abogados; ni que los tipógrafos, los encuadernadores y los libreros se pongan a dárselas de filósofos y de teólogos. Me basta que cada uno sepa bien lo que le corresponde; y cuando un artesano posee los conocimientos útiles y oportunos para
" Y se debe tener en cuenta también la circunstancia concreta de Valdocco. El 15 de noviembre de 1878, escribe Barberis en su «Cronichetta»: «La tipografia é cosi soppraffatta di lavoro che se vi fosse doppio numero di operai e di macchine non disimpegnerebbe ancora tutto. [-J. D. Bosco si rivolge a D. Lazzero dicendo che provveda: si cerchi qualche mezzo ma si faccia quanto occorre fare: é un yero inconveniente lasciare i lavori cosi iñcompiuti. Si cerchino degli operai si lavori anche tutta la norte: almeno quelli che vi sono veglino tardi alla sera, oppure si raddoppino in modo per esempio che alcuni comincino a lavorare alle 4 del mattino e vadano verso le 10; alle 10 comincino altri e non cessino che cifra le 4 [...]. Ció che avviene dei tipografi avviene degli altri laboratorii Dai sarti é un finimondo: vi sono da riparare gli abiti agli artigiani generalmente, vi sono grandi lavori per i missionari [...]. Non parlo dei falegnami che lavo-rano anche di notte ed é necessario faz eseguire moho lavoro fuori di casa»... (ASC 110 Barberis Cronachette [15.11.1878]).
" E II, 598.
ejercer su arte, sabe cuanto es necesario para hacerse benemérito de la sociedad ».33
Mientras tanto, se había celebrado el 2° Capítulo general. De las actas de las reuniones, se desprende que el tema de los artesanos no recibió una atención especial. Hay, sin embargo, algún punto que no carece de interés. En la conferencia 8', al tratarse de la fundación de un «convitto» en Cremona, los capitulares subrayaron este criterio de carácter general: «Si ripeté intanto ció che giá tante altre volte si disse in altre circostanze che cioé ció che ci tiene su e deve essere nostro scopo speciale dover essere i collegi od ospizi di artigianel gli Oratori e riguardo a scuole quelle pel popolo e per poveri giovani abbandonati. Queste case sono piú secondo il nostro scopo».34
En las Deliberaciones finales, publicadas en 1882, encontramos además una norma que merece atención: se determina que un miembro del Capítulo superior, el Ecónomo, de acuerdo con los Inspectores, fuese el responsable del buen funcionamiento y progreso de las casas profesionales.35
Sin forzar demasiado los términos, me parece que se puede descubrir en tal determinación un nuevo paso hacía una organización más especifica y autónoma de la sección de artesanos.
En el ambiente italiano, y europeo, las cosas estaban también cambiando. La instrucción profesional, bajo el control del Ministerio de la Agricultura, tuvo en la ley del 30 de mayo de 1878 su fecha de nacimiento, dando, en el bienio siguiente, sus primeros y tímidos pasos de la mano del ministro Caíroli.
Éste, en varias circulares, proponía la creación de «scuole serali e domenicali d'arti e mestieri».36
La ley del 11 de diciembre de 1880 regulaba, en Francia, las «écoles manuelles d'apprentissage». En virtud de la misma, se crearon varias «Écoles Nationales Professionnelles»: Vierzon (1881), Armentiéres (1882), Voiron (1882).
Nuevos estímulos y demandas procedían del mundo del trabajo. En sintonía con el primer desarrollo industrial, la sección milanesa del «Partito operaio» incluía, en 1882, en su programa de reivindicaciones «le "scuole professionali di artí e mestieri, integrali, laiche e obbligatorie" ».37
A pesar de los evidentes límites señalados, no deja de presentar nuevo interés, a la luz de estos hechos, la petición formulada por los responsables de la sección de artesanos en 1880.
AnnaliI, p. 658.
ASC 04 Capitolo generale 11 1880. En conferencias anteriores se había hablado del noviciado para los coadjutores.
33 Cf. Deliberazioni del secondo Capitolo generale della Pia Societá Salesiana tenuto in Lanzo Torinese nel settembre 1880, Torino, Tip. Salesiana 1882, p. 13.
36 G. CANESTRI - G. RICUPERATI, La scuola in Italia dalla legge Casati ad oggi, Torino, Loescher 1976, p. 97.
37 Cit. C.G. LACAITA, Istruzione e sviluppo industriale in Italia 1859-1914, Firenze, GiuntiBarbera 1973, p. 84.
Y presenta interés también el que, al insistir sobre una mejor organización del horario escolar, adviertan que el cambio solicitado se había introducido ya en otras casas salesianas de artesanos: San Pier d'Arena, Niza y Marsella. Las experiencias iniciadas fuera de Turín empezaban a tener un potencial influjo sobre Valdocco.
En estas dos coordenadas: las solicitaciones internas que vienen de los salesianos que viven en contacto directo con las secciones de artesanos, y los estímulos externos de la política escolar y del ambiente social, se inserta el tercer Capítulo general, celebrado en Valsalice, en 1883. Entre los temas de estudio, encontramos el siguiente: «Indirizzo da darsi alta parte operaia nelle case salesiane e mezzi di sviluppare le vocazioní dei giovani artigianí». Era la primera vez que el supremo órgano legislativo de la Sociedad Salesiana se ocupaba seriamente del tema.
Antes de comenzar los trabajos, habían llegado a Turín observaciones y «propuestas» sobre cada una de las materias a tratar, respondiendo a la petición hecha, meses antes, en una circular firmada por don Bosco.
En sus respuestas, las personas mejor informadas hacían ver con franqueza que la situación de la «parte operaía» en las casas salesianas revestía caracteres de urgencia: «Se osserviamo — escribe el coadjutor Giuseppe Buzzetti due terzi dei giovani che terminano Papprendisaggio van via incapaci a guadagnarsi la vita ».38
El problema no era sólo de Valdocco. Don Belmonte, director de' la casa de artesanos de San Pier d'Arena y futuro Prefecto general, esbozaba su diagnóstico con tintas oscuras: «I giovani artigiani non fanno progressi qui tra noi nella virtú e nell'arte 1° per mancanza di saggi e prudenti assistenti; 2° per mancanza di capi, non dico relig. iosi, ma onesti cristiani; 3° per mancanza di lavoro importante, nel quale esercitarsi e divenire buoni artísti; 4° in fine per mancanza d'istruzíone. Alcuni giovanetti escono dall'Ospizio dogo 4 anni e non sano ancora scrivere. Sono demoralizzati dai cattivi esempi dei Capi. Scoraggiati dal nessun profitto nell'arte, irritati dal modo con cuí vengono trattati dagli assistenti, e per conseguenza qual'amore possono mai mettere alla casa? Altrove la cosa andrá diversamente».39
El Capítulo de 1883 estudió el argumento. Pero faltó el tiempo necesario para completarlo. En el siguiente Capítulo general de 1886, el problema fue examinado de nuevo «brevemente», y redactado el documento final, al que me he referido al principio.40
" ASC 04 Capitolo generale III 1883 («Proposte dei confratelli»).
39 ASC 04 Capitolo generale III 1883 (carta al regulador del Capítulo, don Bonetti, con fecha del 11.8.1883).
Las actas de las reuniones, excesivamente esquemáticas, no permiten reconstruir con total garantía la marcha de la discusión. Algunos errores e inexactitudes posteriores, cometidos en la indicación de la fecha y en la signatura archivística de los materiales conservados, hacen más ardua todavía la aproximación al desarrollo de los trabajos.
Ciertamente, no es éste el lugar para hacer un detallado análisis comparativo de tales materiales. Baste decir que, en el Archivo Salesiano Central, existen tres documentos importantes que constituyen, con toda probabilidad, sucesivas redacciones de la publicación que vio la luz en 1887, es decir, la que se ha llamado casi una «parva chanta» de las escuelas profesionales salesianas.41
Desde la óptica elegida, y en línea con las consideraciones precedentes, subrayo sólo algunos puntos centrales:
a) Una primera anotación: los términos utilizados. En los títulos de las di, versas redacciones se habla de «classe operaia» y de «parte operaia»; en cambio, en el cuerpo de la exposición se usa reiteradamente la expresión: «case di artigiani». Es un elemento más para apoyar una hipótesis de «perioclización», que se podría esquematizar así: 1° renovado interés por el progreso de los artesanos (1870 a 1878); 2° una conciencia más clara, por parte de los responsables directos, de la necesidad de organizar con más autonomía la sección de artesanos (1879 a 1882); 3° elaboración de las grandes líneas de una propuesta de formación para las casas de artesanos (1883 a 1886).
Es más, en 1886 se habló «seriamente» de la conveniencia de que las casas de artesanos estuvieran separadas de las casas de estudiantes. Además, se había hecho ya bastante general la convicción de que no bastaba la figura y el cargo de catequista de artesanos, codificados en. el Reglamento de 1877. Era necesario establecer los de prefecto y director.42
4° De las actas del Capítulo superior se desprende que don Bosco hubiera deseado que las decisiones de 1883 se publicaran antes de 1886. En efecto, en la reunión de 24 de octubre de 1884, «D. Bosco invita il Capitolo a far coordinare le ultime decisioni del Capitolo generale del 1883 perché si possano stampare. Osservo che questo lavoro fu troppo trasandato perché le troppe occupazioni siano scusa sufficiente. Bisogna peró non lasciarsi sorprendere dal Capitolo generale che avrá luogo del 1886. Il Capitolo disegna D. Barberis e D. Bonetti ad ordinare la relazione e le conclusioni del Capitolo generale 1883. Questo lavoro si faccia a S. Benigno. Sia steso questo lavoro da D. Bonetti» (ASC 0592 Verbali delle riunioni capitolari [24.10.18841).
4' Cf. Annali I, p. 649-658; PAZZAGLIA, Apprendistato, p. 46-60. La publicación de la edición crítica de estos documentos capitulares permitirá hacer un examen más detenido y puntual de los diversos temas, de las variantes introducidas en las sucesivas ediciones y de los autores de las mismas.
42 En 1876, en una reunión del Capítulo superior, se estableció «chismare all'Oratorio D. Branda prefetto di Valsalice per metterlo poco alla volta direttore dogli artigiani» (ASC Verbali del Capitolo superiore [27.1.1876]). Pero todavía en 1884, «D. Cagliero insiste essere necessario nominare due direttori distinti, indipendente un dall'altro ciascuno responsabile per la sua parte,
Desde 1883 se empezó a hablar también de la necesidad de crear un consejero profesional, tanto en las casas particulares, como en el Capítulo superior. Aunque tal cargo fue definitivamente aprobado después de la muerte de don Bosco, el Catálogo de la Sociedad salesiana de 1887, presentaba ya a don Gíuseppe Lazzero como «Consigliere Professionale generale». Su misión se extendía a todo lo concerniente a la enseñanza de las artes y oficios.43
Se completaba, de esta manera, en sus líneas generales un cuadro organizativo que iba a durar hasta mitad de los años 60 de este siglo.
b) El esfuerzo organizativo y el lugar más céntrico del compromiso salesiano en el sector encontraba, quizás, la contrapartida en una mayor conciencia de la importancia que el mundo del trabajo estaba conquistando en las últimas décadas del Ochocientos. La primera redacción de los documentos capitulares se abre con esta declaración: «La parte obrera está teniendo actualmente tal influencia en la sociedad civil, que preocupa seriamente; pues de la buena o mala orientación de aquélla depende la buena o mala marcha de ésta ».44
De tales premisas se desprende una conclusión: «Por tanto, la dirección que se debe dar a la parte obrera en nuestras casas debe ser apta para obtener el fin que nuestra Sociedad se propone al asumir la educación de dicha clase de ciudadanos, que es el de formar al joven artesano de tal manera que, al salir de nuestras Casas después del aprendizaje, conozca bien su oficio para poder ganarse el pan, y tenga además suficiente instrucción religiosa y científica según su estado».
La referencia a la influencia de la «parte operaia» desapareció en las redacciones siguientes, más esquemáticas y sin alusiones a situaciones concretas: Pero en su lugar, en 1886 fue introducido un texto significativo: en él no sólo se afirma la relación estrecha que debe existir entre las finalidades educativas y el cuidado de los jóvenes trabajadores, sino que se recalca que el acoger a los muchachos pobres y abandonados, facilitándoles el aprendizaje de un arte u oficio, se coloca entre las «principali opere di carita che esercita la nostra pia Societá ».45
uno per gli studenti e Palco per gli artigiani» (ASC 0592 Verbali della riunioni capitolari [4.9.1884]). En la misma reunión capitular, don Durando «osserva che d vorrebbe La divisione in tutto fra studenti ed artigiani: divisione di casa, di chiesa etc.». Días más tarde, se habla ya de «D. Lazzero direttore degli anigiani». En 1875, don Barberis había escrito en una de sus crónicas: «Ma la cosa priñcipale che distinse questa festa di S. Giuseppe da tutte le altre fu un'accademia religiosa che fecero gli artigiani in onore del loro patrono e per festeggiare D. Lazzero Gius. V. direttore dell'Oratorio e negli anni scorsi direttore dogli artigiani» (ASC 110 Barberis Cronachette 1875).
" En la reunión capitular del 4.9.1884, don Rua había propuesto «nominare D. Lazzero attuale Direttore dell'Oratorio al nuovo ufficio di Consigliere professionale ufficio stato creato dal Capitolo [generale] nell'anno passato» (ASC 0592 Verbali delle riunioni capitolarz).
44 ASC 04 Capitolo generale IV 1886 («Proposte»).
" Deliberazioni del terno e quarto capitolo generale della Pia Societá Salesiana tenuti a Valsalice
Por aquellas mismas fechas, en su visita a España, don Bosco pronunciaba unas palabras sugerentes: «Come cittá industriale Barcelona ha piú interesse d'ogni altra a proteggere i Talleres salesiani. Da simili case escono ananá.. mente molti giovani utili alla societá, i quali vanno nene officine e nei laboratori a diffondere le buone massime; cosi stanno lontano dalle carceri e dalle galere e sí cambiano in esempí viventi di salutari principi. Il giovane che cresce per le vostre strade, vi chiederá da prima una elemosina, poi la pretenderá ed infine se la fará dare con la rivoltella in pugno».46
Hay todavía un punto en las primeras redacciones que merece atención: se habla de preparar al joven obrero para superar las dificultades de la sociedad moderna sin «venir meno né alla giustizia né alla carita». Por otra parte, en la redacción definitiva fue introducida una variante de cierto interés: no sólo se expresa la conveniencia de que los jóvenes aprendices se inscriban, al terminar el aprendizaje, entre los cooperadores salesianos, sino que es necesario que aquéllos se pongan en contacto con alguna sociedad obrera católica. Precisamente algunos meses antes (24.6.1886), la «Unione Cattolica Operaria» de Turín había nombrado a don Bosco presidente honorario:9
c) Basándonos en estos elementos, sería ingenuo querer ampliar mucho los contornos de la conciencia que don Bosco y sus primeros colaboradores pudieran tener de la dimensión social de su obra y de las orientaciones con que la realizaban. En cambio, está bien documentado su interés por la educación. El deseo de mejorar la conducta de los jóvenes aprendices, teñido de una cierta preocupación moralizante, durante los años 70, se hace explícita propuesta educativa en los años 80. En todas las redacciones de los documentos capitulares se remacha que «ttiplice pare dovere essere l'indirizzo da darsi all'educazione dell'artigiano: morale, intellettuale e professionale». En torno a este trinomio se organiza la exposición de las metas y de las indicaciones metodológicas para alcanzarlas.
En un segundo momento no se habla sólo de «indirizzo morale», sino de «indírizzo morale-religioso». Pero la mayor explicitación de la dimensión religiosa y, especialmente, de ciertos matices devocionales, no llevó consigo una menor atención al «indirizzo intellettuale» o al «indirizzo professionale».
Entre las normas y orientaciones sugeridas, cabe destacar algunas: garantizar la presencia de hábiles maestros de taller; procurar que, en la elección de un arte u oficio, el muchacho pueda seguir su inclinación natural; clasificar a los alumnos en secciones sucesivas según el nivel de instrucción; organizar el trabajo y el período de aprendizaje en forma gradual y progresiva...
d) Los estudiosos salesianos que se han ocupado del tema destacan con nel setiembre 1883-86, San Benigno Canavese, Tip. Salesiana 1887, p. 18. 46 Cit. por don Cenia en: Annali I, p. 659. " Cf. BS 10 (1886) 7, 74-76.
gusto el valor de estas orientaciones.48 Entre los investigadores no salesianos, se advierten posiciones diferenciadas. Redí Sante di Pol, después de referirse a las ennm«i«importantes normas» del 86, escribe textualmente: «I primitivi laboratori vero trasformati in vere e proprie scuole professionali strutturate in modo daoffrire al giovani una formazione completa che permettesse di farra dei buoni cristiani, dei cittadini coscienti e dei lavoratori qualificati». Y añade que la introducción de algunos de estos elementos, a lo largo de la última década del siglo XIX, «le posero all'avanguardia fra le analoghe scuole religiose e non».49 Luciano Pazzaglia, en su reciente y documentado estudio, hace, por el contrario, afirmaciones más matizadas. Reconoce que los principios recordados son «elementi di non poco conto»; pero es también del parecer que «il progetto messo a punto, nel '86, da don Bosco e dai suoi collaboratori non aveva ancora moho della scuola, ma continuava a ispirarsi all'idea di un apprendistato che, sia puye nel rispetto dei gusti e delle attitudini personali, doveva impegnare ogni giovane a integrarsi, immediatamente, con una ben precisa e determinata attivitá lavorativa».5°
Ciertamente, el tiempo fijado para el trabajo intelectual era escaso: una hora de clase diaria, después de terminada la jornada de trabajo en el taller; y, para los más atrasados, otra por la mañana después de la misa. Se trata, desde luego, de un paso más respecto a la situación de 1880; pero un paso tímido. Y creo que los mismos Capitulares se dieron cuenta de ello, pues añadieron un inciso, no insignificante: «Dove poi le leggi richiedessero di piú converrá adattarsi a quanto é prescritto».
Es más, los que tomaron parte en la primera redacción del documento capitular habían manifestado con fuerza la necesiad de superar una situación negativa: «Para la educación intelectual, hay ya en casi todas nuestras casas de artesanos escuelas nocturnas para ellos. Pero se observa generalmente que habiendo sido dejada, hasta ahora, tal enseñanza al criterio y arbitrio de cada maestro, los pobres jóvenes, después de 6 ó 7 meses de clases nocturnas, poco ningún provecho sacan de ellas; y esto, por la inoportunidad de las materias por el tiempo excesivamente breve»."
El diagnóstico se podía aplicar también a no pocas instituciones educativas contemporáneas?' Pero la seriedad del mismo no debió de pasar inadvertida en Valsalice.
48 Cf. ALBSIDI, Impegno dei salesiani, p. 9-63; L. PÁNFILO, Dalla scuola di arti e mestieri di don Bosco all'attivita di formazione professionale (1860-1915). Il ruolo dei salesiani, Milano, LES/Libreria Editrice Salesiana 1976; F. Rrimm, Don Bosco e la formazione professionale. Dall'esperienza alla codificazione, en «Rassegna Cnos» 4 (1988) 2, 15-56.
" R.S. DI POL, L'istruzione professionale popolare a Torino nella prima industrializzazione, en: Scuole, professioni e studenti a Torino. Momenti di storia dell'istruzione, Torino, Centro di Studi Carlo Trabucco 1984, p. 81; cf. V. MARCHIS, La formazione professionale: l'opera di don Bosco vello scenario di Torino, citta di nuove industrie, en: G. BRACCO (ed.), Torino e don Bosco, vol. I, Torino, Archivio Storico della Cittá di Torino 1989, p. 217-238.
" PAZZAGLIA, Apprendistato, p. 63.
" ASC 04 Capitolo generale IV 1886 («Proposte»).
" Cf. G. Bitig, Opere complete, vol. IV: Riformatori per giovani, Milano, Hoepli 1902.
Aunque las medidas tomadas entonces nos parezcan hoy excesivamente «suaves», es justo reconocer que en el «progetto del '86» hay elementos que iban a demostrarse fecundos. En concreto, se afirma sin reservas que los artesanos deben adquirir un «corredo di cognizioni letterarie, artistiche e scientifiche». Sobre todo, la decisión de elaborar un programa escolástico que se debería seguir en todas las casas de artesanos tuvo reflejos positivos en el desarrollo sucesivo del sector profesional salesiano.
Dicho programa fue compilado muchos años después de la muerte de don Bosco. Entre los papeles del 86, se conserva sólo un esbozo limitado todavía dentro de las coordenadas de una instrucción elemental. Se recalca, repetidas veces, la exigencia de que los jóvenes artesanos «abbiano le cognizioni opportune al loro stato», pero se recibe la impresión de que se está pensando en una indispensable cultura general. No llegaron a madurar, por el momento, algunas instancias fecundas ya presentes en documentos anteriores. En 1883, don Giovanni Branda había sugerido que los jóvenes aprendices no sólo debían ser bien instruidos en religión y en letras, sino que se les tenía que explicar la teoría del arte u oficio que cada uno deseaba aprender." Don Louis Cartier había propuesto, por su parte en 1886, que, superados ciertos defectos y lagunas, se establecieran en las casas salesianas «escuelas profesionales».
Es la primera vez que se encuentra, en los escritos salesianos consultados, la expresión escuelas profesionales («écoles professionnelles»). Años antes, en 1880, escribiendo a Francia, al salesiano G. Ronchail, don Bosco había dicho: «Se mantenga firme que nosotros nos dedicamos a la agricultura y a las artes y oficios. Si a alguno de nuestros alumnos se da formación profesional o también clase de latín, es para formar asistentes, maestros elementales, jefes de taller y especialmente tipógrafos, calcógrafos y fundidores de caracteres».54
Estas anotaciones nos llevan a tocar un último punto.
Al examinar las diversas redacciones de los documentos capitulares de 1883 y de 1886, se advierte un hecho que podría sorprender: ninguna de las numerosas correcciones y añadiduras introducidas en aquéllos son atribuibles a la mano de don Bosco. Por otro lado, en las actas de las reuniones, se registran pocas intervenciones suyas sobre el tema específico de los artesanos. En 1883, encontramos una: «Para que no ocurra que algunos talleres permanezcan vacíos y otros rebosen, don Bosco recomienda que el encargado de las
" ASC 04 Capitolo generale III 1883 («Proposte dei confratelli»). El coadjutor Pietro Barale proponía: «Si dia alla scuola, accademia, teatro indirizzo operaio». 54 E IlI, .553.
admisiones tenga en cuenta los talleres que carecen de personal y admita a los nuevos alumnos con la condición de que se les dé ocupación, a toda costa, en esos talleres» s5
La recomendación no se halla en perfecta consonancia con la norma redactada poco tiempo después: «Lasciare anzítutto i giovani liben di scegliersi quel mestiere, cui da natura si sentono piú richiamati». No parece, pues, aventurado suponer que haya podido tener su peso en la redacción definitiva más matizada: «Secondare possibilmente dei giovani nella scelta dell'arte o mestiere».56 (El adverbio «possibilmente» fue introducido, entre lineas, por el secretario del Capítulo general, don Marenco, en la última redacción).
Don Bosco había hablado desde una preocupación práctica. A este propósito, puede ser útil aducir otra intervención del mismo período, aunque en sede diversa. En 1885, ante los miembros del Capítulo superior, evocó en estos términos los orígenes y el significado de su obra: «All'Oratorio, gli interni primi furono gli studenti e poi gli artigiani in soccorso degli studenti. Quindi prima calzolaí poi sarti. Ci fu bísogno di libri, quindi legatori. Primo legatore Redino sopranominato Governo; vennero quindi le fabbriche ed ecco falegnami e fabbri ferrai. 11 lavoro agli artigiani lo danno gli studenti»."
Hoy nos puede parecer que la cuestión quedara enfocada desde una perspectiva demasiado estrecha. Pero la exigencia práctica de responder a necesidades concretas constituye una constante de la que no se puede prescindir si se quiere entender la obra de don Bosco. El cual, por otra parte, tuvo siempre en el centro de su atención el que los jóvenes artesanos aprendieran un arte o oficio con el que ganarse honradamente la vida. Dos aspectos de una misma preocupación que iluminan afirmaciones y experiencias.
Sin olvidar estos hechos, y esquematizando bastante, se podrían suponer algunas modalidades de la presencia de don Bosco en el tema que nos ocupa. Sus intervenciones en el período 1870-1878 (publicación del Reglamento, compra de máquinas para los talleres, propuesta de supresión de alguno de ellos...) se hacen mucho más esporádicas después de 1879, año en que se dio mayor autonomía al director de Valdocco. La participación de los colaboradores, relevante ya a partir de 1870, se hace cada vez más consistente en el período 1883 a 1887.
No me refiero sólo a los redactores de los documentos capitulares. La participación tuvo una base más amplia. Don Bosco mismo había pedido a los miembros de las comisiones capitulares que, en el estudio de las cuestiones, se atuvieran rigurosamente a las Reglas de la Sociedad, a las Deliberaciones precedentes y a las «propuestas» enviadas por los socios desde las casas.
" ASC 04 Capitolo generale III 1883 (6.9.1883). En la misma ocasión se había tocado el tema del noviciado de coadjutores: «Entra in questione se sia necessario aprire un noviziato apposito per gli ascritti artigiani. D. Bosco opina di migliorare la loro posizione separandoli dal resto degli artig[iani]. Quasi tutti opinano di fondarlo separatamente. Resta sospesa questa speciale deliberazione. Peró si cercherá di stabilire qualche cosa a S. Benigno».
56 Deliberazioni del terzo e quarto capitolo, p. 21.
" ASC 0592 Vergali delle riunioni capitolari (14.12.1885). Cf. Annali I, p. 650.
El tema: «Don Bosco y las escuelas profesionales» se enlaza, pues, necesariamente con otro más vasto: «Los colaboradores de don Bosco y las escuelas profesionales». Y éste se enlazaría, a su vez, con la exigencia de aproximarse a la «vida real» de instituciones, situadas en diversos contextos culturales, como sugiere el mismo carácter internacional de la comisión que se ocupó del «indirizzo da darsi alla parte operaia» en 1886: don Luigi Nai (prefecto del noviciado de coadjutores de San Benigno y ponente del tema), don Giuseppe Lazzero (consejero profesional general), don Giovanni Branda (director de los «Talleres salesianos» de Sarriá-Barcelona), don Pierre Perrot (director de la colonia agrícola de la Navarre), don Domenico Belmonte (director de San Pier d'Arena) y el coadjutor Giuseppe Rossi."
Naturalmente, no es el momento de abrir un nuevo capítulo; sino que es hora de concluir la apresurada reseña hecha hasta ahora con algunas consideraciones finales.
Prescindiendo de la puesta en marcha y del impulso dado a los primeros talleres, la obra de don Bosco en este campo, durante el período considerado, habría que situarla en un marco de referencia más general.
Ante todo, su experiencia pedagógica. En ella ocupan un capítulo importante las orientaciones dadas en las «buenas noches», en las cartas, en las charlas a estudiantes y artesanos sobre puntos sencillos y centrales: amor al trabajo, cumplimiento del deber, frecuencia de los sacramentos... El presente Congreso se ocupará, en perspectivas y en momentos diversos, de estas materias. En este momento, quisiera aludir sólo a un punto. En las «propuestas» y en la discusión del tema de los artesanos en 1886, se founularon quejas acerca de determinadas medidas disciplinares severas, y acerca del abandono en que se dejaba, a veces, a los jóvenes aprendices. Antes de despedirse de los capitulares, don Bosco hizo una calurosa llamada para que se evitasen los «métodos rigurosos», y se insistiera «importune ed opportune» en la práctica del Sistema preventivo. Una añadidura introducida por la pluma de su vicario, don Rua, en la redacción del documento del 86 es ilustrativa: «Usar ogni cura perché sappiano di essere amati e stimati dai Superiori, e questo si ottiene trattandoli con quello spirito di vera carita che solo puó renderli buoni». (En la conocida carta del 84, hay una expresión muy parecida).
El incremento del número de alumnos en la sección de artesanos de Valdocco siguió manteniendo un ritmo constante.
58 La comisión del 1883 estaba formada por los citados don Lazzero y don Perrot y por don A. Sala (ecónomo general), don C. Ghivarello (director de Mathi), don G. Ronchail (director de Niza), don P. Albera (inspector de Francia y director de Marsella), don G. Bologna (vicedirector de Marsella).
TABLA 3: Número de nuevos alumnos artesanos y de otros empleados que entraron en los talleres de Valdocco (1880-1887)
año alumnos otros total
1880 90 61 151
1881 73 64 137
1882 96 81 177
1883 150 58 208
1884 116 50 166
1885 126 69 195
1886 144 51 195
1887 195 74 269
(Fuente: elaboración de ASC Torino Valdocco Anagrafe giovani 1869-1901).
En un momento de depresión económica y de no suficiente atención pública a la instrucción profesional, los talleres salesianos ofrecían a muchos hijos de familias campesinas o del ambiente popular un medio de promoción social. La demanda no era sólo piamontesa ni sólo italiana. Durante los últimos años de la vida de don Bosco, se habían abierto escuelas salesianas de artes y oficios en Francia (Nice, Marseille), Argentina (Almagro, Buenos Aires), España (Barcelona-Sarriá), Brasil (Niterói, Rio de Janeiro, Sáo Paulo).
La introducción realista y flexible de las Deliberaciones del 1887 permitió superar, en la práctica, límites reales, asumiendo instancias y orientaciones fecundas. En 1895, don Rua sentía la necesidad de recordar a los salesianos que el verdadero nombre de nuestros talleres era el de «escuelas profesionales»?
Ciertamente, no se trataba sólo de una cuestión de términos; y, ciertamente, en el camino recorrido ya por la obra de don Bosco había servido de orientación y estímulo la recomendación que él hiciera en el Capítulo general de 1883: «Di conoscere e adattarci al nostri tempi».6°
58 Lettere circolari di don Michele Rua al salesiani. Torino, SAID «Buona Stampa» 1910,p. 126.
88 ASC 04 Capita° generale III 1883 (acta del «7 settembre sera. Ultima conferenza», ms. De don Marenco).
Cesare SCURATI
El análisis del tema puede comenzar útilmente (creemos) con la consideración de que la relación de que se habla en el título se presenta, en la experiencia actual, como empresa no precisamente fácil y, en todo caso, como perspectiva de pasos y éxitos no garantizados.' Es hasta demasiado evidente que estamos frente a uno de los problemas más abiertos y controvertidos de los que nos toca resolver hoy.
Brota entonces de un modo espontáneo preguntarse, al relacionar la cuestión con el fondo general de la obra de don Bosco y la realidad histórica y práctica de la pedagogía salesiana, si también en estas esferas no sé ha tratado tal vez de un aspecto de algún modo complejo y no exento de vericuetos que pueden suscitar todavía algún interés y algún eco. ¿Es una conjunción fácil o difícil, entonces, la que se da entre escuela y actividades paraescolares en la pedagogía de don Bosco y en la salesiana?
Comencemos, pues, a devanar el interrogante.
Digamos enseguida — al menos para exponer inmediatamente nuestra hipótesis de trabajo — que el problema del que nos estamos ocupando ha constituido un punto de fatigoso trabajo, tanto en la pedagogía salesiana como en la interpretación y valoración por parte de la crítica, con mérito para volverlo a estudiar, sobre el que creemos poder decir que nos encontramos frente a una «mediación» nada sencilla, cuyos resultados escapan, al menos en parte, a la extrema capacidad de síntesis absoluta de opuestos y contrastes, en la que muchos han hecho consistir (y lo hacen todavía) el rasgo más típico e irrepetible-. mente original de la personalidad y la acción de don Bosco.
Para tener una visión de conjunto de esta problemática, cf. C. ScURATT (ed.), L'educazione extrascolastica. Problemi e prospettive, Brescia, La Scuola 1986.
Ahora bien, la cualificación del testimonio y de la obra del «fantasioso e ostinato contadino dei Becchi»,2 como realización de significados de orden sintético absoluto (que hay que colocar en diversos planos: psicológico, antes de nada, y después y sucesivamente, cultural, social, histórico-político, pastoral, pedagógico-educativo) debe acogerse indudablemente como un resultado casi indiscutible de los análisis que, sobre todo en los últimos años, se le han dedicado y a los que no es inútil dedicar una mirada aunque sea rápida.
Hay quien ha hablado de la coexistencia en él de «dos personalidades [...] marcadamente distintas: por un lado, el organizador hábil y decidido, el emprendedor de lo sagrado, el realizador previsor y constante de proyectos de ancha mirada con un sentido terreno de lo palpable y lo concreto; por otra, el espíritu atormentado por angustias y visiones infernales, en una constante oposición con fuerzas oscuras y poderosas que se le opusieron mucho tiempo». Y sigue: «Por una parte [...] el maestro de las cosas; por otra, el alumno de los sueños», de modo que «en el misterioso equilibrio entre estas dos opuestas y aparentemente inconciliables opciones está el secreto de la fuerte, inolvidable y animosa personalidad de este Santo, de su deslumbradora aventura terrena»,3 cuya característica más sorprendente puede haber estado, por último, en la «extraordinaria capacidad [...] de convivir con lo sobrenatural en una diaria simbiosis de aparente normalidad, y advirtiendo, sin embargo, dramáticamente el peso».4 Para otros es evidente «una estructura compleja de personalidad, de temple activo y cóntemplativo: emprendedor y místico, realista y poeta, ágil y prudente, maleable y tenaz», en el que «se armonizan polos antinómícos en la riqueza interior: sinceridad y respeto, precisión y libertad de espíritu, tradición y modernidad, humildad y magnanimidad, alegría y austeridad, intuición en el proyecto y prudencia en la ejecución, audacia hasta la temeridad y cálculo de circunspección, diplomacia atenta e hipocresía rechazada» hasta unir la «tenacidad voluntariosa» con la «flexibilidad ante situaciones cambiantes» el «optimismo desafiante» con el «realismo calculado», la «astucia de la serpiente»
con la «candidez de la paloma»; y a diseñar la imagen de un «honbre ciudadano del cielo con los pies bien asentados en la tierra»5 en un «vivo equilibrio entre memoria y profecía, libertad y obediencia, humildad y magnanimidad, dinamismo y sosiego, ideal y práctica, fe e historia»,6 consolidado en las formas peculiarmente típicas de «una santidad que se acopla a los pliegues de lo cotidiano».'
Moviéndonos ahora en otro plano, encontramos la alusión al «tejido inextricable, en términos racionales, de tradicionalismo y de innovación»,8 que se
2 M.L. STRANIERO, Don Bosco rivelato, Milano 1987, p. 25. Ibid., p. 30.
Ibid., p. 33.
5 S. PALUMBIERI, Don Bosco e l'uomo, Tormo, Gribaudi 1987, p. 31.
6 Ibid., p. 73.
7 Ibid., p. 123.
F. TRANIELLO, Don Bosco e il problema della modernita, en: Don Bosco e le sfide della modernita (Quaderni del Centro Studi «C. Trabucco», 11), Torino, Stabilimento Poligrafico Editoriale «C. Fanton» 1988, p. 43.
explicita en la constatación de una inquebrantable fidelidad a la tradición, capaz de desembocar en la más apreciable contribución al devenir mismo de la modernidad, en la que «un propósito religioso se enlaza con un propósito y un resultado civil».9 Llegando, por último, al terreno que nos corresponde más propiamente, podemos referirnos a las indicaciones de la coexistencia de la inspiración de lo alto» con la «plena docilidad a lo real verificado a través de la experiencia»," a la que se une la actitud de «recibir las enseñanzas y las costumbres tradicionales y al mismo tiempo renovarlas, infundiendo en ellas un estilo y una vida nueva, medidos con un profundo sentido de humildad, con el afecto por los jóvenes y por el compromiso por su educación integral»."
No se pone fuera de juego, por ningún motivo especial y para concluir, aquella «síntesis vital [...] de vocación religiosa, de pasión y auténtica benevolencia, de caridad, de gracia, no desprovista de inteligencia y de excepcionales capacidades organizativas y de agregación»" que se puede tomar como representación crítica e interpretativamente más adecuada de la pedagogía de don Bosco, que viene a configurarse, en este sentido, como una gran costrucción educativa sinérgicamente propositiva, capaz de armonizar en un solo y único hálito formativo lo material (hospedaje, alimento, vestido, protección) con lo espiritual (la oración, la instrucción, la catequesis, la vida sacramental) con lo individual (la acogida, el diálogo personalizado, la confesión, la guía espiritual), lo expresivo (el teatro, la banda, las excursiones, el patio, la alegría, la fiesta) con la organización (los reglamentos, la disciplina, las tareas, el estudio).
Es también cierto que don Bosco mismo indicaba que en esta vitalidad orgánica de síntesis, continuamente verificada en los hechos, se encuentra lo específico de su Sistema preventivo. Él, pues, fue ciertamente hombre y santo de síntesis «imposibles», pero, precisamente por eso, demostradas con los hechos. Fuera de toda duda, como sucede siempre en estos casos, fue un educador excepcional.
Nuestro intento, pues, no puede consistir en pretender (cosa imposible de proponer en absoluto) falsificar desde la raíz esa imagen, cuya aceptación plena y convencida de salida no excluye, sin embargo, que — al menos por lo que se refiere al tema que tratamos — se pueda emprender algún recorrido analítico ulterior.
9 P. SCOPPOLA, Don Bosco nella storia civile, en: Ibid., p. 17.
'° C. COLLI, Pedagogia spirituale di Don Bosco e spirito salesiano, Roma, LAS 1982, p. 18.
" E. ALBERICH - U. GIANETTO, Don Bosco maestro di educazione religiosa, en «Orientamenti Pedagogici» 35 (1988) 188.
'2 P. BRAMO (ed.), Don Bosco per i giovani: L'«Oratorio». Una congregazione degli oratori.
Docurizenti, Roma, LAS 1988, p. 27.
Que la cuestión que estamos planteando no es sólo una ocasión para el pretexto de hacer un comentario lo puede sugerir, si bien se mira, la misma crítica de don Bosco, que no ha dejado de permitir entrever la existencia de líneas de valoración muy diversas en relación con el problema de la mezcla, máso menos equilibrada, en la reflexión y la acción del Santo, de un inspiración «extraescolar» y de otra «escolar».
Creemos, por tanto, que es necesario en el desarrollo de nuestras argumentaciones, pararnos convenientemente en ese punto, que no dejará de permitirnos entrever con claridad al menos dos orientaciones suficientemente distintas entre sí respecto a dos focos de interés, constituidos respectivamente por la referencia a las inspiraciones originales y por la atención a los acentos y las aportaciones más preciosamente características de la herencia de don Bosco.
El primero de ellos — del que examinaremos enseguida articuladamente los motivos y los aspectos centrales — tiende a subrayar, pues, que su gran aportación original debe mantenerse en el área de la educación extraescolar, ya que es en esta dirección en la que van sus intenciones y se consolidan sus metas.
M. Casotti, después de haber acreditado la pedagogía salesiana por su «plena correspondencia a las necesidades más vitales de la pedagogía moderna y de la pedagogía cristiana conjuntamente»," no deja de notar que «don Bosco [...] al menos en principio, miraba no tanto a la escuela como al .oratorio»," dado que su «problema pedagógico dominante era la disciplina, entendida en sentido amplio: no la instrucción o la escuela verdadera y propía»,15 para identificar después, como característica distintiva (y anticipadora de la nueva civilización pedagógica del auténtico y verdadero activismo), la capacidad de «unir estudio y recreo de modo que uno adquiera la espontaneidad alegre y voluntaria del otro, y el segundo tenga de algún modo la compostura y seriedad del primero ». 16
Los puntos puestos de relieve son, pues, dos:
— don Bosco no empezó por la escuela sino por el recreo;
— la síntesis armónica de estudio y recreo fue su punto de llegada.
Consideraciones sustancialmente iguales las desarrolló P. Braido, según el cual la actitud de don Bosco hacia la escuela y la enseñanza puede definirse como de naturaleza táctico-instrumental — es decir, se trata de un paso ineludible con vistas a la «moralización y santificación del joven» y de su «preparación para la vida»9 —, por lo que su didáctica y sus criterios organizativos pre
" M CASOTTI, La pedagogia di S. Giovanni Bosco, en: Il metodo preventivo, Brescia, La Scuola 1958, p. 7.
" Ibid., p. 62. " Ibid., p. 68. " Ibid., p. 61.
17 P. BRAIDO, Il sistema preventivo di Don Bosco, Torillo, PAS 1955, p. 387s. Este enfoque essentan, en general, «escasa originalidad respecto de la escuela humanística tradicional»,'8 en la que él mismo se había formado, porque no se deben silenciar la existencia de una « clara voluntad de no fosilizar nunca la enseñanza con procedimientos anticuados y pesados »19 ni la conciencia de la «relatividad de toda técnica cuando presionan y urgen problemas humanos más altos y preocupantes», como de su «bondad [...] y su aceptabilidad» si pueden «convertirse en instrumento eficaz de una educación viva y encarnada»."
Completamos estas referencias con algunos rápidos apuntes: B. Bellerate subraya la «prioridad del hacer sobre el enseñar»;21 para L. Cian «no se puede decir que el problema escolar, en sus variadas complicaciones, fue lo que más preocupó a don Bosco»;22 según G. Dacquino «el de don Bosco no era [...] un método didáctico de actuación preferentemente intelectual, y que, por tanto, se podía resolver en los bancos de la escuela, sino un método educativo que se basaba .esencialmente en la relación afectiva prolongada a todo lo largo de la jornada» .23
Esta última observación nos introduce directamente en una de las aportaciones cruciales a las que hay que ir, es decir, al reciente ensayo en clave psicoanalítico. de X. Thévenot," en el que se hace remontar la tesis del primado irreversible de lo extraescolar sobre lo escolar al punto focal inicial mismo de la vocación sacerdotal-pedagógica de don Bosco, es decir, el sueño de los nueve años.25 Es precisamente en el sueño — dice Thévenot — donde él identifica el «eje central de toda la acción educativa salesiana: el amor de Dios», reconoce «la dulzura y la caridad como virtudes centrales del educador» y recibe — aquí está exactamente lo que nos interesa — «el criterio decisivo de calidad de la presencia educativa», es decir, «no, antes de nada, Ja pertenencia de la enseñanza impartida a los jóvenes en la escuela, sino los valores de la relación entre educador y jóvenes en el momento de los juegos en el patio de recreo ».26
seguido también por G. CHIOSSO (L'Oratorio di Don Bosco e il rinnovamento educativo nel Pie-monte carloalbertino, en: BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 83-116), el cual afirma: «L'interesse per la scuola non oltrepassó [...] il semplice dato suggerito dal pratico buonsenso e doé che un po' di istruzione poteva consentire a sconfiggere la miseria» (p. 111). Muy diversa es la opinión de G. COSTA: «Don Bosco sentí [...] la necessitá di liberare la scuola dall'aspetto formalistico e instaurare invece una pió accentuata coscienza formativa ed educativa. Da questo derivano le notevoli aperture verso tecniche didattiche nuove, pió efficad e interessanti, fondate sul metodo intuitivo e inductivo, sul metodo sdentifico della scoperta e della ricerca, sull'uso di sussidi didattici
per rendere meno astratto l'insegnamento» (Don Bosco e la letteratura giovanile dell'Ottocento, en:
Ibid., p. 349).
18 Ibid., p. 108.
" Ibid., p. 396. Ibid., p. 403.
2' B. BELLERATE, Ii significato storico del sistema educativo di Don Bosco nel sec. XIX e in prospettiva futura, en: Il sistema educativo di Don Bosco tra pedagogia antica e nuova, Leumann (Torillo), Elle Di Ci 1974, p. 35.
22 L. CLAN, Cosa dice Don Bosco alla scuola d'oggi, en: «Ji Maestro» (maggio 1988) 9. Otros trabajos significativos: Il "sistema preventivo" di Don Bosco e i iineamenti caratteristici del suo stile, Leumann (Torillo), Elle Di Ci 1985; Educhiamo i giovani d'oggi come Don Bosco, Leumann (Torino), Elle Di Ci 1988.
" G. DACQUINO, Psicologia di Don Bosco, Torillo, SEI 1988, p. 135. La idea central es que
«il metodo educativo di don Bosco tendeva, con la forza della persuasione e del cuore, a sublimare e integrare le pulsioni istintive» (Ibid., p. 142).
24 X. THÉVENOT, Don Bosco educatore e il "sistema preventivo". Un esame condotto a partire dall'antropologia psicoanalitica, en «Orientamenti Pedagogici» 35 (1988) 701-730. Ibid., p. 708-712.
El tema de la escuela sería, pues, absolutamente añadido y secundario-accidental, justificable sólo en orden a consideraciones preferentemente exteriores, como las exigencias histórico-sociales y las presiones prácticas, pero fundamentalmente extraño a la savia más íntimamente constitutiva de la vocación salesiana.
Para no cerrar en este punto nuestra reflexión, sin posibilidad de réplica, hace falta mirar hacía la segunda de las orientaciones a las que hemos aludido, que tiende en todo caso, pero en medida indudablemente menor, a modificar sensiblemente las líneas recordadas hasta aquí.
Ya había afirmado V. Cimatti,27 en el intento por presentar a don Bosco como educador plenamente aceptable en todo ambiente y toda situación educativos, que, en su sistema, la escuela constituye, junto a la familia y a la Iglesia, uno de los factores educativos centrales (hay que decir, sin embargo, que este planteamiento acababá poniendo excesivamente en la sombra la gran tradición del recreo y del patio, indudablemente sometida a exigencias demasiado abiertamente escolares). Más acertadamente, J. Aubry volvió sobre esta sugerencia hasta formularla de im modo que nos parece sustancialmente más adecuado e incisivo: «El patio era [...] un punto estratégico tan importante como la capilla y el aula de clase»28 en las manos del santo educador, por lo que la tríada pedagógica identificada así (patio — escuela — capilla) debe entenderse en el sentido de un único ambiente formativo articulado, en el que los tres elementos constitutivos tienen lin peso y una importancia igualmente determinantes.
Pero la intervención más decisivamente comprometida, que se puede interpretar como un verdadero y real «contrapaso» del ensayo de Thévenot, pertenece a Pellerey, que enfoca — según nuestro parecer, acertadamente — la mirada sobre el «camino de la razón»29 como elemento totalmente indispensable para acercarse a él y considerarlo detenidamente en la pedagogía de don Bosco.
26 Ibid., p. 710.
27 Cf. V. CIMATTI, Don Bosco educatore, Torino, SEI 1925.
24 AUBRY, II santo educatore di un adolescente santo: Don Bosco e Domenico Savio, en: R. GIANNATELLI (ed.), Don Bosco. Attualitá di un magistero pedagogico, Roma, LAS 1988, 160. Cf. también J. AUBRY, Lo spirito salesiano. Lineamenti, Roma, Ed. Cooperatori Salesiani 1972.
29 Cf. M. PELLEREY, La via della ragione. Rileggendo le parole e le azioni di Don Bosco, en «Orientamenti Pedagogici» 35 (1988) 383-396.
La razón — recuerda Pellerey — es en él medio educativo explícitamente admitido y recomendado, además de rasgo esencial de su personalidad operativa y, por tanto, elemento consustancial propio de su sistema pedagógico, en el que la aceptación y la valoración de la naturaleza cultural de la persona humana no pueden subestimarse de ningún modo," a costa de alterar o, de todos modos, debilitar más de la cuenta un rasgo básico de su visión antropológica. Nace de aquí, además, la importancia de la instrucción y de la escuela como expresión con la que se realiza de modo concreto la «voluntad de concurrir a la elevación moral y material de las masas populares a través de la acción educativa dirigida a cada uno»," en una consonancia plena de aspiración pastoral y de misión social."
Podemos tomar, por tanto, un primer punto. Se trata de deshacer, en realidad, el nudo que hemos venido describiendo en sus componentes fundamentales, hasta responder de manera satisfactoria a la pregunta de la que hemos partido.
Y es precisamente lo que trataremos de hacer inmediatamente. 3. Una solución
Proponemos, con este fin, una especie de vuelta a Valdocco, es decir, un viaje hacia atrás a los lugares de la experiencia directa de don Bosco para tratar de encontrar en los testimonios originales del sistema preventivo algunos posibles elementos de salida del problema sobre el que estamos trabajando.
'° Sobre la concepción antropológica de don Bosco, se puede ver: PALUMBIERI, Don Bosco e l'uomo, p. 61ss. Según este autor, don Bosco, ajeno a una visión que atribuye un primado a lo «spirituale dísincamato», proclama «la centralita del riferimento al valori e al fondamento divino e personale di essi nel progetto di riforma integrale della persona e della sodetá, con quena che potremmo oggí chiamare rivoluzione culturale, funzionale ad un'autentica cíviltá innovativa, biofila e creativa, libera e solidale, nella quale l'uomo, con la sua integralitá di corpo-cuore-anima, reticolato di rapporti, strutture e progettí, possa esser oggetto e termine di ini7iative di segno umano» (p. 68-69). En este cuadro, el «privilegiamento dell'anima» puede ir acompañada de una «visione U-7 positiva della corporeitá», el «cuore» puede hacerse «elemento culminante» y «punto di sintesi della ricchezza della persona umana» (p. 64), sin dejar, por esto, fuera de juego la racionalidad entendida como «ragionevolezza» (p. 113).
31 PELLEREY, La via della ragione, p. 386.
32 No se puede apartar a don Bosco del clima de creciente interés por la instrucción popular que caracteriza al Piamonte de su tiempo, del que sin duda compartió el acercamiento a ella no como «un male da esorri77are, ma una risorsa da valorizzare per provvedere alla completa formazione umana e cristiana dei giovani» (CHtosso, L'Oratorio di don Bosco, p. 109). Y esto hasta llegar él mismo a convertirse en uno de los más celebrados promotores de dicha instrucción popular. El tema de lo «escolar» circula también significativamente a propósito de la formación profesionaL Se puede ver, a este propósito: D. VENERUSO, Il metodo educativo di San Giovanni Bosco alla prova. Dai laboratori agli istitutí professionali, en: BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 133-142; L. PAZZAGLIA, Apprendistato e istruzione degli artigiani a Valdocco, en: F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella stork della cultura popolare, Tocino, SEI 1987, p. 13-80; P. BAIRATI, Cultura salesiana
e societa industriale, en: Ibid., p. 331-357.
Como es fácil intuir, se trata de un viaje que tiene una meta bien precisa, es decir, una hipótesis conductiva que conviene exponer enseguida en sus términos constitutivos: .
a) la escuela representa una categoría inicial de la preocupación pedagógica
de don Bosco, tanto como el recreo (en otras palabras: es original como el Oratorio);
b) el desarrollo de la escolarización de forma institucional-colegial introduce elementos de desequilibrio y dificultades en la «totalidad educativa» imaginada y vivida por el Santo, de los que él mismo se dio cuenta totalmente al final.
Comencemos, pues, a desarrollar la primera parte de la hipótesis, recogiendo en sus diversos puntos los aspectos evidentes a favor que nos parecen los fundamentales 33
a) Maestro siempre: — Una lectura escrupulosamente atenta, pero que acepte al mismo tiempo lo suficiente para el caso, de las Memorie dell'Oratorio, revela fácilmente que don Bosco, desde los momentos «míticos» y «fabulosos» de su vida (se trata del pastorcillo de los Becchi, del campesino y del muchacho de campo y en las diversas casas en las que trabaja, del estudiante y después del seminarista de Chieri), piensa en la escuela y asiste a ella, percibe con un sentido unitariamente global la vocación sacerdotal y la de maestro (a don Calosso, que le pregunta, le dice que quiere estudiar «para abrazar el estado eclesiástico» y esto, a su vez, para poder acercarse, «hablar, instruir en la religión a tantos compañeros míos»), une siempre la instrucción al recreo, quiere ser maestro: es saltimbanqui y predicador, prestidigitador y lector, organizador de juegos y maestro, hasta el punto de que identifica su misión con ser al mismo tiempo sacerdote y educador.
b) Escuela enseguida: —Las actividades del Oratorio implican casi inmediatamente, desde sus comienzos y a partir de los momentos precarios y nómadas, tiempos y espacios para la escuela que aparece, en algunos casos, una preocupación hasta dominante.
Ya en la fase de la capilla aneja al edificio del «Ospedaletto di S. Filomena», hay un «local destinado a capilla, a escuela o a recreo de los jóvenes»; en el período de San Francisco es él mismo el que afirma que ha «conocido la necesidad de alguna escuela»; en el Rifugio y en Casa Moretta echa a andar la' «escuela dominical estable» y se echan los cimientos de aquellas «clases nocturnas» que encontrarán más tarde su desarrollo definitivo una vez trasladadas a Valdocco. Empieza «la enseñanza gratuita de italiano, latín, francés, aritmética» para los jóvenes a los que pedía que le ayudasen en el catecismo y en las clases, cuyo desarrollo florece de tal modo que se decide a poner en marcha la redacción de las primeras obras de divulgación (la Storia Sacra, el Sistema metrico decimale) y edificantes (II Giovane provveduto); a la clase de instrucción escolar normal se unen muy pronto las de canto y música, y no tardarán los cursos del «ginnasio» y del «liceo» y después los talleres y, por fin, las escuelas profesionales.
" De ahora en adelante, a no ser que se diga otra cosa, los textos de don Bosco serán tomados de: Bosco, Scritti sul Sistema preventivo.
Para resumir todo en una imagen, dirá que en el Oratorio se tiene «recreo, canto y clase hasta la noche».
c) Leer y escribir: — La intensísima actividad de redacción, editorial y de publicación que tuvo don Bosco personalmente y, más aún, provocó y estimuló incansablemente, sobre cuya importancia la crítica actual ha volcado su atención,34 no tendría ninguna explicación si no formase parte de una actitud radicalmente positiva en relación con la instrucción y con una conciencia plena de sus funciones no sólo utilitarias, sino también morales.
No es casualidad que don Bosco se presente como «acompañado siempre por el pensamiento de progresar en los estudios» y describa cuidadosamente su pasos de lector ávido y estudiante eficacísimo.
d) Estudio y santidad juvenil: — Una indicación indirecta, pero preciosa sin duda alguna, nos puede venir de las cuatro conocidísimas biografías edificantes dedicadas a L. Comollo, D. Savio, M. Magone y F. Besucco (si es verdad como afirma con agudeza P. Braido — que «la pedagogía de don Bosco tomó su rostro de miles de jóvenes educados por él»).35
El análisis de estas biografías demuestra ampliamente que el deseo de aprender, la diligencia en el estudio, la disciplina escolar y la aplicación se entienden como características esencialmente definidoras de la perfección juvenil, y nunca sucede que a don Bosco se le escape alguna expresión a la que se le pueda atribuir un sentido contrario o falto de interés por el trabajo intelectual. Al contrario, la preocupación cultural se mantiene intensa y continuamente despierta en cada período y situación de su obra.
Por eso, entonces, Magone se transforma de pequeño cabecilla de la calle en «joven marcado por el estudio y la atención» y Besucco, de pobre pastorcillo analfabeto en estudiante modelo («Cuando oía la señal para ir al estudio, iba inmediatamente sin esperar un instante» y «era bonito verle siempre recogido, estudiando, escribiendo con la avidez de quien hace algo que le gusta»).
Añadamos además que es precisamente en el ambiente de esta biografía donde don Bosco acuña aquella frase que, entre tantas tríadas enunciadas por él, puede considerarse aún la más explicitamente representativa, precisamente porque está empapada de «cosas» y no de conceptos, de todo su trabajo:
«Alegría, estudio, piedad».
" Cf. los recientes e iluminadores estudios de F. TRANIELLO, Don Bosco e l'educazione giovanile: la «Storia d'Italia», en: ID., Don Bosco nella storia, p. 81-111; S. PIVATO, Don Bosco e la «cultura popolare», en: Ibid., p. 253-288; F. MOLINARI, La «Storia Ecclesiastica» di Don. Bosco, en: BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 203-237; G. COSTA, Don Bosco e la letteratura giovanile dell'Ottocento, en: Ibid., p. 329-353.
35 Bosco, Scritti sul Sistema preventivo, p. 175.
Nos parece posible afirmar, entonces, sin temor, que el complejo instruc. ción-cultura-escuela tiene que verse como un elemento totalmente intrínsecc (por tanto, no sólo accidental-exterior-añadido) de ese proceso e itinerario de humanización-espiritualización-salvación en el que don Bosco entendía que estaba el deber auténtico y verdadero de la educación popular y cristiana. En 1875, cuando escribe a los alumnos y a los salesianos del colegio de Lanzo, anima a «buscar, estudiar, conservar y promover los tres grandes tesoros: salud, estudio y moralidad», ofreciéndonos, con ello, la mejor y más definitiva definición de todo lo que hemos buscado presentar hasta este momento.
Pero hemos dicho que el tema, que acabamos de plantear y desarrollar (y deseamos que de modo suficientemente decisivo) sólo en lo que se refiere a la primera mitad de nuestra hipótesis, deja por ver precisamente el aspecto críticamente más relevante, es decir, el de la integración real de los dos planos, el de la escuela y el de la extraescuela, en su vivencia y realización en la marcha de las instituciones salesianas.
No nos detenemos en consideraciones que pudieran referirse a la acción escolar de don Bosco en cuanto tal, sino para notar que se pueden encontrar en ella, junto a los motivos de un conservadurismo obstinado en cuanto a los contenidos apoyado en una visión de trazos moralizantes duros,36 sugerencias de gran frescura e inventiva didáctica en el campo de la enseñanza catequística (uso de las imágenes, recurso al diálogo),37 de la enseñanza de los clásicos (las dramatizaciones)," de la primera alfabetización,39 de la enseñanza artística y expresiva (canto, música, teatro)," de la actividad motora (abandono del paradigma militarista por una recuperación plena del principio del juego y una orientación a la práctica y a la mentalidad deportiva).'
36 Para don Bosco, en su «opera di divulgazione e di lettura destinata al giovani adolescenti», la precedencia de los valores contenutísticos en sentido «ideológico» (TRANIELLO, Don Bosco e Pedurazione giovanile) y «la subordinazione dei valori umani a quelli relig. iosi e morali» estaban absolutamente fuera de discusión, lo mismo que la «ricerca sistematica, continua, di una lingua semplice, chiara, precisa, che potesse trasmettere con immediatezza il pensiero» (P. ZOLLI, San Giovanni Bosco e la lingua italiana, en: Ibid., p. 113-141).
37 ALBERICH - GIANETTO (Don Bosco maestro di educazione religiosa) declaran: la instrucción catequística se coloca en un «contesto umano ed educativo globale» (p. 190), que impide toda «separazione fra catechesi, formazione religiosa ed educazione» (p. 189).
38 Según G. PROVERBIO (La scuola di don Bosco e l'insegnamento del latino, en: TRANIELLO [ed.], Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 143-185), en la enseñanza secundaria se seguían «metodi e schemi piuttosto tradizionali». (Se puede hallar una confirmación de este hecho en las memorias de don Nespoli transcritas por P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica e so-dale (1815-1870], Roma, LAS 1980, p. 481-493; don Nespoli habla de impaciencia frente al «me-todo meccanico» practicado en las clases). Proverbio habla también de la presencia de rasgos innovadores, como la lectura de autores que se hacía en el primer curso, el acento puesto sobre el carácter instrumental de la gramática y, especialmente, las «accademie», con declamación de tes-tos en latín, y las representaciones teatrales. De todas formas, el dato más relevante es, una vez más, de carácter contenutístico, con la aproximación de los autores cristianos a los latino-paganos.
39 Don Bosco afirma que su método de enseñanza utilizado en las escuelas dominicales (estu
El punto que nos interesa directa y específicamente aquí tiene que ver con la problemática de la disciplina y, más todavía en general, de la relaciones, ya que es respecto a ellas donde se sitúa el fulcro de nuestro examen, en el que se tratará precisamente de ver si la armonización, la síntesis y la composición de la vida del Oratorio (o bien — y da lo mismo — de la pedagogía del recreo) con la de las escuelas y los colegios (o también — si se quiere — con la pedagogía de la enseñanza) se pueden considerar logradas del todo o, si en cambio, no existe lugar para alguna diferencia.
Para analizar la cuestión, dividimos nuestro período de observación en dos momentos muy distintos entre sí: en el primero, la convivencia y simultaneidad de la vida de escuela y de la vida de Oratorio aparece resuelta en un único y unitario contexto y ambiente de experiencia y de realización educativa, por lo que la diferencia entre ser alumno y ser muchacho del Oratorio — para remontarnos a los mismos recuerdos de don Bosco y a la copiosísima memoria al respecto — es prácticamente inapreciable, en cuanto el uno y el otro son igualmente modos de ser «hijos» de don Bosco. En el segundo, en cambio — caracterizado por la institución de los colegios, por el desarrollo de las escuelas clásicas y profesionales, por la difusión nacional, europea y, por último, mundial de las casas salesianas —, surgen las condiciones de una creciente separación, como si las dos realidades tendiesen cada vez más a situarse en caminos progresivamente paralelos y poco a poco menos comunicantes entre sí.
Veamos ahora si tomamos más detenidamente estas sugerencias que resumen nuestro problema.
En los Reglamentos, y más todavía en las cartas a los directores y a los responsables de las instituciones salesianas, se puede advertir fácilmente, además y más allá de la preocupación por los hechos menudos de orden práctico y administrativo, casi el ansia de no perder los caracteres más intrínsecamente propios del Sistema preventivo, como el de hacerse «amar antes que temer», el prestar la máxima atención a los más débiles y a los menos afortunados, el dio del alfabeto y del silabeo con inmediata aplicación a las preguntas del catecismo) era tan eficazque consentía que en sólo «otto giorni festiví [...] taluni giungessero a leggere e a studiare da sé delle intere pagine di catechismo».
" Cf. M. SODI (ed.), Liturgia e musica nella formazione salesiana, Roma, Edizioni SDB 1984;
M. RIGOLDI, Don Bosco e la musica, Carugate 1987; S. STAGNOLI, Don Bosco e il teatro educativo salesiano, Milano 1967-1968; PIVATO, Don Bosco e la cultura popolare, p. 276-279; ID., Don Bosco e il teatro, en: C. NANNI (ed.), Don Bosco e la sua esperienza pedagogica, Roma, LAS 1989, p. 100 112.
41 PIVATO, Don Bosco e la cultura popolare, p. 280-282: en los «ingenui e spiritosi esercizi ginnici» ideados por don Bosco «nulla fascia intravvedere», sino que se coloca exactamente «alle origini dello sport cattolico», en el cual, el deporte es «consigliato come sussidio alla formazione religiosa e come strumento formativo di una piú intensa vita di pietá».
hablar «con frecuencia», el pasar con los jóvenes «todo el tiempo posible», el prestar nuestro servicio «a favor de la parroquia», el utilizar «siempre modos y palabras de caridad y mansedumbre», el no hacer nunca «donde sea posible [...] uso de los castigos» (Ricordi confidenziali a los directores; II Sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventú).
Sobre todo, se repite con insistencia el tema de los castigos y de las penas, a propósito de los que se insiste casi continuamente en el precepto de que «no hay que usar nunca medios coercitivos, sino siempre y sólo los de la persuasión y la caridad»; se exige que se recurra (si es estrictamente necesario) a formas de «corrección paterna» y sólo en privado, avisando para «dar tiempo a la reflexión», eliminando la precipitación y la alteración emotiva; se exhorta a «evitar la angustia y el temor inspirado por la corrección», para «decir una palabra de aliento» que deje la puerta abierta a la «esperanza» que nace de «sentirse de nuevo situado por su (= del educador) mano caritativa en el camino de la virtud». En un primerísimo lugar, por último, debe quedar la exclusión de cualquier forma de «áspera violencia», porque «no se educa [...] la voluntad cargando sobre ella un yugo excesivo», sino respetando siempre el primado de la amabilidad y de la religiosidad en el contacto interpersonal, ya que la educación es «cosa del corazón» del que «sólo Dios [...] es el dueño» (Dei castighi da infliggersi nelle case salesiane).42
Nos parece poder ver, en nuestra interpretación, el peso creciente del paso de una fase típicamente (y — podríamos decir — gloriosamente «carismática», en el sentido de unitiva y afectivamente inmediata, sin reservas),43 a otra «empresarial», en la que el éxito y la consolidación van mezclados desgraciadamente con la articulación organizativa, pero disgregadora, con la lejanía desalentadora de lo inmediato, con la necesidad de hacerse entender por medio de prescripciones y conceptos más que con la comunión directa y cálida de vida y acción con la constricción a tener que dejarse en las manos (y en las meaciones, no siempre apreciables) de los demás, sín poder estar presente persdionalmente.
42 Se debe atribuir a CASOTTI (La pedagogía, passim) el mérito de haber puesto perfectamente de relieve el carácter intrínsecamente humano y no violento de la educación según el sistema preventivo sobre la base del primado de la acción. El optimismo pedagógico cristiano de don Bosco no se debe confundir, sin embargo, con ningún tipo de ingenuo angelismo; por eso nos parece sorprendentemente fuera de lugat: atribuirle, como hace DACQUINO (Psicologia di don Bosco), convicciones tales como la «fede piú assoluta nefia bontá della natura umana» (p. 159).
43 Tomamos de THÉVENOT (Don Bosco educatore, p. 704 sgg.) la indicación de las características fundamentales del carisma educativo, identificables en el «grande seno dell'assoluto», tendencia a las «scelte radican» y en los «segni d'una certa seduzione o fascino». Es importante también advertir que todo esto está acompañado de un realista «seno delle lentezze e dei limiti», con todos los debidos controles ético-racionales del caso. Es útil, por tanto, afirmar que el carisma educativo de don Bosco, fuera de toda connotación falsamente y, por tanto, peligrosamente « seduttiva», se sirve (acepto, esta vez, las observaciones de DACQUINO, Psicologia di Don Bosco) de rasgos como una «oblativitá apena e dinamica» (p. 10), dotes de «lottatore tenace, capo rassicuunte e trascinatore e soprattutto dotato di spirito di sacrificio, di costanza e di umiltá» (p. 174), el sentido de «autostima» y de «sicurezza» unido a la «consapevolezza delle proprie quanta». En definitiva, se perfila la «personalitá estroversa» y «versatile» (p. 23) de un «prete simpatico, atletico e giocoliere» dotado de una extraordinaria «capacita naturale di sintonizzarsi con i giovani» (p. 96).
El punto crítico de nuestro análisis se coloca, por tanto, en el paso de las dimensiones restringidas y directas de la «aldea pedagógica» de Valdocco (lugar de la paternidad: modelo de la familia) a las cada vez más amplias, formalizadas, estructuradas, reglamentadas y afectivamente.lejanas de la escuela y el colegio como instituciones complejas (lugares de la profesionalidad: modelo de la empresa), ya que es a partir de este paso donde el mismo don Bosco empieza a vivir hasta el fondo la experiencia. «difícil» (como expresión de una exigencia destinada a quedar insatisfecha en buena medida) de mantener abierto y constante el contacto entre los dos estratos de su obra, de modo que se logre llevar — es éste el sentido último de la observación — el Oratorio a la escuela. Si nos atenemos a la reconstrucción de P. Stella, la salida de Valdocco hacia nuevas empresas costó adaptaciones y resistencias y, en último análisis, la aceptación de cometidos que no coincidían del todo con las intenciones originales.
Efectivamente — hace notar — «la enseñanza privada [...] no era un camino del gusto de don Bosco, cuya obra del Oratorio se cimentaba en la reunión de muchos con la utilización máxima de pocos animadores»,44 y que había transmitido a sus primeros colaboradores la convicción firme y llena de orgullo de la bondad de este planteamiento, por lo que, con cierto esfuerzo, después «tuvo que aclarar que aceptar Valsalice correspondía a una orden insistente del nuevo arzobispo, Lorenzo Gastaldi; sólo de ese modo le fue posible obtener el consentimiento del Capítulo superior de la congregación», aunque apareciese claro que '«el camino de los colegios había llevado hacia la clase media, mientras que, en cambio, en su conciencia y en la opinión pública ellos estaban especialmente para la juventud pobre y abandonada».45
Se abría de ese modo el dificilísimo problema de mantener, bajo la misma inspiración educativa «preventiva» y bajo la misma concepción pedagógica salesiana, las partes de una empresa en la que se iba delineando ya una multiplicidad sorprendente de intenciones, finalidades, destinos y contextos diversos, ante los que el modelo del Oratorio iba poco a poco quedándose descolgado y cada día más lejano.
Al tema de la desarticulación empresarial se le puede unir, para seguir la misma línea de reflexión, el de la lejanía, conectado con la difusión de la actividad misionera que, junto a grandes consuelos, no dejó de plantear a don Bosco más de un motivo de reflexión e intervención para hacer que también ellos entraran en el cuadro de la conciencia crítica a la que, en los últimos
" STELLA, Don Bosco nena stork economica, p. 124. 45 Ibid., p. 143s.
años de su vida, llegó el Santo, «consciente de que de lo que tenía necesidad la congregación sobre todo, tanto en Italia donde ya estaba desde hacía tiempo, como en América Latina, a donde acababa de trasplantarse, no era sólo la unidad y la estabilidad de estructuras. La garantía de futuro, y de un futuro salesiano, estaba en las manos de los hermanos y de los colaboradores, con tal de que permaneciesen fieles al espíritu de los orígenes, es decir, al método y al estilo educativo que había caracterizado la vida del Oratorio de Valdocco».46
Tres cartas de agosto de 1885 — la primera a mons. Cagliero, la segunda a don Costamagna y la tercera a don Tomatís — expresan con acentuada claridad el sentido de estas observaciones: una presenta una llamada cordial a la «caridad, paciencia, dulzura» y prosigue, aún más explícitamente, afirmando que no se hagan «nunca reprensiones humillantes, nunca castigos», sino siempre «hacer el bien a quien se pueda, mal a ninguno». La otra enuncia sin medias tintas el desagrado por la lejanía y la intermediación («querría tener yo mismo un sermón o, mejor, una conferencia sobre el espíritu salesiano que debe animar y guiar nuestras acciones y cada palabra nuestra») y pasa después a resumir en pocas y enérgicas lineas lo que, evidentemente, quería hacer bien presente: «El sistema preventivo debe ser nuestra característica. Nunca castigos penosos, nunca palabras humillantes, nunca reprensiones en presencia de otros; sino que en las clases debe resonar la palabra dulzura, caridad y paciencia. Nunca palabras mordaces, nunca una bofetada fuerte o ligera. Hágase uso de los castigos negativos, y siempre de modo que los que reciben un aviso se conviertan en amigos más próximos que antes y nunca se alejen de nosotros envilecidos». En la última, finalmente, resuena la seca llamada a la coherencia: «No basta saber las cosas, sino que hace falta practicarlas ».47
Llegamos de este modo a la ya justamente célebre Lettera da Roma del 10 de mayo de 1884 que, en línea de la parábola «autocrítica» que estamos tratando de recorrer, puede considerarse como el documento central en interés e importancia.
Don Bosco toma el tema a partir de un sueño imaginario (es un verdadero «contrasueño» respecto al de los nueve años: una especie de « contrautopía» negativa, frente a la «utopía» positiva de los primeros tiempos ya lejanos) para desarrollar, en realidad, la más enternecedora descripción de la pérdida del verdadero espíritu salesiano, que se enclava con gran eficacia, precisamente en la disociación entre escuela y recreo.
«El maestro al que sólo se ve en la cátedra, es maestro y nada más; pero si va al recreo con los jóvenes, se convierte en un hermano»: hace falta volver a la conciencia activa de este punto fundamental, mezclándose todavía en las diversiones de los muchachos, animando sus recreos, vigilando desde cerca, llamando la atención sin amenazar, aceptando la fatiga que haga falta para amar lo que les gusta a los jóvenes, encontrando las expresiones naturales del amor a través de la familiaridad («ahora se considera a los Superiores como Superiores y no como padres, hermanos y amigos; por tanto se les teme y se les ama poco»).
46 F. Morro, Introduzione a Tre lettere a salesiani in America, en: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 357.
47 La «coherencia en todo momento» expresa, de la manera más incisiva, la esencia del testimonio de los santos piamonteses contemporáneos a don Bosco. Cf. F. PERADOITO, La «scuola dei santi» in TorMo, en «Vita e Pensiero» 81 (1988) 735-744.
Parece, pues, que las condiciones que habían hecho del «pequeño mundo» de Valdocco un mundo completamente realizado de la educación según el módulo salesiano han desaparecido en gran parte, por lo que no queda más que el espacio para el lamento y la nostalgia esperanzada («que vuelvan los días felices del Oratorio primitivo. Los días del afecto y de la confianza cristiana... los días del espíritu de condescendencia y de tolerancia por amor de Jesucristo... los días de los corazones abiertos con toda la sencillez y el candor, los días de la caridad y de la verdadera alegría para todos»). Pero el sentido final es precisamente el de un sueño en gran medida desvanecido e iluso. La gran obra unitaria se ha fragmentado y dividido de algún modo.
5. Lecciones
Hemos recorrido — para llegar a alguna nota y reflexión final — un itinerario que nos ha llevado de lin momento de unidad carismático-educativa inicial a la identificación de una posibilidad de reunificación que se puede proponer y actuar, en lo concreto de la situación que nos ha permitido experimentar, por el camino de la conciencia pastoral, cultural, metodológica y estructural, en la que los tiempos y los modos de la «razón» pueden aún unirse con los tiempos y los modos de la «religión» en un espíritu de persistente «amorevolezza». Pero no es una meta inmediata ni asegurada sin fatiga.
En este cuadro, es indudable que lo paraescolar, si se identifica con la figura de la pedagogía del Oratorio, ejerce un evidente primado orientador, pero, al mismo tiempo, la escuela no puede quedar excluida de ese horizonte.
La primera lección que hay que sacar, entonces, es la conciencia tanto de ese primado como de la necesidad de que no se puede sustraer a la conciliación de escuela y extraescuela en un intento común educativo, con el fin, sobre todo, de llevar a la instrucción (y a la escuela) aquellos rasgos de humanidad, riqueza de relaciones, vitalidad, alegría y significatividad que muy frecuentemente le faltan. Pero la escuela (también la de don Bosco y la de los salesianos) revela que siempre tiene más de una rémora para saber habitar con plenitud de vida donde circula el hálito más profundo de la educación en su hacerse y producirse original.
Lo que fue difícil hasta para don Bosco no puede ser, desde luego, fácil para nosotros: y esto debe hacernos reflexionar, en un compromiso que no debemos descuidar, para evitar ingenuas y peligrosas ilusiones.
Jacques SCHEPENS
Al tratar en don Bosco el tema de los sacramentos, no hay que perder de vista el núcleo sin el que se traicionaría toda su médula, es decir, el aspecto educativo y su especificidad de la educación con amorevolezza. Amorevolezza quiere decir «amor demostrado», el trato mediante el cual se manifiesta el propio afecto, la comprensión y la compasión, la coparticipación en la vida de otro.
En don Bosco amore y amorevolezza tienen casi como sinónimo el término caridad, esa caridad cristiana de la que San Pablo tejió el himno y que don Bosco (en referencia a 1Cor 13,4-7) evoca en las páginas oficializadas sobre el Sistema preventivo: «Charitas benigna est, patiens est; omnia suffert, omnia sperat, omnia sustinet».' Es ésta la caridad que lo impulsa a trabajar activamente por la salvación integral, temporal y eterna de los jóvenes y que se demuestra con la amorevolezza, que se hace próxima a los jóvenes.
En la mente de don Bosco, el afecto' a los jóvenes encontraba su raíz más profunda en su espiritualidad. En las colinas de Castelnuovo, Juanito Bosco había buscado en vano un sacerdote que -se le acercase. En su conciencia, aquellos hechos lejanos habían tomado el valor de acontecimientos dispuestos por la Providencia para que él adoptase no sólo un método cualquiera cimentado en la sintonía psicológica, sino la propia vida específica, fundada en la gracia y en esta arnorevolezza que debía ser su comunicación y demostración.'
Lo subrayaba, entre muchos otros testigos, el canónigo- Giacinto Ballesio,
' G. Bosco, Inaugurazione del patronato di S. Pietro in Nizza a mare con appendice sul sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventú [= Sistema preventivo], San Pier d'Arena-TorinoNizza Marittima 1877, p. 52 = OE XXVIII 430; para la ed. crít., Cf. P. BRAIDO [ed.], Il sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventir. Introduzione e testi critici, en RSS 4 (1985) 171-321; también: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 125-200.
2 Cf. P. STELLA, Don Bosco e le trasformazioni sociali e religiose del suo tempo, en: M. MIDALI - P. BROCARDO (eds.), La famiglia salesiana riflette sulla sua vocazione nella Chiesa di oggi, Leumann (Torino), Elle Di Ci 1973, p. 162-170.
exalumno del Oratorio, en el elogio fúnebre con ocasión de la muerte de don Bosco: «Pero nosotros le hemos visto, nosotros hemos oído a don Bosco. Entonces su obra, reducida a este Oratorio, hacía sentir más intensa su eficacia. Él, aún lleno de energía, con su ingenio, con su gran afecto, era todo para nosotros, siempre con nosotros. Vedlo por la mañana tempranísimo con sus hijos. Él los confiesa, dice la misa, les da la comunión. No está nunca solo, no tiene un momento para sí; o los jóvenes, o la audiencia a los muchos que lo asediaban continuamente en la sacristía, bajo los pórticos, en el patio, en el comedor, por las escaleras, en su habitación. Así por la mañana, durante el día y la noche. Hoy, mañana y siempre»? «¿Quién fue don Bosco en medio de nosotros? Fue nuestro maestro y nuestro guía al amar a la juventud y llevarla al bien. Y de él brota el espíritu de los Oratorios festivos, que se van cada día multiplicando con gran provecho para el pueblo. Don Bosco fue ejemplo para nosotros de verdadera amorevolezza cristiana y al dirigirnos evitó el formalismo artificial, el rigorismo que ahonda un abismo entre el que manda y el que obedece».4
En la experiencia personal e institucional de don Bosco, el tradicional «sistema preventivo» se expresa con un estilo inconfundible. La educación con amorevolezza se realiza en obras asistenciales y educativas, nacidas a lo largo de veinte años (1844-1863) en favor de la «juventud pobre y abandonada», que formarán casi el esquema básico de las empresas posteriores y benéficas del educador de Turín. Todas ellas encuentran su matriz en el Oratorio de San Francisco de Sales de Turín-Valdocco, lugar hacia el que al principio (1844) se polarizaban casi espontáneamente jóvenes emigrantes que vivían en un estado de precariedad humana y social y que se habían apegado a don Bosco a partir de la catequesis. La experiencia del Oratorio, «lugar destinado a distraer con agradables diversiones a los jovencitos, después de haber satisfecho sus deberes de religión»,' se refleja en las otras iniciativas promovidas por él en beneficio de los ambientes populares: desde el hospicio-internado para aprendices y estudiantes (1847), la «Casa annessa», el internado con talleres para artesanos y clases de «ginnasio» (1853-1863) hasta la expansión fuera de Turín (1863), fuera de Italia (1875) en las misiones extranjeras (1875); desde la fundación de la Sociedad de San Francisco de Sales hasta la del Tnstituto de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora o la fundación de la unión de los Cooperadores salesianos.
Debe tener presente esta especificidad quien estudia los temas importantes de la acción de don Bosco. Se encuentra sobre todo en dos aspectos de su amplia y variada actividad: en los escritos y en su práctica educativa.
Cf. G. BALLESIO, Vita intima di D. Bosco nel suo primo Oratorio di Torino. Elogio funebre, Tip. salesiana 1888, p. 9-10. Ballesio (1842-1917) entró en el Oratorio en 1857.
Ib p.21.
5 Para una definición, cf. G. Bosco, II pastorello delle Alpi. Ovvero vita del giovane Besucco Francesco d'Argentera, Torino, Tip. dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales, 1864 [= Besucco] = LC 12 (1864) n. 5-6, p. 70 = OE XV, 312.
Trataremos de seguir esa doble vía en el tema que se nos ha confiado: el papel de los sacramentos de la penitencia y de la eucaristía en el sistema educativo de don Bosco, sin olvidar, sin embargo, que toda sistematización resulta insuficiente para expresar su experiencia vivida en su concreción y aun en su problematismo.
Don Bosco produjo una mole de textos, en buena parte ya a disposición de los lectores por medio de la reimpresión anastática de las Opere edite.6 Existe la lista completa de los escritos editados por él en vida, incluidos los anónimos, dudosos, los atribuidos a él o atribuibles. Y nos informa de cada una de sus ediciones, transformaciones, traducciones, etc.7 La primera serie de las Opere edite (Libri e opuscoli) contiene en buena parte divulgaciones devocionales, hagiográficas, catequísticas y didácticas y también «vidas» de adultos (Cafasso) y jóvenes (Comollo, Savio, Magone, Besucco...), con frecuencia en forma narrativa y con tendencia a construir «modelos» ideales de comportamiento para imitar por sus jóvenes alumnos. Con su vasta actividad editorial, don Bosco no intentaba ofrecer de ningún modo a sus lectores trabajos doctos o científicos; se dirigía con su estilo sencillo, edificante o apologético al corazón de todos, del pueblo, de los jóvenes que encontraba en la calle o que educaba en sus instituciones. Los escritos informan, aunque con frecuencia de forma esquemática y ocasional y sin justificación teórica convincente, sobre las doctrinas y a veces también sobre la práctica de don Bosco en el campo de la educación sacramental. Las doctrinas son, en términos esenciales, las de la teología común y oficial de la Contrarreforma, las de la catequesis típica del clima de la Restauración, en la que, por otra parte, se desarrolló toda la formación de Juan Bosco, en la familia, en la escuela, en el seminario y en el Convitto ecclesiastico.8
Los aspectos doctrinales o teóricos de los sacramentos, formulados generalmente en términos catequísticos y casi siempre simplificados en función del pueblo y de la juventud, se encuentran sobre todo en las páginas apologéticas del mismo santo o en los autores cuyas obras él publicó con más frecuencia en la colección de las «Letture Cattoliche».9 Pero siguen también en el fondo de
6 Cf. 0E.
Cf. P. STELLA, Gli scritti a stampa di san Giovanni Bosco, Roma, LAS 1977.
8 Hemos analizado la actividad literaria de don Bosco, en el campo de los sacramentos, en:
J. SCHEPENS, L'activité littéraire de don Bosco au sujet de la pénitence et de l'eucharistie, in «Salesianum» 50 (1988) 9-50; el mismo texto se halla también en: R. GIANNATELLI (ed.), Pensiero e prassi
di don Bosco nel 1° centenario della monte (31 gennaio 1888-1988), Roma, LAS 1988; J. SCHEPENS, Beichte und Eucharistie in der erzieherisch-pastoralen Praxis don Boscos = Folge der Schriftenreihe
zur Pflege Salesianischer Spiritualitát 19-20, Kóln-München-Wien 1988.
9 Colección fundada por don Bosco con el apoyo de mons. Moreno, obispo de Ivrea y de los escritos no directamente polémicos, sobre todo en los que tienen un fin catequístico o didáctico, en las vidas edificantes y en las páginas hagiográficas o devocionales del Giovane provveduto y de textos familiares con este manual de oración y meditación para los jóvenes. Efectivamente, después de los cambios radicales en el campo social, político y religioso habidos entre 1847 y 1850 (la plena emancipación de los hebreos y de las confesiones protestantes, el proselitismo valdense, la proliferación de periódicos y publicaciones laicas o anticlericales) y después durante los años de la supresión de las corporaciones religiosas y de la unidad de Italia, don Bosco se siente llamado a reaccionar con una decidida pedagogía preventiva y con frecuencia defensiva tanto contra la herejía como contra la impiedad. A partir de aquel tiempo, sus escritos, aun manteniendo su carácter catequístico y educativo, adquieren un tono más explícitamente defensivo o apologético contra el proselitismo protestante y la progresiva laicización de la sociedad. Esta afirmación vale sobre todo para los textos que se refieren a los sacramentos de la confesión y la eucaristía. La apología de los sacramentos, considerados desde siempre como fundamento indispensable de la vida, de la felicidad, de la moralidad y de la educación, obliga a don Bosco a explicitar ciertas verdades histórico-dogmáticas de la doctrina católica en relación con otras religiones y confesiones.
En el campo de la confesión, don Bosco debe afrontar, entre el 50 y el 60, los ataques del apóstata Luigi Desanctis, considerado, junto a A. Bert y J.P: Meille, al menos durante algún tiempo, como uno de los personajes más grandes de la historia de los Valdenses en Piamonte.1° Él reacciona vivamente, publicando las Conversazioni tra un avvocato ed un curato di campagna sul sacramento della confessione» El opúsculo, todo él dedicado a la defensa de la confesión «auricular», le ofrece ocasión para especificar la doctrina católica de la confesión y subrayar su importancia, indispensable para la educación y las costumbres, contra sus adversarios que la calificaban como una fábula o una invención de los curas.
Los ataques de Desanctis no se limitaban a formular «a medida del pueblo» las objeciones ya conocidas de origen protestante. Eran también eco de los recelos lanzados por el llamado «descreimiento», del siglo XVIII o más reciente, de los «espíritus fuertes» («los filósofos») y que cada vez iban penetrando más en el mundo de los jóvenes y de los obreros.
mons. Ghilardi, obispo de Mondovl, sobre todo, para la difusión de buenos libros contra la propaganda valdense y las ideas laicas y anticlericales; el primer número apareció en 1853.
'° Acerca de los motivos de la ruptura entre Desanctis y la Iglesia valdense, cf. V. VINAY,
Luigi Desanctis e il movimento evangelico fra gli italiani durante il Risorgimento, Torino, Claudiana 1965, p. 59-62.
" Torino, Tip. Paravia e comp. 1855 = LC 3 (1855-56) n. 7-8 = OE VI 145-272 [=-- Conversazionz].
La existencia, la necesidad y la utilidad de la confesión misma se ponían en cuestión»
Los escritos de don Bosco o los textos de los autores que citaba en la colección de las «Letture Cattoliche» deb3 ían mostrar ante todo la única doctrina verdadera de la confesión sacramenta1.1
Tomando una por una las objeciones de sus adversarios, en un tono no de desprecio, pero sí humorístico, don Bosco refuta sus argumentos refiriéndose a la práctica continua de la confesión auricular y sacramental en la Iglesia." El contenido y el estilo de su argumentación, adaptados siempre a su público potencial de poca o mínima cultura, se distinguen por su tono popular de las páginas de otros autores que reaccionaban contra Desanctis.'
Para don Bosco se trata de demostrar ante todo que la confesión se remonta a Cristo mismo y que fue establecida de modo constante, durante todos los siglos de la historia cristiana. Añade además que los mismos hebreos, los paganos, los protestantes más inteligentes veneraron siempre este sacramento. Y hasta incrédulos como Voltaire y Rousseau subrayaron su valor.16
En las páginas menos directamente apologéticas, los «modelos» presentados (Comollo, Savio, Magone, Besucco, Cafasso...) concretan los principios ideales seguidos en la práctica educativa y muestran las condiciones que se consideran necesarias para acercarse con devoción, utilidad y saludablemente a la confesión, la misa y la comunión. A este fin, don Bosco clarifica la naturaleza y los efectos de la confesión por medio de fórmulas y expresiones con frecuencia tradicionales. Es misericordia de Dios, remedio, .alimento, bálsamo,
12 Conversazioni [1855], p. 13-15 = OE VI, 157-159.
13 Cf. los escritos de don Bosco: Fatti contemporanei esposti in 25 forma di dialogo [= -7 74 Fat5; Torino, Tip. dir. da P. De Agostini 1853 = LC 1 (1853-54) n. 10-11, p.Il galantuomo. Almanaccó nazionale pel 1855, coll'aggiunta di varíe utili aniositaGalantuomo], Torino, Tip. dir. da P. De Agostini 1854, p. 101-103 = OE VI, 15-17; Novella amena di un vecchio soldato di Napoleone 1, esposta dal sacerdote Bosco Giovanni [= Novella amena], Tocino, Tip. dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales 1862 = LC 10 (1862-63) n. 10, p. 18 = OE XIV, 242. De otros autores: [FAVRE]-CARLO FILIPPO DA POIRINO, 1l cielo aperto mediante la confessione sinceMANNINra, Torino, Tip. Paravia e comp. 1860; Torino, Tip. e Libreria salesiana, 1885 [4' ed. ]); H. La confessione ossia l'amore di Gesic pei penitenti. Traduzione dai francese di Concettina Basile, Tip. e Libreria salesiana .1886; La confessione della regina ossia il glorioso martirio di S. Giovanni Nepomuceno. Storia del secolo XIV, versión libre del alemán, 2 fasc.; J. PASSAVANTI, Lo specchio di vera penitenza annotato ad uso de' giovinetti da Gaetano Deho, 2vol., Torino, ).Tip. e Libreria salesiana 1874 = Biblioteca della Gioventú Italiana [= BGI] 6 (1874) giugno (n. 66
" Conversazioni [1855], P. 23-26.34.36.38-40.42.47 = OE VI, 167-170.178.180.182-184.191.
L' Para otras reacciones contra Desanctis, cf. A. BFLT T, Sulla dottrina e disciplina della Chiesa romana intorno al sacramento della confessione. Discorso [...J contro il saggio dommatíco-storico di L. Desanctis, Firenze 1851; B. NEGRI, Errori di Luigi Desanctis sul domma della confessione, Tocino 1862; G. CASACCIA, Il trionfo della confessione sacramentale sul saggio domrnatico-storico di L. Desanctis, confutato per se stesso, preceduto da una risposta alía prefazione in replica alle confutazioni 25-26; Conversazioni [1855], p. del monaco Belli, Tocino, Tip. G.A. Reviglio 1854. -26; IV = OE VI, 148.16 Fatti [1853], P. medio necesario para restablecer los lazos de amistad entre el hombre y
Contra los recelos sembrados en un momento en que el espíritu de «descristianización» parecía difundirse en los estratos populares, don Bosco describe con términos clásicos los frutos de una confesión bien hecha: el perdón de los pecados y la reconciliación con Dios, la tranquilidad del corazón y del espíritu y la fuerza para hacer progresos en el camino de las virtudes." Partiendo de la convicción de que el sacramento de la penitencia constituye el mejor apoyo para los jóvenes, cuya naturaleza humana se siente vulnerable y débil, les enseña a aprender a confesarse, no sólo frecuentemente, sino también bien, según las disposiciones que son necesarias. Sus exhortaciones insisten en los cinco elementos que, según dice J.C1. Dhótel, se habían hecho comunes desde Belarmino con el fin de multiplicar los actos del penitente: el examen de conciencia, la contrición, el propósito, la confeáión y la penitencia." Sus formularios para el examen de conciencia se distinguen por su carácter breve.2° El dolor (o la contrición) debe ser «interno, sobrenatural, sumo y universal»,21 y «unido a un propósito firme» cuya autenticidad se manifiesta en los frutos de la confesión, en el alejamiento de las «ocasiones que nos pueden llevar al pecado mortal»22 El que recae con frecuencia en los mismos defectos, que haga más bien propósitos firmes que confesiones frecuentes. En el espíritu
" G. BOSCO, Il mese di maggio consacrato a Maria SS. Immacolata ad uso del popolo [= Maggio], Torillo, Tip. Paravia e comp. 1858 = LC 6 (1858-59) 124 = OE X, 418; Conversazioni [1855]
75-77 = OE VI, 219-221; G. BOSCO, La forza della buona educazione. Curioso episodio contemporaneo [= Pietro] = LC 3 (1855) n. 17-18, p. 43 = OE VI, 317; Besucco [1864] 38 = OE XV, 280.
18 Cf. por ejemplo: G. BOSCO, Nove giorni consacrati all'augusta madre del Salvatore sotto il titolo di Maria Ausiliatrice [= Nove giorni], Torillo, Tip. dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales 1870 = LC 18 [1870] n. 5, p. 34-35.37-38 = OE XXII, 286-287. 289-290.
" J.C1. DHÓTEL, Les origines du catéchisme moderne d'aprés les premiers manuels imprimés en France, Paris 1967, p. 340.
20 Ilgiovane provveduto per la pratica de' suoi doveri degli esercizi di cristiana pietá per la recita dell'uffizio della beata Vergine e de' principali vespri dell'anno coll'aggiunta di una scelta di laudi sacre ecc. [= Giovane provveduto], Torillo, Tip. Paravia e comp. 1847, 94 = OE II, 274; La chiave del paradiso in mano al cattolico che pratica i doveri di buon cristiano [= Chiave], Torillo, Tip. Paravia e comp. 1856, p. 65-66 = OE VIII, 65-66; cf. los formularios más desarrollados y largos de [ERASMO DA VALENZA], Il contadino instrutto con dieci dialoghetti sopra il sacramento della penitenza tra un padre missionario ed un contadino, Saluzzo 1847, p. 99-130, y CARLO FILIPPO DA POIRINO, Il cielo aperto mediante la confessione sincera, Torillo, Tip. Paravia e comp. 1861 = LC (186061) n. 8, 55-67.
21 Cf. Chiave [1856], p. 61-62 = OE VIII, 61-62; Giovane provveduto [1863), p. 117; [1875), p. 103 = 0E, XXVI 103; G. Bosco, La figlia cristiana provveduta per la pratica de' suoi doveri negli esercizi di cristiana pieté per la recita dell'uffizio della B.V. de' vespri di tutto l'anno e dell'uffizio dei morti coll'aggiunta di una scelta di laudi sacre [= Figlia cristiana], Torino, Tip. e Libreria salesiana 1878; citamos de Figlia cristiana [1883], p. 102 = OE XXXIII, 280.
zz Chiave [1856], p. 62 = OE VIII, 62; Giovane provveduto [1863], p. 118; [1875], p. 103 = OE XXVI, 103; Figlia cristiana [1883], p. 102 = OE XXXIII, 280.
del Catecismo diocesano, don Bosco recomendaba también: «Confesemos los pecados ciertos como ciertos y los dudosos como,,dudosos».23
A diferencia de la confesión, los Valdenses consideraban la eucaristía como sacramento. Quedaba, sin embargo, la problemática plurisecular de la presencia real, de la consagración y de la transubstanciación y del carácter sacrificial de la misa. En el Cattolico istruito (y más tarde en el Cattolico nel secolo), don Bosco cita los ataques de un cierto Trivier, sacerdote apóstata, como Desancti, s24
y hace publicar por la tipografía del Oratorio un libro de G. Casaccia, párroco de Verrone Biellese, para defender el punto de vista católico como reacción contra otro libro de L. Desanctis, y que trata el tema de la misa25 En el espíritu de la teología y de la catequesis de la Reforma católica, reafirma el dogma de la presencia real, tomando como mira sobre todo a sus adversarios valdenses y basándose en el relato de la institución del sacramento en el Evangelio, en la historia de la Iglesia y los milagros que se produjeron durante toda la historia humana en favor de la presencia real de Cristo en la eucaristía. En 1853, en el momento del enfrentamiento con las herejías eucarísticas y con ocasión del cuarto centenario del milagro de Turín, hace publicar el opúsculo Notizie storiche intorno al miracolo del SS. Sacramento avvenuto in Torillo 6 giugno 14532"
En 1854 publica un opúsculo de Carlo Filippo da Poirino en el que el autor describe la naturaleza del sacrificio y de su institución contra «las doctrinas erróneas de los protestantes y de los impíos».27
Chiave [1856], p. 70 = OE XIII, 70; Giovane provveduto [1863], p. 126; [1875), p. 109 = OE XXVI, 109; Figlia cristiana [1883], p. 108 = OE =CM 286; cf. también: Maggio [1858], p. 127 = OE X, 421; Compendio della dottrina cristiana ad uso della diocesi di Torino. Catechismo ad uso degli ammessi alla comunione e degli adulti, Torillo 1822, p. 139-140.
24 Ch.L. TIUvTER, Esposto dei principali motivi che mi hanno indotto ad uscire dalla Chiesa romana, Ginevra 1852, obra traducida del francés por Salvatore Ferretti; cf. V. VINAY, Evangelici italiani esuli a Londra, Torillo 1961, p. 145; cf. también: Il cattolico istruito nella sua religione. Trattenimenti di un padre di famiglia co' suoi figliuoli secondo i bisogni del tempo, epilogad dal sac. Bosco Giovanni [= Cattolico istruito], Torno, Tip. dir. da P. De Agostini 1853, pt. 2, tr. 37, p. 275.277.278 = OE IV, 581.583.584; publicada de nuevo con el título: G. Bosco, Il cattolico nel secolo. Trattenimenti di un padre coi suoi figliuoli intorno alla religione [= Cattolico nel secolo], Torino, Tip. e Libreria salesiana 1883, pt. 3, u. 10, p. 389.390 = OE XXXIV, 389.390.
' L. DESANCTIS, La messa. Saggio dommatico-storico, Torillo 1862; Roma-Firenze 1872; contra Desanctis: G. CASACCIA, La santa messa, yero sacrifizio e sacramento della nuova legge contro il saggio dommatico-storico di L. Desanctis, Torillo 1865.
26Torillo,Tip. dir. da P. De Agostini 1853 = LC 1 (1853-54) n. 6; inspirado en: Ricerche critiche sul miracolo del SS. Sacramento avvenuto in Torillo il 6 giugno 1453, Torillo 1852.
22 [CARLO FILIPPO DA POIRINO), Trattenimenti intorno al sacrifizio della S. Messa = LC 2 (1854-55) n. 11-12.
Mientras que las páginas devocionales, catequísticas, didácticas y hagiográficas tratan temas como prolongación y en el espíritu de esta catequesis de carácter apologético, orientan también la atención sobre otros aspectos importantes de la vida sacramental ligados con frecuencia más directamente a la práctica educativa. El educador de Turín vive en tiempos en los que se había producido mentalmente un cierto grado de separación entre misa y comunión. Por este motivo presenta la eucaristía bajo una doble luz: la comunión, verdadero alimento espiritual, y la misa, sacrificio del altar. El lazo entre estos dos aspectos es la presencia real en el santísimo sacramento.28
Para don Bosco la misa es «la acción más grande que se puede realizar en este mundo; es el acto más sublime y excelente en sí mismo [...]; es la continuación y la renovación del que Jesucristo hizo en la última cena [...]; es también la continuación y la renovación del sacrificio de la cruz».29 Sus páginas ofrecen ademáslestimonios esporádicos de la evolución de sus convicciones (y de su práctica) en el campo de la comunión frecuente por parte de los jóvenes. Confía a sus escritos sus motivaciones, toma en consideración posibles objeciones que vienen del ambiente, precisa las condiciones y las disposiciones necesarias para una comunión frecuente y diaria bien hecha. El texto de Nove giorni puede considerarse como punto de referencia de una evolución." Mientras que en la primera edición del Giovane provveduto, don Bosco se limita a decir que «aquel hijo que después de haber pecado no quiere enmendarse, es decir, quiere ofender de nuevo al Señor, no es digno de acercarse a la mesa del Salvador»,3' sus sugerencias se hacen mucho más precisas en la Chiave y en los textos que, hasta un cierto punto, se sitúan cerca o dependen de ella.32 Se convierte en promotor de la comunión frecuente y entonces parece haber tenido que precisar también la purificación interior requerida para la comunión con el fin de evitar que algunos creyesen ingenuamente en los efectos producidos por el sacramento. Con la ayuda de sus colaboradores, redacta los textos de las Pratiche divote y del Cattolico provveduto. En las Pratiche adopta el párrafo titulado «Invitación a la comunión frecuente» en el que ofrece los argumentos a favor de la frecuencia ya expuestos en el Mese di maggio,33 pero diluye el tema diciendo que «no basta acercarse con frecuencia, porque hace falta además acercarse dignamente».34
28 Cf. Chiave [1856], p. 43-57.73-84 = OE VIII, 43-57.73-84; Giovane provveduto [1863], p. 105-114.128-135; [1875], p. 90-99.111-120 = OE XXVI, 90-99.111-120; Figlia cristiana [1883], p. 87-98.110-119 = OE XXXIII, 265-276.288-297; cf. también Maggio [1858], p. 134-138.139-144 = OE X, 428-432.433-438; Nove giorni [1870], p. 44-62.63-70.70-82 = OE XXII, 296-314.315 325.326-334.
29 Nove giorni [1870], p. 63 = OE XXII, 315.
30Nove giorni [1870], p. 44-45 = OE XXII, 296-297; textos análogos en: Chiave [1856], p. 73-74 = OE VIII, 73-74; Giovane provveduto [1863], p.128-129; [1875], p.111-112 = OE XXVI 111-112; Figlia cristiana [1883], p. 110-111 = OE XXXIII, 288-289. Giovane provveduto [1847], p. 98 = OE II, 278.
32 Cf. Chiave [1856], p. 74 = OE VIII, 74; Giovane provveduto [1863], p. 129; [1875], p. 111112 = OE XXVI, 111-112; Figlia cristiana [1883], p. 110-111 = OE XXXIII, 288-289.
33 Pratiche divote per l'adorazione del SS. Sacramento, Torillo, Tip. dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales 1866, p. 12-21 = OE XVII, 264-273; cf. Maggio [1858], p. 139-143 = OE X, 433 443; véase también: Il cattolico provveduto per le pratiche di pietá con analoghe istruzioni sécondo il bisogno dei tempi, Torro o, Tip. dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales 1868, p. 443-455 = OE XIX, 451-463.
Los escritos presentan además a los jóvenes modelos de la comunión frecuente y cotidiana: Comollo, Savio, Luis Gonzaga...,35 mientras que las páginas devocionales o catequísticas ofrecen «actos» sencillos de preparación y de acción de gracias.36
La praxis sacramental de don Bosco parece que se dirige a suministrar a los jóvenes una experiencia positiva e intensa ante la idea, compartida con otros pastores y autores de la época, de que «la salvación de un joven depende ordinariamente de sus años de juventud»37 y que el joven tiene que «entregarse a Dios a tiempo»: «el camino que el cristiano tiene en la juventud se mantiene en la vejez y hasta la muerte. Adolescens iuxta viam suam etiam cum senuerit non recedet ab ea. [...] Si empezamos una vida buena ahora que somos jóvenes, seremos buenos cuando avancen los años, y buena nuestra muerte y principio de la felicidad eterna. Al contrario, si los vicios se apoderan de nosotros en la juventud, generalmente continuarán en todas las edades hasta la muerte».38 Esta ocupación central de la vida de don Bosco, subrayada desde los primeros tiempos de su actividad educativa, está íntimamente ligada a la otra convicción del educador de Turín que se expresa más claramente ante el clima de apatía religiosa: que sin la base de la religión cristiana católica, los valores humanos como la felicidad, la moralidad, la educación... no pueden triunfar. «Sólo la religión es capaz de empezar a poner en marcha la gran obra de una verdadera educación».39 En este contexto, se entiende la importancia
34 Pratiche [1866], p. 16-21 = OE XVII, 268-273.
Cenni storici sulla vita del chierico Luigi Comollo, morto nel seminario di Chieri ammirato
da tutti per le sue singolari virtú, scritti da un suo collega [= Comollo], Torillo, Tip. Speirani e Ferrero 1844, p. 51-52 = OE XXXV, 51-52; Savio [1859], p. 70 = OE XI, 220; Giovane provveduto[1847], p. 65-66 = OE II, 245-246 [Luigi Gonzaga].
36 Giovane provveduto [1847], p. 99-101 = OE 279-281; Chiave [1856], p. 76-79 = OE VIIL 76-79; Giovane provveduto [1863], p. 131-132; [1875], p. 115-117 = OE XXVI, 115-117;
Figlia cristiana [1883], p. 112-114 = OE XXXIII, 292-295.
37 Cf. Giovane provveduto [1847], p. 12 = OE II, 192; don Bosco se inspira en las páginas de la Guida angelica, o siano pratiche instruzioni per la gioventú. Opera utilissima a ciascun giovanetto data ella luce da un sacerdote secolare milanese, Torillo 1767, p. 5-6, y de Ch. GOBINET, Instruction de la jeunesse en la piété chrétienne, tirée de l'Écriture sainte et des saints Péres, Paris 1733 (trad.it.: Istruzione della gioventú pietá cristiana, Torillo 1831), pt. 1, cap. 4.
38 Giovane provveduto, p. 6-7 = OE II, 186-187; don Bosco se inspira en la Guida angelica,p. 5-6.
" Esercizi spirituali alla Gioventú. Avviso sacro, Torillo 1849. Texto impreso con ocasión de
que da a la oración, a las prácticas de piedad, a los sacramentos: «Está demostrado por la experiencia que los soportes más fuertes de la juventud son los sacramentos de la confesión y de la comunión. Dadme un joven que frecuente estos sacramentos y lo veréis crecer en la edad juvenil, llegar a la maturez y alcanzar, si Dios quiere, la más avanzada vejez con una conducta que será el ejemplo de todos los que le conozcan».4° La praxis educativa de don Bosco, que tenía que promover esta experiencia positiva en el campo de los sacramentos, está documentada desde los primeros tiempos del Oratorio festivo. Don Bosco presenta la santidad a los jóvenes como un ideal atrayente «muy fácil», que todos pueden alcanzar. La combinación original de la dinámica de la vida juvenil con los elementos de la piedad y de práctica religiosa en un clima de sentido del deber, de alegría y de espontaneidad, favorecida por la típica presencia de don Bosco, hace comprender la sagacidad del sacerdote piamontés. En el nivel del ideal, las «vidas» de los primeros jóvenes o salesianos, redactadas o controladas por don Bosco o escritas por otros salesianos, o las descripciones de la primera vida oratoriana (de don Bosco y de otros salesianos) presentan las pruebas. Los reglamentos, por otra parte, dejan intuir con frecuencia otros aspectos de la «realidad» de la praxis de los sacramentos.'"
Confesión, misa y comunión parecen haber sido elementos indispensables de la vida del Oratorio. Don Bosco debió de haber hablado a los jóvenes de la vida ejemplar de su amigo y compañero Luis Comollo,42 de las virtudes de san Luis Gonzaga.'" La praxis sacramental, bajo la influencia innegable de la enselos ejercicios espirituales para jóvenes, cf. MB III 605; en este sentido son especialmente interesantes los siguientes escritos: La forza della buona educazione (= Pietro) y Valentino o la vocazione impedita, episodio contemporaneo (= Valentino), Torino, Tip. dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales 1866 = LC 14 [1866] n. 12 = OE XVII 179-242.
4° Savio [1859], p. 67-68 = OE XI, 217-218; Besucco [1864], P. 100 = OE XV, 342; Sistema preventivo [1877] cap. 2, 4, p. 54-55.56-57 = OE XXVIII, 432-433.434-435.
" A modo de exemplo citamos un párrafo del Regolamento de 1877: «Contegno in chiesa [...] 3. Durante le sacre funzioni astenetevi, per quanto potete, di sbadigliare, dormire, volgervi qua e lá, chiacchierare ed uscire di Chiesa. Questi difetti mostrano poco desiderio delle cose di Dio, e per lo pis danno grave disturbo ed anche scandalo al compagni. 4. Andando al vostro posto abbiate cura di non smuovere i banchi o le sedie né farle scricchiolare movendovi ad ogni tratto. Non sputate mai sul pavimento, perché tal cosa é sconvenevole e mette in pericolo d'imbrattarsi chi prenso voi s'inginocchia' sse [...] 6. Nel dire le orazioni non alzate troppo la voce, ma nemanco ditele tanto piano da non essere uditi. Le orazioni si recitino posatamente e non con precipitazione, né vi sia chi voglia fare piú in frena, terminando mentre altri é ancora a metá...»
(Regolamento per le case della Societá di S. Francesco di Sales, Torino, Tip. e Libreria salesiana, 1877, p. 65-66 = OE XXIX, 161-162).
42 Comollo [1844] = OE I, 1-84; mientras la 1' ed. (1844) estaba dedicada a los seminaristas, la 2' (1854) se dirige a todos los jóvenes; fue publicado en la colección de las LC 1 (1853-54), n. 20-21.
" Cf. Le sei domeniche e la novena di san Luigi Gonzaga con un cenno sulla vita del santo [= Sei domeniche], Torino, Tip. Botta 1846; publicado después en el Giovane provveduto [1847], p. 55-75 = OE II, 235-255; don Bosco usó el texto de [I>. DE MArrEi], II giovine angelico S. Luigi Gonzaga proposto in esemplare di ben vivere in alcune considerazioni, preghiere, pratiche di virtú ed Unza y la vida del seminario de Chieri y las lecturas espirituales que allí realizó, fue para don Bosco, como para tantos otros de su tiempo, el signo de una piedad radicada en la personalidad.44 En el estadio inicial, la preocupación de don Bosco parece inclinarse sobre todo hacia una «manera de asistir con fruto a la santa misa».45 Denuncia ya el poco respeto por parte de los jóvenes: «Pero ver a tantos jóvenes con deseo deliberado de distraerse, estar irreverentemente sin modestia, sin atención, sin respeto, de pie, mirando a todas partes, ¡ah! éstos renuevan muchas veces los dolores del Calvario con grave escándalo de los compañeros y deshonra de la religión».46 Los invita a entrar «con disposición de verdaderos cristianos en el espíritu de Jesucristo».." Al hablar de la comunión, subraya la necesidad de las «debidas disposiciones»48 y precisa que el que «no quiere corregirse no es digno de acercarse a la mesa del Salvador».49 La confesión tiene su centro de gravedad en el «gran dolor» que debe llevar al «propósito [...] de no querer ofender más a Dios en el futuro »."
Desde este momento, el educador turinés pone en guardia a los jóvenes contra las confesiones sacrílegas que cometen si callan por vergüenza u otro motivo los pecados." Insiste también en la confianza entre penitente y confesor: «No tengáis ningún temor respecto del confesor; él se alegra oyendo que le confiáis lo que habéis hecho [...] y no puede decir a nadie las cosas de que os confesáis y no puede servirse de ellas aunque le sirvieran para evitar la muerte».52 Esta cita ofrece la ocasión de advertir ciertas antinomias no superadas por don Bosco. Se da una tensión entre un cierto conformísmo antiguo, en el que la obligatoriedad de las observancias es el núcleo fundamental y que explica ciertos elementos que algunos consideran «terroríficos» por una parte, y su sentido de espontaneidad, de libertad, de agilidad y de responsabilidad, de confianza, de intuición y de adaptación por otra. La idea de la salvación eterna del alma del joven, única cosa necesaria al final de todo, crea en él con frecuencia una tensión a veces preocupada y ansiosa que no renuncia completamente a hacer valer también ciertos mecanismos de una pastoral del «miedo», a pesar de que la conciencia de la «misericordia de Dios» nunca se borró de su mente." En el espíritu de Guala, Cafasso o del Convitto ecclesiastico, don Bosco subraya desde el comienzo de su actividad: «Ved, fieles, con qué facilidad podemos estar seguros del perdón de nuestras culpas mediante el sacramento de la penitencia. ¡Qué gran beneficio [...I nos hizo y qué gran misericordia nos demostró Dios al instituir un sacramento tan útil y necesario! ».54
esempi a celebrar con frutto le sei domeniche, e la novena in onore dell'istesso santo: opúsculo muy difundido en Italia. •
44 Cf. P. STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 196.223.
Giovane provveduto [1847], p. 84 = OE II, 264.
46 Ibid., p. 85 = OE II, 265. Ibid., p. 85 = OE II, 265.
48 Ibid., p. 98 = OE II, 278.
49 Ibid., p. 98 = OE II, 278.
5° Ibid., p. 95-96 = OE II, 275-276.
lbid., p. 96 = OE II, 276. " Ibid., p. 96 = OE II, 276.
" Cf. el minucioso opúsculo Esercizio di divozione alfa misericordia di Dio, Torno, Tip. Botta [1847] = OE II, 71-181.
La ambivalencia de don Bosco ansioso y vigilante, inclinado a ciertas formas de cerrazón, y el otro, dulce y «amable», que apela al sentido moral de los jóvenes y al lazo personal entre educador y educando, no parece que se haya resuelto nunca completamente, al menos a nivel especulativo. Existe un Juan Bosco, que propone meditaciones diarias sobre los novísimos, el ejercicio mensual de la buena muerte con su examen de conciencia y sus letanías o los ejercicios espirituales anuales, preocupado sobre todo por volver a proponer el mecanismo de la conversión, del arrepentimiento y del propósito de no pecar más. Don Bosco y sus jóvenes entran en la dinámica de los novísimos declarándose semanalmente, mensualmente y anualmente pecadores arrepentidos." Cuando se trata de la salvación del alma y de la suerte eterna, desea que no haya riesgos, y no cede a la idea de no hacer una cierta presión sobre las conciencias de los jóvenes, que difícilmente se aceptaría hoy.56 Este don Bosco subraya sobre todo la necesidad del sacramento de la confesión por la naturaleza «débil» del joven, que le inclina fácilmente al pecado y que le deja siempre expuesto al peligro de las confesiones mal hechas. Estos jóvenes, a su parecer, deben recibir de sus educadores la convicción de lo que se afirma en la vida de Comollo y de Besucco, es decir, que los sacramentos de la confesión y de la comunión son los pilares más seguros de su juventud o que la confesión frecuente es el «apoyo de la inestable edad juvenil»." Este don Bosco subraya
54 Esercizio [1847], p. 93-94 = OE II, 163-164; don Bosco se inspira en N.S. BERGIER, Tableau de la miséricorde divine tiré de l'Écriture sainte ou motifs de confiance en Dieu pour la consolation des ames timides, Besangon 1821, p. 310-311.
35 STELLA. Don Bosco II, p. 108.
'6 A modo de ejemplo, transcribimos un texto de G.B. Francesia (1838-1930) traducido de su descripción de las «passeggiate autunnali»: «11 nostro D. Bosco, prima di lasciarci andare a letto, secondo la pia consuetudine, ci disse due parole. [...] Qui con un colpo di scena cambió tono di voce ed aspetto, che in noi produsse un'impressione straordinaria. "Noi, disse, siamo qui a divertirci, a fare le vacanze, che in grazia di buoni signori, passiamo tra l'allegria e le feste; eppure dobbiamo pensare alla morte. Stanotte uno dei nostri amici sara chiamato alreternitl. Fortunato lui che vi é preparato da lungo tempo, e che poté ricevere i SS. Sacramenti, e cosi assicurarsi un posto in paradiso. Miei cari figlioli, si muore. Prima perció di separarci, recitiamo una preghiera per lui, e raccomandiamo l'anima sua alla carita del S. Cuore di Maria!" Non disse di pió, e non ne avevamo bisogno, perché la nostra commozione non avrebbe potuto reggere. Ci guardammo l'un l'altro in fronte, quasi per indovinare chi era si vicino a scomparire. [...] Poi datoci il buon ti-poso, volle che anche in quella sera si pregasse per colui che all'Oratorio in quella notte medesima doveva morire, non senza moho affetto e pietá. Dopo si ancló a letto, e pió d'uno ebbe qualche difficoltá per prendere sonno, e guando lo prese continuava a pregare» (G.B. FRANCESIA, Don Bosco e le sue ultime passeggiate, Torino, Libreria salesiana di S. Giovanni Evangelista 1897, p. 131132).
Comollo [1854], P. 4; la cita falta en la edición de 1844; Besucco [1864], P. 103 = OE XV, 345.
lo necesario que es para los jóvenes aprender a confesarse bien desde niños, con las debidas disposiciones." Se declara seguro de la capacidad que tienen los niños, ya a los siete años, de cometer pecados graves o de callarlos en la confesión, de hacer confesiones sacrílegas, poniendo así en peligro su salvación eterna." En la línea de otros educadores, moralistas y escritores (Gobinet, San Alfonso, Humbert, Arvisenet...) parece a veces obsesionado por el temor de que los muchachos callen o mientan respecto de los pecados (de impureza e inmodestia) y que, con la gracia, pierdan todo, también la verdadera felicidad y la salvación eterna: «autores célebres en moral y en ascética y de gran experiencia y especialmente una persona autorizada que tiene todas las garantías de la verdad, concuerdan en decir que la mayor parte de las confesiones de los jovencitos, si no son nulas, al menos son defectuosas por falta de instrucción, o por omisión voluntaria de cosas que deben confesarse».6° A los miembros del primer Capítulo general de los salesianos les declara, el 4 de febrero de 1877, que una larga experiencia le ha convencido de que hace falta que los jóvenes hagan confesión general cuando vienen a los colegios salesianos." A los mismos jóvenes les recomienda que no se dejen nunca «engañar por el demonio callando por vergüenza algún pecado en la confesión» y habla del «gran número de cristianos que van a la perdición eterna sólo por haber callado o no haber expuesto sinceramente ciertos pecados en la confesíón».62
Según P. Stella la peculiaridad de la confesión en Valdocco está en el hecho de que don Bosco tendía a irradiar en la confesión la misma confianza paterna y filial que le distinguía ya en los otros momentos de la vida. Padre, amigo, guía con dotes extraordinarias, don Bosco favorecía una cohesión espiritual singularísima que era para él uno de los fines para conseguir el objetivo de la educación cristiana y por ello la garantía de que conducía a los muchachos al camino de la salvación y de la santidad:63 «Amante y expansivo, ejercía la autoridad inspirando respeto, confianza y amor. Y nuestras almas se le abrían con abandono íntimo, alegre y total. Todos queríamos confesarnos con él, que dedicaba a esta santa, y al mismo tiempo dura tarea, de diez y seis a diez y ocho horas cada semana [..J. Sistema más bien único que raro entre Superior y Subordinados; sistema de los Santos, que permite conocer la índole, plegarla sabiamente y liberar sus energías recónditas»." Estas palabras son de G. Ballesio.
" Giovane provveduto [1847], p. 93 = OE II, 273; Maggio [1858], p. 124 = OE X, 418.
" Chiave [1856], p. 57 = OE VIII, 57; desde 1863, las ediciones del Giovane provveduto recogen el mismo texto; Magone [1861], p. 28 = OE XIII, 182, cf. también: STELLA, Don Bosco II,p. 312. Magone [1861], p. 29 = OE XIII, 182; cf. anche: Chiave [1856], p. 58 = OE VIII, 58; Giovane provveduto [1863], p. 106; Maggio [1858], p. 126-127 = OE X, 420-421; Nove giorni[1870], p. 40 = OE XXII, 92.
61 MB XII, 91; otros testimonios en: S. STRANO, Don Bosco, confessore dei giovani. Aspetti particolari, Acireale, Arti Grafiche della Cittá del Fanciullo 1960, p. 1-44.
bz Magone [1861], p. 24.25-26 = OE XIII, 178.179-180; también: Giovane provveduto [1847], p. 96 = OE II, 276; Pietro [1855], P. 19.20-21 = OE VI, 293294-295. 61 STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 3 10-3 11.
La función educativa de la confesión depende para don Bosco más del modo con que se realiza la relación confesor-penitente que de motivaciones teológicas inherentes a la función medicinal de la gracia aneja al sacramento.°
La confianza que don Bosco irradiaba, el espacio real que daba a la espontaneidad, la autonomía y la libertad que intentaba promover las energías interiores del joven orientado hacia una discreta autonomía que apoye y desarrolle la responsabilidad personal, tal vez explican también el motivo por el que don Bosco animaba insistentemente al confesor «estable» y «ordinario» y a la fidelidad que hay que tenerle. El sentido pleno del sacramento de la confesión parece realizarse en la relación cualitativa que establece el joven con el confesor, su guía segura. Los escritos de don Bosco, sobre todo las «vidas», demuestran claramente la introducción gradual del tema del confesor estable.66 La insistencia sobre el sigilo sacramental, sobre todo en los años 60-70, tiende también al mismo fin: « [Los confesores] no dejen nunca de recordar y con mucha frecuencia el gran secreto de la confesión. Digan explícitamente que el confesor está atado por un secreto Natural, Eclesiástico, Divino y Civil».61 Las palabras de don Bosco se explican por la alta estima de su misión sacerdotal, por su pedagogía de sencillez y de afecto, pero también por la angustia ante las confesiones defectuosas de los jóvenes. Quedando en pie el principio general, puede haber motivos suficientes para cambiar de confesor, sobre todo cuando el sacerdote no logra establecer lazos de confianza con su penitente. En ese caso, busca el camino más seguro: «Cuando hayáis elegido ya un confesor que se adapte a las necesidades de vuestra alma, no lo cambiéis sin necesidad. Mientras no tengáis un confesor estable, en el que pongáis toda vuestra confianza, os faltará siempre el amigo del alma. [...] Pero podéis cambiarlo sin escrúpulo cuando vosotros o el confesor cambiéis de residencia u os resultase muy molesto ir hasta donde él vive, o estuviese enfermo, o en ocasión de solemnidades en las que se viera muy solicitado. Y lo mismo si tuvieseis algo en vuestra conciencia que no os atrevéis a manifestar al confesor ordinario: antes de hacer un sacrilegio, cambiad, no una vez, sino mil veces de confesor».68
Don Bosco suponía también probablemente que no todos los jóvenes pasarían dé la confesión en el Oratorio a la de la parroquia; o de la del colegio a la de las asociaciones confesionales («le unioni dei buoni»). Por eso anima al confesor «estable» u «ordinario».
BALLESIO, Vita intima, p. 21.
5 G. GROPPO, Vita sacramentale, catechesi, formazione .spirituale come elementi del sistema preventivo, en: II sistema educativo di don Bosco tra pedagogía antica e nuova. Atti del convegno europeo sul sistema educativo di don Bosco, Leumann (Torillo), Elle Di Ci 1974, p. 62.
66 Cf., por ejemplo, la evolución del texto en: Como//o [1844], p. 26 = OE I, 26; [1854], p. 32-34; [1884], p. 41 = OE XXXV, 41.
Besucco [1864], p. 104 = OE XV, 346
68 Magone [1861], p. 26-2756-57 = OE XIII, 180-181.210-211; Besucco [1864], p. 103-104 = OE XV, 345-346; Savio [1866], p. 60-61.
Con el mismo espíritu, anima también a participar en la misa dominical y en la comunión frecuente. Al principio, encontramos que en su praxis se tiene en cuenta la costumbre general. Don Bosco había adoptado lo que era costumbre local o ley. La ley solía determinar ciertas prácticas, la costumbre había adoptado prácticas sugeridas por el catecismo diocesano o por manuales de devoción." El desarrollo de las prácticas en Valdocco y en otros lugares se vio condicionado sin duda por el modo adoptado en general en Turín y Piamonte. Pero inmediatamente sufrió el influjo de otros elementos específicos, como la distinción entre internado y externado, entre estudiantes y artesanos, entre clérigos y jóvenes, entre educadores y educandos, entre adultos y jóvenes, entre recién llegados y veteranos en la casa. En lineas generales, la vida religiosa que promovía don Bosco se articulaba en un sistema de prácticas comunes, costumbres espontáneas de grupos (las diversas compañías: de San Luis, del Santísimo, de la Inmaculada, de San José) y de cada uno.
En el primer lustro del internado, las oraciones de la mañana precedían a la asistencia a la misa, que se hacía como en las congregaciones de los estudiantes y según el modo que sugerían los catecismos, las instrucciones o las normas impuestas a los estudiantes piamonteses: en silencio, siguiendo los momentos más importantes con ayuda de las meditaciones propuestas por el Giovane provveduto, tal vez introduciendo algún canto. G.B. Francesia recuerda que, en aquellos años (1850-58?), sucedía que varios jóvenes se presentaban en la sacristía antes de la misa para que don Bosco los confesase. En la iglesia se esperaba rezando o en silencio hasta que don Bosco se presentaba en el altar." Según P. Stella, notas *de don Bosco e indicaciones de jóvenes y clérigos hacen creer que, en aquellos tiempos no había control de la participación de los jóvenes y de los clérigos a la misa." El aumento con los años del número de los habitantes de Valdocco debió suscitar lógicamente una cierta disciplina. El consejo de la misa cotidiana, obligatoria teóricamente en los Estados sardos para los estudiantes todos los días de clase, se transformó en Valdocco, una vez convertido en internado, en norma general. Y las oraciones de la mañana con el rezo del rosario se incluyeron en la misa comunitaria.' En Turín, en los «Tommasini», en el colegio de los «Artigianelli» y en centros educativos de monjas sucedía lo mismo. La educación para la oración mental se deja para momentos y ejercicios escogidos libremente por el joven, en las circunstancias previstas y según los reglamentos y las costumbres."
69 STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 284-285.
70 GB FRANCESIA, D. Giovanni Bonetti Salesian priest. Cenni biografici, S. Benigno Canavese, Tip. Salesiana 1894, p. 29ss.
7 'STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 306-307.
Since 1863, Don Bosco has reinforced the example of San Isidro, writing: "I saw raccomando di avece grande apreura per andare ad udire the saint Messa ogni giorno ..." (Giovane provveduto) [1863], p. 106 (underlining is ours); cf. also: Magone [1858], p. 138 = OE X, 432.
The Mass takes us to the most intimate core of Catholic spirituality. Filled with pious exercises (among them, the rosary) and popular songs, he evoked in the young people of Valdocco the same feelings that he aroused in the town, from which they came and to which, later, in general, they became integrated as adults. 74 The young apostle also seeks to promote the modes of attendance at the Mass that seem most appropriate to the psychology of young people, looking especially at the angle of the so-called "mobilita giovanile". The pious exercises, especially the rosary and not the mental prayer, are also integrated by their community vocal character. "Don Bosco really wants young people to take pity and therefore accepts and promotes religious practices that arise on the initiative of the groups, teach and teach, also for the love of the Church, Gregorian chant, but also encourages popular singing. He publishes in the appendix of the Giovane provveduto, and apart, a series of Laudi sacre; 76 promotes the music of G. Cagliero, 77 of the master De Vecchi, of Don Costamagna (1846-1921), of the coadjutor G. Dogliani (18691934) and of others. Especially after the construction of the sanctuary of Mary Help of Christians, many were going to listen to the polyphonic choirs. The order of the church, especially that of Mary Help of Christians, the child clergy, the massive participation ... all these elements contribute to the beauty of the ceremonies. of Don Costamagna (1846-1921), of Coadjutor G. Dogliani (18691934) and of others. Especially after the construction of the sanctuary of Mary Help of Christians, many were going to listen to the polyphonic choirs. The order of the church, especially that of Mary Help of Christians, the child clergy, the massive participation ... all these elements contribute to the beauty of the ceremonies. of Don Costamagna (1846-1921), of Coadjutor G. Dogliani (18691934) and of others. Especially after the construction of the sanctuary of Mary Help of Christians, many were going to listen to the polyphonic choirs. The order of the church, especially that of Mary Help of Christians, the child clergy, the massive participation ... all these elements contribute to the beauty of the ceremonies.
For Don Bosco, the desire for the Eucharist constitutes the key in which it is possible to discover the establishment of faith and charity, the taste for the things of heaven and the degree of Christian perfection. Comollo, Savio, Magone and Besucco give a clear testimony of a great love for Jesus. Seeing the impulse given to Eucharistic piety or to frequent and daily communion, to the publication in the Letture Cattoliche of booklets on the Eucharist, on the Mass or on communion, one must keep in mind the climate, especially the the second part of the century, the mentality and the indifference towards the practices of piety. "
" STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 309. Ibid., P. 330
"Ibid., P.308.
76 Cf. P. STELLA, Valori spirituali nel «Giovane provveduto» di san Giovanni Bosco, Rome, Tip. Pio XI 1960, p. 6-14; ID., Don Bosco II, p. 322, n. 160
77 About Giovanni Cagliero (1838-1926) it reads: "In seguito il giovane Cagliero fu posto a studiare la musica: Don Bosco non intendeva [...] di formare un'artista per l'aristocratica e difficile. Gli occorreva a music facile, briosa, adatta to 'suoi giovani, di facile apprendimento e di pio facile esecuzione. [...] Cagliero gotta canti siffati with a straitling, infaticabile feconditá ... "(S. RASTELLO, In memoria di S.Em. il cardinale Giovanni Cagliero, Salesian missionary cousin, Milano 1926, pp. 5-6).
78 The most important titles are: [CARLO] FILIPPO DA POIRINO, Trattenimenti intorno to the sacrifizio della S. Messa = LC 2 (1854-55) n. 11-12; ID., Trattenimenti intorno al ss. sacramento dell'eucaristia = LC 3 (1855-56) n. 19-20; ID., Trattenimenti morali intorno az 'riti ed alle ceremony
As an educator, Don Bosco develops a eucharistic pastoral also based on the conviction that, without religion and sacraments, all human life is doomed to failure. It also tends progressively to take into account a mentality that is commonly considered as a source of coldness in piety.
In this context, Don Bosco also encourages frequent communion, also organizing groups that stimulate his imitation. It guides its young people towards frequent communion, based on convictions that are already in their formation, but that mature in the light of new situations. With other pastors of his time, he does not neglect the goods of "worthy, fervent and frequent" communion, made with the necessary provisions.79 For Don Bosco, however, communion becomes little by little indispensable food for the young man, who he has to live times that are not easy at all. Especially in the second part of the century, it seems that his thinking is increasingly in tune with theologians and pastors of souls who felt inclined to adopt less restrictive attitudes on the issue of the frequency of Eucharistic communion.
della s. messa coll'aggiunta di un method per udirla con frutto = LC 4 (1856-57) n. 8-9; ID., Il délo aperto by frequent comunione = LC 7 (1859-60) n. 8; 1865; 1878; LEONARDO DA PORTO MAURIZIO, The treasure nascosto ° uvero pregi ed eccellenze della s. messa with a pratico e divoto method
to ascollate it with frutto = LC 8 (1860-61) n. 12; 1881; HUGUET [et L'esistenza reale di G. Cristo nel ss. Sacramento = LC 11 (1863-64) n. 7; G. FRASSINETTI, Due gioie nascoste = LC 12 (1864) n. 10; G. DE SEGUR, La santissima comunione = LC 20 (1872) n. 7; 1875; ID., Ogni Otto giorni = LC 26 (1878) n. 7; ID., Venite tutti a me = LC 27 (1879) n. 6; A. DE LIGUORI, Visit to the SS. Sacramento ed a Maria SS. per ciascun giorno del mese [...] preceduta dall'atto eroico e da preghiere in onore del sette dolori e delle sette allegrezze del patriarca S. Giuseppe = LC 15 (1867) n.10-11.
79 Otros autores de su ambiente subrayan, sobre todo, las disposiciones, cf. F. CECCA, Le veglie de' contadini cristiani. Dialoghi familiari-istruttivi-morali sovra le quattro partí della dottrina cristiana, ad uso, e vantaggio de' contadini, e di altre persone che vogliono approfittarne, Torino 1806, p. 278-280; Ch.-F. LHOMOND, Doctrine chrétienne en forme de lectures de piété, oit l'on expose les preuves de la religión, les dogmes de la foz; les régles de la morale, ce qui concerne les sacremens [sic] et la priére, Lyon 1808, lec. 89 (p. 417-421); trad. it.: Dottrina cristiana in forma di lezioni di pietá in cui si espongono le prove della religione, i dogmi della fede, le regole della morale, quel che riguarda i sacramenti e la preghiera ad uso delle case di educazione e delle famiglie cristiane, 3 'Vol., Milano 1831; A. Guild-01s, Explication historique, dogmatique, morale, liturgique et canonique du catéchisme avec la réponse aux obiections tirées des sciences contre la religion, Paris 1870, III, p. 135-138; trad. it.: Spiegazione storica, dogmatica, morale, liturgica e canonica del cate-chismo colle risposte alle obiezioni attinte dalla scienza per oppugnare la religione, 4 vol., Prato 1863, 1865, 1882; P. COLLE'T, Lo scolaro cristiano ossia trattato dei doveri di un giovine che brama santificare i suoi studi, Milano 1844, p. 186-195; Compendio della dottrina cristiana ad uso della diocesi di Torino, Torino 1822, p. 120.
80 Cf. G. PENCO, Simia della Chiesa in Italia, II. Dal concilio di Trento az' nostri giorni, Milano 1978, p. 290; P. STELLA, Giurisdizionalismo e Giansenismo all'universitá di Torino nel secolo XVIII, Torino 1958, p. 45.70-71.90; ID., Crisi religiose nel primo Ottocento piemontese, en «Salesianum» 21 (1959) 66-67.
línea pastoral más indulgente en el campo de la comunión. Inspirándose en la corriente pastoral más-indulgente, corriente que nunca había estado ausente del todo de la historia (cf. C.E. Pallavicini, B. Lanteri, Th. Gousset...), algunos pastores y teólogos (como G. Frassinetti, G. De Segur, S. Franco, J.J. Gaume, J.M.J. Huguet...), situados hacia la mitad del siglo en confrontación con los resultados probablemente poco prometedores de la situación religiosa, empezaban a echar las culpas al jansenismo o a la pastoral rigorista (el probabiliorismo) de hacer surgir la languidez y la crisis de la fe, del indiferentismo religioso y del enfriamiento del pueblo hacia las prácticas de piedad: a los fieles se les había privado del pan eucarístico, el «alimento de los fuertes», el alimento indispensable para poder afrontar los «tiempos difíciles» y la lucha para vencer las dificultades en el plano personal y social. Don Bosco, que en la escuela de Guala y Cafasso había conocido ya esta pastoral benigna, entra probablemente en la campaña a favor de la comunión frecuente y hasta diaria, que en el contexto político-social se convierte también en una afirmación pública de fe. Se hace uno de los promotores de la comunión frecuente de los niños, con la convicción, madurada gradualmente, de que la ligereza juvenil, raíz de faltas, necesita la fuerza espiritual de la comunión, sobre todo para la lucha contra las tentaciones que deben afrontar en el contexto de nuevos retos que proceden de una mentalidad que ha cambiado. Por el mismo motivo, don Bosco se hace también promotor de la comunión dada a los niños lo antes posible.
Hace falta prevenir a tiempo, robusteciendo a los niños y a los jóvenes contra los asaltos del demonio.
«Dígase lo que se quiera sobre los diversos sistemas de educación, yo no encuentro ninguna base segura más que en la frecuencia de la confesión y la comunión; y creo que no digo demasiado si afirmo que, eliminados estos dos elementos, la moralidad queda descartada».8i Nos preguntamos si esta concepción de la educación o ciertos modos de hablar de don Bosco no hacen de los sacramentos, y de toda la religión, «instrumentos» o «medios subordinados» para obtener moralidad, felicidad, efectos educativos. Al ministro de la Reina de Inglaterra que se asombraba en su visita a Valdocco del «perfecto silencio» y de la disciplina de los jóvenes, se le dijo que «la frecuente confesión y comunión y la misa diaria bien oída» son los «poderosos medios de educación» que tienen los católicos: «si no se usan esos elementos de religión, hace falta recurrir a las amenazas o al palo. [...] O religión o palo... ».82
. Besucco [1864], p. 100 = OE XV, 342; análogas expresiones en: Pietro [1855], P. 41.46.48 = OE VI, 317.320.322; Savio [1859], p. 67-68 = OE XI, 217-218; Va/entino [1866], p. 12-13.17 = OE XVII, 190-191; Sistema preventivo [1877] cap. 2, 4, p. 54-55 = OE XXVIII, 432-433.
12 Sistema preventivo [1877], p. 56 = OE XXVIII, 434.
Una afirmación como ésta puede extrañar a los lectores modernos acostumbrados, aun en un contexto cristiano, a distinguir necesariamente entre el orden de la creación y el de la redención, entre autonomía (aun relativa) de las realidades humanas (entre las que está la educación) y la actitud de fe en Dios. Se han propuesto varías hipótesis para explicar más o menos adecuadamente estas afirmaciones del santo educador. Determinadas expresiones suyas, en efecto, podrían dar la impresión de una manipulación de contenidos esenciales de fe (sacramentos), que son fin en sí mismos, para alcanzar objetivos meramente humanos o educativos.
Se ha intentado comprender las afirmaciones de don Bosco refiriéndose al papel benéfico de los sacramentos en la psicología del joven. Contra esta interpretación, reductiva según su parecer, reaccionaba A. Caviglía.83 Subraya la importancia del motivo primario de la pedagogía de don Bosco: la idea que él tiene de la gracia de Dios en el alma y del trabajo que en ella realiza. Es una concepción exquisitamente teológica, genuitea teología cristiana y católica, traducida en concepción educativa. En este sentido, según la idea fundamental de la doctrina sobre la gracia santificante, todo el trabajo educativo, como don Bosco lo ve y lo quiere, se concentra en conservar o volver a adquirir la gracia de Dios en el alma. Para don Bosco, la presencia de la gracia de Dios lo es todo." P. Braido habla de la religión (o, en términos equivalentes, del temor de Dios, vida divina comunicada y en desarrollo, vida de caridad y de gracia, oración, frecuencia a la santa misa, uso de los sacramentos de la confesión y la comunión...) como de «supremo medio educativo, al que los demás resortes técnicos "humanos" y "humanísticos" están rigurosamente subordinados».85 Los medios o procedimientos sobrenaturales no parecen sólo necesarios para
- la construcción de la personalidad cristiana, sino que tienen una eficacia real en el proceso educativo y humano (felicidad, moralidad, alegría...), ex opere operato o por influjo de Dios mediante las gracias actuales que se merecen con la oración.86 Según Braido, no se trata de un apoyo puramente psicológico, sino sobrenaturalmente eficaz [...] enriquecimiento real de la gracia y de la vida divina, crecimiento en la dimensión sobrenatural, un paso adelante hacia la madurez personal, natural y sobrenatural del joven.87
A nosotros, la tesis de don Bosco nos parece ligada sobre todo a su manera típica de ver al hombre, especialmente al joven que está educando.
83 «Ma non sarebbe esatto il pensarla soltanto nel suo aspetto pratico e funzionale di un agente psicologico atto a muovere e dirigere la volontá, o di una sensazione del conforto e dell'incoraggiamento che viene dalla pratica eucarística, col suo riflesso del confermare i buoni propositi» (A. CAVIGLIA, Opere e scritti edíti e Medid di «Don Bosco» nuovamente pubblicati e riveduti secondo le edizioni originan e manoscritti superstiti. IV. La vita di Savio Domenico, Torino, SEI 1943, p. 344).
" Ibid., p. 345.
85 P. BRAIDO II sistema preventivo di don Bosco, Zürich, PAS-Verlag 1964, p. 250.
86Ibid., p. 252.
87 Ibid., p. 254.
El punto de vista del educador de los jóvenes, apenas tratado por él y teóricamente casi silenciado, parte de una antropología en la que el hombre, por la fuerza de su
ser, aparece radicalmente considerado como «ser-para-Dios». Sólo en el encuentro definitivo con Dios encuentra la plenitud de su ser, su destino humano y cristiano. Para don Bosco, el hombre sin Dios (sin religión, sin gracia divina) no es sólo un condenado eterno, sino que hasta sus empresas terrenas (como la integración y la construcción humanista, cultural y pedagógica) corren el peligro de vaciarse totalmente de sentido. En don Bosco, la identificación del hombre con la dimensión específicamente religiosa y con su destino eterno es algo fundamental sin que, sin embargo, desvíe su atención de los valores del mundo, de la educación, del «honrado ciudadano y buen cristiano». Estos valores «humanos» conservan para él un carácter rigurosamente subordinado. La promoción, aun humana, del joven por el camino de la educación, se vacía cuando el educador descuida el aspecto fundamental (la relación con Dios, la vida de gracia, la salvación eterna).
Para don Bosco, la realización del hombre no podía ser un fin aislado o un valor relativamente autónomo. No desprecia la realidad humana, pero la percibe siempre ligada al destino último del hombre. El hecho educativo debe considerarse siempre a la luz de su lazo indisoluble con la realidad divina, expresada en los diversos temas de religión y de fe, de la gracia y de la vida divina, de la oración y de los sacramentos. Educar, para don Bosco, significa: ayudar a los jóvenes a salvarse y a santificarse. A esta convicción se une su idea de la naturaleza debilitada de los jóvenes después del pecado original: «Como una tierna planta, aunque puesta en una buena tierra de un jardín y, por decirlo así, guiada hasta cierto grado de desarrollo, así vosotros, mis queridos hijitos, os inclinaréis sin duda al mal si no os dejáis guiar por quien tiene el cuidado de orientaros»." El punto de vista de don Bosco sigue siendo más bien suave: «La razón mayor es la ligereza juvenil, que en un momento olvida las reglas de disciplina y los castigos que aquéllas llevan consigo: por eso, con frecuencia, un niño se hace culpable y merecedor de un castigo en el que no ha pensado, que no recordaba en absoluto cuando cometió la falta y que sin duda habría evitado si una voz amiga le hubiese avisado >>.89
Partiendo de estas coordenadas, nos damos cuenta de que la acción santificarte y los sacramentos son necesarios como base de la vida humana y de la educación de los jóvenes. Esta perspectiva nos permite también entender la importancia que don Bosco da al papel de los dos sacramentos, subrayado sobre todo en las «vidas» y en los opúsculos de instrucción religiosa: la confesión y la comunión son los dos «pilares más fuertes para la juventud»."
88 Giovane provveduto [1847], p. 13-14 = OE II, 193-194.
" Sistema preventivo [1877] I, 2, p. 48 = OE XXVIII, 426.
90 «Lo esort6 a fare la sua prima comunione, ed a comunicarsi di poi moho sovente, assicurandolo che la confessione e la comunione erano i due sostegni piú forti per la gioventii» (Sei domeniche [1854], p. 12); cf. anche Comollo [1844], p. 63 = OE I, 63.
Al vivir en una época anterior al movimiento litúrgico,91 don Bosco sitúa la vida sacramental en el cuadro de una piedad cristiana preferentemente nutrida con prácticas piadosas (oración de la mañana y de la noche, meditación, ejercicio mensual de la buena muerte, ejercicios espirituales anuales...), según la costumbre de su ambiente. Ansioso por la salvación eterna y temporal del joven, en la línea de la teología de su tiempo y a pesar de su discreción sobre el papel de la gracia, considera a los sacramentos como canales o signos de la gracia, como fuentes o medíos de salvación: «Estos sacramentos son otros tantos signos sensibles que Dios ha establecido para que nos salvemos, que es lo mismo que decir que los siete sacramentos son como siete canales por los que se nos comunican los favores celestiales desde la divinidad a la humanidad. He aquí, oh cristianos, brevemente expuestos los grandes medios que Jesucristo ha instituido para nuestra salvación».92
Esta definición no se distingue de la que usan generalmente los catecismos y los libros de instrucción religiosa de su época y que parece típica de la teología escolástica y post-tridentina.93
Para Juan Bosco, los sacramentos son los pilares más seguros y eficaces de la fe. A través de ellos, la Iglesia católica ofrece a todos los que quieren recibirlos la certeza de que poseerán un día la vida eterna.94 Pero como sacerdote-educador, preocupado especialmente con el destino de los jóvenes, presenta los sacramentos en su significado para ellos: «Recordad, mis queridos jóvenes, que los dos pilares más fuertes para sosteneros a caminar por la senda del Cielo son los Sacramentos de la Confesión y de la Comunión».95 Como Savio, Magone, Besucco o la joven valdense, también ellos encontrarán en los sacramentos la paz interior y la tranquilidad del alma, que constituyen la base de una vida virtuosa y del logro de la felicidad humana.96
Omitiendo expresiones teológicas, parece que don Bosco atribuye gradualmente, sobre todo en el tema de la comunión, un valor creciente a la eficacia ex opere operato. Los sacramentos son eficaces, no sólo por la fe que suscitan y exigen, sino también a través del deseo que Dios manifiesta en ellos de conceder su gracia, aunque su eficacia no produce beneficios sin las disposiciones para aceptarla. ¿Reduce la pedagogía de don Bosco los sacramentos a simples instrumentos o medios subordinados al proceso educativo? A nuestro parecer, ciertas expresiones suyas, como también el sentido que atribuye al aspecto milagroso, pueden dar ocasión para que se piense en una cierta forma de instrumentalismo sacramental
" Cf. O. ROUSSEAU, Histoire du mouvement liturgique. Esquisse historique depuis le début du XIX siécle jusqu'au pontificat de Pie X, Paris, Éditions du Cerf 1945, p. 149; cf. también: S. MARSILI, Storia del movimento liturgico italiano dalle origini all'Enciclica «Mediator Dei», en: O. RoUSSEAU, Storia del movimento liturgico, Roma, Ed. Paoline 1961, p. 363-369.
Maggio [1858], p. 55-56.58 = OE X, 349-350.352.
" Cf. L.M. CHAUVET, Du symbolique au symbole. Essai sur les sacrements, Paris 1979,
p. 188-190.
" Tema especialmente desarrollado en los escritos apologéticos.
" Regolamento esterni [1877], p. 36 = OE XXIX, 66.
96 Savio [1859], p. 69-70 = OE XI, 219-220; Magone [1861], p. 1723 = OE XIII, 171.177.
But a reduction of the sacrament to its external value, functional or instrumental, seems to us in discordance with its profound mentality. For Don Bosco the sacraments are undoubtedly the means or instruments of grace. But above all they figure in his idea that it is absolutely necessary to cement the whole work of education in the only movement that guides the young man to the ideal of holiness, towards his eternal destiny. More than simple instruments, the sacraments seem to be the conditio sine qua non for any educational intervention to reach its full success. They have, then, their place in the picture of a movement that includes moments of education, pastoral and spirituality in a correlation between nature and grace, between humanism and faith, which has its ultimate meaning in the mystery of Christian and Catholic soteriology.
STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 470.
Fausto JIMÉNEZ
One of the most marked aspects of Don Bosco is his concern to provide vocations to the Church. This activity portrays him as a man of the Church, very jealous of the aggrandizement of the Kingdom, a successful spiritual director. It would be enough to place him among the worthy priests in the History of the Church.
The experience lived by Don Bosco during the years of formation and learning gives him a series of values, cultivable and enforceable in any priestly or religious vocation, which he then advises and demands.
In November 1835 he entered the seminary of Chieri. The seminarians came predominantly from rural areas. ' There was the persuasion that the state to be chosen was predisposed by God, and that eternal salvation or damnation depended on it. The prayer, the immaculate life, the sacramental practice, the mediations of Jesus Christ, of the Virgin and of the saints made possible their attainment? In Chieri we wanted to create an environment that would take away the clergy of the Turinese world, considered not suitable for training. Professionalism was feared, embracing the ecclesiastical career to secure a future; that is why Don Bosco preferred to "lock himself up" in the seminary instead of continuing in a boarding house like other companeros.3
We can induce some features of this experience. The first feature is the certainty of feeling called by God from a young age, 4 that is why he will insist later that we must certify God's will for us regarding our vocation.
This communication was written and read in Castilian by the author (nde).
1 Cf. P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica e sociale (1815-1870), Rome, LAS 1980, p. 40
2 Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 46 (ed. 1968).
Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 54-55.75-76; F. DERAMAUT, Don Bosco et la vie spirituelle, Paris, Beauchesne 1967, p. 23-27. 'Cf. MO 29-30.35.44.89.
The second feature is the discovery of the benefits of spiritual direction: thus he sees in Don Cafasso the manifestation of the will of God; He will then insist that the advice of the confessor or superiors be followed. The third trait is the learning of overcoming obstacles: the dreams and the araigos helped him; 6 he will then insist that the doubts about the vocation and the dangers can and must be overcome. The fourth feature is the intellectual formation; then insist on the need for study.
Hay diversos períodos. Hasta mediados del siglo muchos religiosos viven sin preocupaciones apostólicas, recluidos en sus conventos. Los jesuitas eran detestados por sus relaciones con el partido austrófilo y por su antiliberslismo crudo. Sólo las congregaciones venidas de Francia realizaban un. trabajo más fecundo.
En el clero secular había más de 60.000 sacerdotes para 25 millones de habitantes: un cura por cada 400 habitantes. En Italia había 225 diócesis: sólo algunos obispos sobresalían por su celo, como mons. Moreno, obispo de Ivrea, cuyas circulares eran muy leídas por el clero. Este clero era poco celoso en su ministerio: administraban su patrimonio familiar, servían de preceptores o capellanes a alguna familia rica o noble.8 Otros gozaban de libertad casi absoluta respecto a sus obispos; hasta para los seminaristas no era obligatorio residir en el seminario. Su ciencia era rudimentaria (cf. Rosmini y las plagas de la Iglesia): así no pudieron aconsejar a la burguesía en sus crisis de conciencia. Otros son nacionalistas,9 o fanáticos conservadores, o están contaminados secularmente (deshonestidad, rebelión, círculos masónicos). Esto es válido en línea de máxima, pues hay que distinguir entre diócesis: las del Norte, al
menos Piamonte, ofrecen mejor estarapa.i° También había curas ejemplares: don Bosco, Borel, Cafasso, Pallotti..."
A mediados del siglo se dan leyes muy perjudiciales para la Iglesia: supresión del fuero e inmunidades eclesiásticas y diezmo (1850-1851), Ley de los conventos (1855), que suponía la supresión de 721 conventos y la desaparición de 12.000 religiosos.
Cf. MO 133.
6 Cf: MB I, 123-126.243-244.305-306.424-425; II, 243-244.298-300; MO 51-53.58.
7 Cf. MO 110-111.121.123.
8 Cf. E I, 287.
9 Cf. MO 219-220; por ejemplo don Cocchi: MO 214-215. I° Cf. E L 258.
" Cf. R. AUBERT, Pío IX y su época, Valencia, Edicep 1974, p. 85-86.
El clero había disminuido: en casi todas las diócesis el número de sacerdotes muertos superaba al número de ordenandos;" cosa parecida sucedía en la diócesis de Turín, como comprueba mons. Gastaldi en una carta pastoral de enero de 1873. Entre 1871 y 1901 disminuyen los sacerdotes en más del 25%. Muchos sacerdotes estaban arrestados, muchos obispos exiliados," otros no habían sido reconocidos por el Gobierno: así en 1864 había 108 sedes vacantes." Había cambiado la mentalidad: desaparecen muchos curas sin función parroquial; aparece un nuevo tipo de pastor de mejor conducta moral, más
cercano al pueblo, pero poco preparado intelectualmente.°
Las causas de este fenómeno que se apuntan son: la corrupción había penetrado en las mismas familias. En las escuelas públicas la enseñanza estaba en manos de maestros descreídos. Faltaban recursos económicos, por las desamortizaciones. Había aumentado la separación entre ricos y pobres: éstos no podían sostener a sus hijos en el seminario.
Los remedios tienden a contrarrestar las causas. Puesto que se trataba de un languidecimiento general de la fe en las familias, debía promoverse una re-cristianización con misiones populares, con la fe en las familias, con la instrucción de chicos y chicas en materia religiosa. Había que favorecer la creación de escuelas, asilos, colegios, lugares de esparcimiento. Como habían disminuido las vocaciones eclesiásticas de la nobleza y del ámbito burgués, había que buscar las vocaciones en la población rural, exponiéndose al peligro de rebajar el nivel cultural del clero y su eficacia evangelizadora. Al no estar los seminarios menores reservados a los que aspiraban al sacerdocio, era necesario establecer casas exclusivamente para seminaristas menores. Este problema-se sintió en Valdocco y Mirabello: don Bosco llama hurto al estudio realizado a expensas de don Bosco para volver luego al mundo o marchar a la diócesis;16 pero no tuvo dificultad en cuanto al origen campesino de las vocaciones: él mismo era
uno de ellos.
A finales de siglo existían buenas esperanzas; pero el clero diocesano apenas logra igualar vocaciones y decesos. Las congregaciones religiosas crecieron, especialmente jesuitas, Hijas de la Caridad, salesianos, salesianas.'
Así lo afirman autores contemporáneos, como Frassinetti en 1867 y Liborio Rossi en 1876.
Cf. MB VIII, 62.72.
" Cf. MB VIII, 62; X, 427-429.
'5 Cf. R. AUBERT, L'Eglise dans le monde moderne, Paris, Ed. du Seuil 1975, p. 91-96.
16 Cf. MB XII, 448.
17 Un tratamiento más amplio en: STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 359-367. Véase también el sueño
de don Bosco titulado «Trabajo, trabajo, trabajo», tenido la noche del 29 al 30 de septiembre de 1885 (MB XVII, 383-384).
Don Bosco conoce esta situación; pero no se detiene en lamentos, sino que pasa a las realizaciones inmediatamente.
Se dirige en primer lugar a sus colegas sacerdotes, jóvenes o no, con tal de que sean celosos. Acabarán abandonándolo, como contempla en el sueño de la pérgola de 1847.18 Desde 1850 disminuye el recurso a los sacerdotes diocesa
nos, y aumenta el empleo de clérigos y sacerdotes «de don Bosco», es decir, residentes con él en el Oratorio."
Entonces busca apoyo en los laicos, e incluso en los jóvenes. Comenzó con ocho o diez maestrillos; luego aumenta el número." Posteriormente inserta a
los laicos en la Sociedad salesiana;21 rechazado esto, propone a los Cooperadores la misma mies de la Congregación.22
Su preocupación por las vocaciones religiosas en general fue constante en toda su vida. Preparando una audiencia papal en abril de 1860, aboga por el establecimiento de los respectivos noviciados y por la inserción de los religio
sos de vida contemplativa en la catequesis de los niños, en la instrucción religiosa a los jóvenes y en la pastoral sacramental."
Aparte los salesianos, tuvo contacto con familias religiosas concretas: rosminianos, barnabitas, filipinos, Cottolengo. Incluso aconseja sobre la fundación de una congregación de hermanos laicos a un sacerdote alemán en 1887.24
" Cf. MO 161.163-164.218-221.
" Cf. E I, 29-30; STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 172.
20 MO 183-184.206-207.
21 Cf. MB VII, 885: Reglas de 1864, capítulo 16 «De externis»; MB X, 889: Reglas de 1873, Apéndice.
" MB XI, 542. Continuará valiéndose de los laicos (E I, 144) y favoreciendo sus asociaciones (E II, 372).
23 Cf. E III, 562.
24 Puede verse la correspondencia con los rosminianos en E I, 12.15.23.24.26.31.32.47.105. El sacerdote alemán Domingo Ríngeisen (1835-1904) había abierto en 1884 en Ursberg (Suabia) un hospicio para deficientes. Para ello fundó una Congregación de Hermanas, y dudaba sobre la fundación de otra Congregación de Hermanos: don Bosco le contesta el 25 de junio de 1887 recordándole que él tiene a los salesianos coadjutores (E IV, 379).
Se preocupó de chicas con posible vocación religiosa, como es fácil documentar a través de sus cartas." Aparte las Hijas de María Auxiliadora, tuvo relaciones efectivas con diversas familias de religiosas: Compañeras Fieles de Jesús, Nobles Oblatas, Dominicas, Hijas de la Visitación, Hermanas de la Misericordia, Damas del Sagrado Corazón, Carmelitas de París. Excepto con las Dominicas y Carmelitas, la relación con las otras Familias fue duradera.26
Las condiciones para una vocación de religiosa puedan ser deducidas de las no muy numerosas cartas dirigidas a jóvenes religiosas. Sintetizando el contenido, éstas serían las condiciones: salud, buenas costumbres, buena índole, motivación sobrenatural. Negativamente, no valen para salesíanas las superficiales, las viciadas, las insinceras, según el sueño-apólogo del 31 de diciembre de 81. Y los mdios serían: oración y meditación, confianza en las superioras y en 18 el confesor,e observancia de las Reglas, obediencia y humildad, recuerdo
del premio eterno que nos espera."
Las diócesis que tuvieron seminaristas en Valdocco fueron, al menos, Acquí, Asti, Casale, Chieri, Saluzzo, Turín, Vercelli, Vigévano, con cuyos obispos o Vicarios hay relación epistolar abundante, tratando de sus residentes
respectivos.28
También se preocupó de seculares que pudieran prepararse para las misio
nes. Escribe a don Dionisio Halinan, irlandés, que busque a jóvenes de lengua nativa inglesa con vocación para misioneros, y que se los mande a Turín para enviarlos luego a las misiones bajo dominio de la Gran Bretaña. Estuvo en tratos con mons. Quinn, obispo en Australia, para recibir gratuitamente a jóvenes de allí, educarlos, y devolverlos luego o sacerdotes seculares o salesianos.29
25 E I, 339.355; II, 209.
26 Con las Fieles Compañeras de Jesús: E I, 372518; II, 20.165. Con las Nobles Oblatas:
E I, 430.439.491; II, 281291; IV, 42. Con las Dominicas: E I, 436. Con las Hijas de la Visitación: E II, 55; IV; 281. Con las Hermanas de la Misericordia: E III, 584. Con las Damas del Sagrado Corazón: E IV, 166.185. Con las Carmelitas de París: E IV, 413. Con las Hijas de María Auxiliadora el trato es más abundante: sobre la fundación, cf. Cronistoria I, passim; sobre Momese, cf. E I, 323.336.435; sobre el Oratorio femenino de HMA en Turín, cf. E II, 446.487; In, 30.
27 Su doctrina sobre la vocación religiosa femenina se halla dispersa en estas cartas: E I, 311.419; II, 491-492; III, 633.634; IV, 290. Cf. también MB XV, 364-366, y el Testamento espiri
tual, en: Bosco, Saint pedagogici, p. 347.
Sobre Acqui: E II, 205.477-478. Sobre Asti: E I, 211.265-266.268 y MB VI, 740; VII, 410
411. Sobre Casale: E I, 287; II, 79.81. Sobre Chieri: E I, 21.23-24. Sobre Saltim: E I, 242.281. Para los casos de administración ordinaria en relación con la diócesis de Turín: E I, 112.171.278
279283.357. Sobre Vigévano: E III, 389. Sobre Vercelli: E I, 219. 29 Sobre las misiones: E II, 340.387-388.404.456.
Don Bosco alude varias veces al número de clérigos hospedados." El 26 de junio de 1866 dice que son 50 entre Turín y Lanzo. El 21 de octubre de 1876 habla de 50 clérigos que visten todavía de paisano por imposibilidad de comprarles hábitos eclesiásticos. El 31 de julio de 1878 habla de 300 clérigos al canónigo Clemente Guiol, de Marsella. Esta cifra redonda la repite en 1879, 1880, 1881. Tales cifras parecen propagandísticas, aun cuando se refieran a todas las casas de don Bosco.
P. Stella hace unas precisiones referidas a los años 1847-1870: el número de clérigos nunca fue preponderante ni extremadamente vistoso en el Oratorio. Entre 1847 y 1853 sí hubo hospedados algunos sacerdotes que ayudaban a don Bosco, según el «Repertorio doméstico», autógrafo de don Bosco, pero muy pocos clérigos del seminario: más bien fueron acogidos en la comunidad de los oratorianos de San Felipe Neri. Existe también el «Anágrafe» o «Censo de 1847 a 1869»; pero no se puede esperar de él un número completo de clérigos. Sí parece válida esta estadística para 1868: de 804 residentes en el Oratorio, había 35 estudiantes de teología y 24 estudiantes de filosofía; es decir, el número de clérigos era el 7,34% del total de residentes en Valdocco. No obstante, era el grupo más influyente?'
En cuanto a la edad de los clérigos residentes, los sacerdotes, siempre en número muy restringido, presentan fuertes oscilaciones en la media de edad. Entre los clérigos existen las vocaciones tardías, cuya edad se acerca a los 30 años. Pero la mayor parte son estudiantes de filosofía y teología, cuya edad oscila entre los 16 y los 24 años: su media de edad está entre los 17 y los 19 años.
Económicamente, el sostenimiento de esta masa de jóvenes y clérigos representó para don Bosco una fuente de preocupaciones constantes respecto a su mantenimiento, alojamiento y vestido. Desde 1854 las pensiones mensuales de los clérigos se estabilizaron durante algunos años entre las 40/45 liras. Pero las pensiones se reducían en Valdocco y Mirabello; no en los colegios, en los que se suponía que las familias podían pagar. Ahora bien, las pensiones eran insuficientes para los gastos; por eso don Bosco recurre en muchas ocasiones a la curia de Turín, a párrocos, a bienhechores, a Instituciones oficiales y al mismo rey en demanda de ayuda.32 Otra fuente de preocupaciones económicas fueron el patrimonio eclesiástico y la leva del servicio militar de los clérigos, para los que también pide ayuda a todo tipo de personas.33
3° E I, 406; 111, 69.106.371.463.625.638-639; IV, 77.90.
31 Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economice, p. 182-183.196.
32 Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economice, p. 373-377. Pueden verse las cartas dirigidas al canónigo Vogliotti desde 1855 a 1866 sobre pensiones de seminaristas concretos: E I, 117.172173.188.212.325.337.602; o al párroco de Beinasco: E I, 210; o a Paolo Boselli: E II, 310; o a la condesa Carlotta Callori: E I, 356; o al rey Víctor Manue111: E I, 212-213.223.
33 Para el patrimonio eclesiástico: E I, 243.407-408.411.501-502; II, 6. Para la exención del servicio militar: E I, 392; II, 113.117-118.125.168.172.210.229.309.414.417 .485.
Las dificultades económicas no fueron las únicas. Dificultades jurídicas le provienen de la autoridad civil, que le acusa de que los estudios de los clérigos no están en armonía con las directrices gubernativas, y que le exige presentar el Decreto de aprobación de la Congregación salesiana para el Exequatur regio .34 A pesar de todo, las dificultades más dolorosas y largas le provienen de la autoridad eclesiástica de Turín ante la pretendida autonomía para su Institución. Con la autoridad civil logra capear el temporal; con la autoridad eclesiástica no tiene más remedio que buscar la aprobación de la Congregación directamente por la Santa Sede."
La ocasión le viene ofrecida por la Ley Casati de 1859, que pedía a las Administraciones municipales la instrucción primaria y secundaria. Se presentaba la posibilidad de insertarse en el juego de los ayuntamientos, que buscaban salidas para promover las escuelas públicas sin demasiadas cargas financieras. Don Bosco se mostró sensible a las nuevas perspectivas, ofreciéndose en primer lugar a los obispos para la dirección de seminarios diocesanos; y prefiriendo después el camino de los colegios-internados municipales. Así, después de 1860, amplió las finalidades de la Congregación, añadiendo un artículo sobre el cultivo de las vocaciones eclesiásticas, pero exigiendo el permiso de la Santa Sede para encargarse de seminarios, caso por caso.
La primera experiencia de este tipo fue realizada en Giaveno (1860-1862). Allí existía un seminario menor, floreciente hacia` 1840, pero decaído posteriormente. El Ayuntamiento quería comprar los locales para poner un colegio municipal. Presentada la propuesta a mons. Fransoni, replicó que estaba dispuesto a confiar su renacimiento a don. Bosco. Los tratos comenzaron en mayo de 1859 entre don Bosco y el alcalde. El canónigo Vogliotti y don Bosco fueron a Giaveno el 27 de julio de 1860; pero no llegaron a un acuerdo, porque el Municipio no quiso elevar su cuota de ayuda. Por eso se determinó convertirlo en Seminario menor simplemente.
La curia de Turín nombró director a don Juan Grassino. Don Bosco mandó al sacerdote Juan Rocchietti como director espiritual, y a varios clérigos, que se encargaron de la economía, la disciplina y la asistencia, y a un grupo escogido de jóvenes de Valdocco. Los alumnos subieron desde 110 en 1860 a unos 240 en 1861. Pero surgieron discrepancias entre la línea educativa
" Cf. E I, 270.273.
" Las dificultades con la Curia diocesana de Turín acompañaron al nacimiento de los salesianos: E I, 169-170.291.292.321.510.572-574.590-593.596-597.599. Continuaron tras la aprobación de la Congregación salesiana el 1 de marzo de 1869: E II, 32-33.34.64.240.244.277-278.281282.299-300. Y perduraron tras la aprobación de las Constituciones el 3 de abril de 1874. Puede consultarse STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 150-1.56.
del rector y la de don Bosco. La curia, por otra parte, no quería que se considerase una sola cosa a Valdocco y a Giaveno, como afirmaba don Bosco. Fransoni murió el 26 de mayo de 1862. Con el nuevo Vícario'Capitular, mons. Zappata, se siguió una línea media: se cambió al rector, pero se rompió el contrato con el Oratorio. Algunos de los salesianos pasaron al clero diocesano; Bongiovanni y Boggero volvieron al Oratorio, recorriendo a pie el camino desde Giaveno a Turín: ni para el viaje recibieron dinero.36
Otra experiencia, con éxito, tuvo lugar en Mirabello (1863-1869). La diócesis de Casale Monferrato no tenía seminario menor, por haber sido nacionalizados los locales. El obispo, mons. Calabiana, se puso de acuerdo con don Bosco. Gracias a la cesión de terrenos por Vicente Provera, padre del clérigo salesiano Francisco Provera, y con la supervisión de Buzzetti, se ultimaron los trabajos en el otoño de 1862. La obra costó 100.000 francos?'
El 13 de octubre de 1863 llegaron los salesianos: don Rua como director, cuatro clérigos y cuatro jóvenes como enseñantes, todos de pocos años.38 Internamente había una dificultad: muchos estudiantes acudían sin intención de seguir la carrera sacerdotal. Don Bosco se mostró inflexible en esto en algunas cartas dirigidas a don Rua.39 Con esta exigencia, el seminario mayor de Casale pasó en pocos años de tener 20 clérigos de filosofía-teología a tener 120, gracias a los provenientes de Mirabello.
Otra dificultad fue estatal: Occimiano, del que dependía Mirabello, lo consideraba un colegio privado y, por tanto, sujeto a impuestos. Don Bosco recurrió directamente al ministro de Finanzas, Urbano Rattazzi, que le concedió la exención tributaria. La otra dificultad fue escolástica: el inspector de enseñanza de Alessandria lo calificó de colegio ilegal por no tener la autorización escolar; mons. Calabiana lo reconoció como colegio menor diocesano." Pero a la postre resultó pequeño y alejado de las vías de comunicación; por eso fue, trasladado a Borgo San Martino, abandonando el título de seminario menor y manteniendo el de colegio de San Carlos.°
Otra experiencia tuvo lugar en Magliano Sahino, diócesis suburbicaria de Roma. A instancias de su obispo, cardenal Bilio, asumió don Bosco en 1878 la dirección de estudios y la administración del seminario. Aquí don Bosco no quiso la mezcla de aspirantes y no aspirantes al sacerdocio, formando un cole
36 La correspondencia sobre Giaveno es: E I, 188.192.193.208-209. Cf. también MB VI, 720.731.1043; VII, 137-145.147-149. Buen resumen en: STELLA, Don Bosco nella stork economica, p. 128-130.
37 Cf. MB VII, 409.
38 Cf. MB VII, 522.
39 Cf. E I, 284.347.
4° Cf. E I, 472-473.491-492. Buen resumen en: STELLA, Don Bosco nella stork economica, p. 130-133.
4 E II, 98.103.
gio distinto en una parte alquilada del vasto edificio, quedando don Bosco muy contento. Director era don José Daghero.42
En 1874 falló la fundación de otro colegio en Ceccano (Lado); y algo pare
cido sucedió en Florencia:"
Como nota curiosa para ver esta ayuda de don Bosco a los seminarios, está
el hecho de que, en base a una convención regular, don Bosco mandó a las salesianas a prestar asistencia en cocina y ropería para obras masculinas no a una casa salesiana, sino al seminario episcopal de Biella, en septiembre de 1876; sólo después las envió para el mismo oficio al colegio salesiano de Alassio.
El origen de obras específicas en favor de las vocaciones tardías parece fruto de la maduración de una idea sostenida durante años. Adultos, como as
pirantes y novicios, había ya antes. Incluso parece que la «Obra de María Auxiliadora» en favor de las vocaciones tardías no cambió sensiblemente la proporción de adultos. La tensión con mons. Gastaldi pudo favorecer la maduración de la idea. El sueño tenido a principios de 1875 pudo suponer el espaldarazo, ya que para don Bosco manifestó el «querer divino», y gracias a él comprobó la proporción mayor de perseverancia entre los adultos."
Efectivamente, el 9 de diciembre de 1875 reunió en Sampierdarena estas vocaciones. Allí llega a reunir entre cien y 130 con este fin especifico, y se suscita un gran entusiamso por ir a las misiones.° Simultáneamente continúa en Turín una clase de vocaciones adultas, bajo la guía de don Luis Guanella." En 1876 don Bosco anduvo en tratos para establecer otra casa semejante en Roma, pero no cuajó.47 Desde Sampierdarena fueron trasladados a Mathi Torinese en 1883; y en 1884 volvieron a Turín, pero a San Juan Evangelista."
Don Bosco expuso muchas veces cuál era la naturaleza y finalidad de esta obra: recoger jóvenes adultos, con cualidades para el estudio, y con voluntad de abrazar el estado eclesiástico. Reciben unos cursos específicos acelerados para ellos. Acabados estos estudios, y certificada la vocación, los alumnos quedan libres de volver a la diócesis con sus respectivos obispos, de abrazar el estado religioso, o de dedicarse a las misiones extranjeras. En 1884, hablando a
E m, 177-178.183.297.
43 E II, 370; IV, 86-87.
44 Cf. E II, 96.237-238; MB XI, 32-33. 43 E II, 524.526.530; III, 18.36.95.
46 E III, 39-40.42.104.
47 E 130-131.137.
48 Cf. E IV, 499. Sobre las vicisitudes de la «Obra de María Auxiliadora para las vocaciones
tardías» tras la muerte de don Bosco, cf. E. VALENTINI, Don Bosco e le vocazioni tardive, en «Salesianum» 20 (1960) 462-466. Esta «Obra» fue siempre muy querida y recomendada por don Bosco: cf. Bosco, Scrittí pedagogici, p. 330-331.
los Salesianos, afirma don Bosco: «Los Hijos de María están para la acción, mientras que los pequeños que vienen a nuestras casas estarán para la cien
cia».49 Y extiende luego un reglamento en el que detalla los programas de estudio, las pensiones, la edad (entre 16/30 años).50
Las dificultades no estuvieron tampoco ausentes de esta obra: unas provinieron del exterior y otras del interior. Obtenidas la bendición e indulgencias de la Santa Sede," don Bosco extendió el programa definitivo, y mandó todo al obispado de Turín para el «Nihil obstat» para su publicación. Comienza aquí un litigio entre don Bosco y Gastaldi, al que apoyaba mons. Moreno, obispo de Ivrea.52 Es éste un litigio más amplio, pero que también involucra a esta obra. En total, don Bosco se entiende con mons. Manacorda e imprime todo en Fossano.53 En la polémica, don Bosco se queja de que no se ha comprendido su idea, y aclara: «Esta obra se dirige al bien general de la Iglesia, y
no parece que pueda ligarse a un Ordinario»,54 que era lo que pretendía Gastaldi.
En Valdocco tampoco comprendían todos la presencia de vocaciones adultas; y se formaron dos bandos: el vicedirector del Oratorio, cediendo a una facción, suprimió esta «escuela de fuego», como se la llamaba allí. Don Guanella había sido nombrado director de Trinidad, don Bosco estaba ausente. Los adultos fueron distribuidos entre otras clases o mandados a Sampierda
rena. Don Bosco, enterado, lamentó esta decisión, y la hizo resurgir como clase especial en 1877-1878."
El resultado fundamental es la mayor perseverancia de éstos que han entrado adultos: perseveran 90 sobre cien que comienzan; mientras que de los que empiezan de jovencitos llegan seis u ocho sobre cien." En el curso 18741875 había recogidos unos 100 jóvenes adultos: de los 35 que acabaron los estudios literarios, ocho fueron a misiones, seis al estado religioso, 21 a las respectivas diócesis." En años posteriores aumentó el número. Entre los primeros
salesianos hay casos muy conocidos de vocaciones tardías: Lago, Rinaldi, Ghivarello, Fagnano...
" MB XVII, 546.
5° E II, 529; III, 23.130-131.561-562. El Reglamento puede verse en MB XI, 532-533. Don
Bosco dio a conocer esta obra por medio de la imprenta: Opera di Maria Ausiliatrice per le vocazioni ello stato ecclesiastico (texto en: OE XVIII, 1-7, que tuvo varias ediciones (cf. P. STELLA, Gli
scritti a stampa di san Giovanni Bosco, Roma LAS, 1977, p. 56.60.111.113.116.133.143). A este opúsculo alude don Bosco en sus cartas: EDI, 187.197.431.443.
51 Cf. E II, 473.
52 Cf. E II, 491.
53 E II, 493-494.495.500.502-503.511. Se prohibió la publicación de toda noticia sobre esta
Obra en el periódico «L'Unitá Cattolica »: puede verse al respecto E II, 529; II, 95-96.97.98.100-101.
54 E II, 292.
55 E DI, 110; IV, 115. Su actitud ante estas dificultades puede verse en MB XI, 52.54.77. Y un tratado sintético en MB XI, 31-70.
56 Cf. E III, 130.
" Cf. E III, 131-132.
También conviene recordar que don Bosco estuvo dispuesto a acoger en el Oratorio a sacerdotes jubilados y a varios sacerdotes en estado irregular, a alguno dedos cuales incluso contrató como maestro."
Podemos preguntarnos cuál era la finalidad o sentido último de estas actuaciones de don Bosco. Se siente una pequeña parte de un gran movimiento de promoción de vocaciones, como muestran sus relaciones con José Frassinetti" o Almerigo Guerra.6° Y tiene siempre un sentido de Iglesia, que explicita en su «Testamento espiritual»: «Recordemos que regalamos un tesoro a la Iglesia cuando procuramos una buena vocación: que esta vocación o este sacerdote vaya a la diócesis, a las misiones o a una casa religiosa, no importa. Es siempre un gran tesoro que se regala a la Iglesia de Jesucristo» 6'
F.1 lugar de germinación de las vocaciones era la familia y la escuela. Ahora la corrupción ha invadido a la familia; la escuela está en manos de profesores descreídos. Tras las Revolución francesa y las diversas desamortizaciones, escasean las vocaciones de las clases altas: se convierte en necesidad y tendencia común dirigirse a las clases populares. Don Bosco, en sus predicaciones por las parroquias de los pueblos, buscará a chicos con posible vocación;62 intentará sacar vocaciones de los trabajadores de la azada y el martillo, y acabará recogiéndolos en un ambiente propicio, específicamente creado para este fin, afirmando que la Congregación salesiana ha surgido «para promover las vocaciones eclesiásticas entre la juventud pobre y de baja condición» 63 Efectivamente, los clérigos reunidos en Valdocco, y los salesianos, provienen en casi su
totalidad de zonas rurales."
Ya dentro de su casa, su primera preocupación es formar un ambiente, donde la propuesta vocacional pueda ser acogida y madurar: para los Coope
.
" Cf. E II, 155 (Bodrato); II, 231.236; III, 295-296 (Lago); II, 262.357.368-369 (Pavesio); 345.351 (Chiala); II, 455 (Mons. Negrotto); Hl, 146 (Benvenuto); III, 283 (Confortola); III, 372 (Garelli); IV, 295-296.297-298.431-435 (Czartoryski)... Sobre jubilados: III, 294; IV, 232-233. Sobre sacerdotes en estado irregular: E I, 232-233.283287.370.597; III, 512.
59 Cf. E I, 440.
6° Cf. E II, 31.
61 Testamento espiritual, en: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, 330.352. Puede verse también E III, 157.384; IV, 328.333.336. Este mismo sentido edesial aparece en las Constituciones de los Salesianos de 1874: «I. Fin de la Sociedad», y en la parte tercera del Reglamento de los Cooperadores: los textos pueden verse en: BAC, 667 y 735 respectivamente. Hasta en la inconsciencia del sueño está actuando este sentido de Iglesia en el sueño del 15 de marzo de 1875 (MB XI, 34).
62 Cf. MB V, 392-393.
63 Testamento espiritual, en Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 329-330.
" Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco nella simia economice, p. 186-187.306; DESRAMAUT, Don Bosco,
p. 31-32.
radores es la parroquin;63 para salesianos y salesianas, el Oratorio y las casas salesianas. Don Bosco es el primer encargado. Exige a sus colaboradores clima de familia, profunda religiosidad interior, visión religiosa del mundo, cooperación a la salvación de chicos y chicas. Así la respuesta de los jóvenes puede surgir espontánea, por la confianza reinante («hacerse amar»).
Este empeño es más personalizado e intenso si se trata de jóvenes llamados al sacerdocio o a la vida religiosa: los ayuda a desplazar gradualmente el acento desde la propia persona a las de los demás. Así la motivación acabará en entusiasmo y celo por la gloria de Díos y la salvación de las almas.66 Las motivaciones están refrendadas por el testimonio, por el compromiso con que se vive la propia vocación en lo concreto de la vida, proponiéndose como modelo de comportamiento." Uno se convierte en propuesta para los jóvenes que tienen las dotes oportunas. La corroboración de cualquier motivación es don de Dios; por ello, es necesario el recurso a la oración, los sacramentos, la piedad mariana, la dirección espiritual.
Dentro del ambiente hay que promover las asociaciones juveniles («Compañías» en términos de don Bosco), que son, entre otras cosas, el «sostenimiento de las vocaciones eclesiásticas y religiosas».68 Aplica esto también a los artesanos: «Procure cada hermano, con el buen ejemplo y la caridad, inspirar en los alumnos el deseo de formar parte de nuestra Sociedad»." Del mal ambiente reinante proviene el «que muchos no corresponden a su vocación»."
La vocación es una llamada de Dios, a la que el hombre responde. «Dios, en sus eternos designios, destina a cada uno a un género de vida y le da las gracias necesarias a ese estado», dice en El joven cristiano!' Por eso el prerrequisito esencial es moverse por motivos sobrenaturales" y certificar previamente la voluntad de Dios sobre la elección de estado. Lo repite muchas veces a jóvenes y clérigos."
Las condiciones para la vocación están indicadas en muchos lugares; baste recordar las enumeradas en Valentino o la vocazione impedita (1866): honestidad de costumbres, ciencia, espíritu eclesiástico, amor preferencial al sacerdocio por encima de cualquier profesión." El trinomio salud-estudio-piedad es
63 Cf. Reglamento, cap. 5.
66 Puede comprobarse en los consejos que da en las cartas E I, 131.162.298.372; IV, 10.13.
67 Cf. II, 52.
68 Cf. E III, 7-8.164.
69 MB XVIII, 700-701.
78 Cf. Carta desde Roma (1884), en: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 293.
7' La primera edición de El joven cristiano es de 1847. Aquí seguimos la edición 121*, de 1891, que es la última revisada por Don Bosco, en la parte primera, letra D. Repite este pensa
miento en la Introducción a las Constituciones de los salesianos de 1874. Las Reglas primitivas
presentadas por don Bosco a Pío IX se hallan en MB V, 931-940. Los textos latinos de las de 1874, en MB X, 956-993.
7° Cf. E I, 371.
73 Puede comprobarse en E I, 150.411.589; II, 200; TIT, 476; IV, 89.142. " Cf. E I, 194.198.
indispensable." Una vez certificada la voluntad de Dios, y poseídas estas condiciones, hay que poner algunos medios para conservar esta llamada, como el temor de Dios," la práctica de algunas virtudes, como la alegría, la humildad, la caridad, la castidad. Hay que huir de los malos compañeros y del ocio, frecuentar los sacramentos y tener devoción a María. En términos generales, éstas son también las condiciones para ser admitidos como salesianos."
En el período de formación inicial pueden surgir dudas acerca de la vocación: han de ser rechazadas como tentaciones del demonio." Para sostener la vocación hay que emplear los medios naturales (salud, estudio)" y sobrenaturales (oración, meditación, sacramentos, cumplimiento de las Reglas, práctica de algunas virtudes: obediencia, castidad), llegando de esta manera a adquirir un porte eclesiástico en andar, vestir... Y hay que evitar los peligros: vacaciones, periódicos y libros malos, compañeros y conversaciones obscenas, ocio.8°
En el período de la formación permanente sólo enumera medios sobrenaturales: devota preparación y acción de gracias de la misa, meditación, visita al Santísimo Sacramento y lectura espiritual diarias, confesión frecuente, ejercicio
mensual de la Buena Muerte.81
En síntesis,82 podríamos afirmar: el proceso educativo culmina en la elección de estado. E1 proceso vocacional gira en torno e dos polos: un conjunto de elementos psicológicos, especialmente afectivos, que ligan al joven con don Bosco y a sus actividades: sobre esta atracción personal hay muchos testimonios.83 El segundo polo es el conjunto de elementos religiosos y transcendentes. El entregarse a Dios, atraídos por don Bosco, se convierte en atracción hacia el estado eclesiástico y religioso, eligiendo un estado de vida, que es correspondencia a la llamada de Dios, y del que depende el resto de la propia
vida terrena y ultraterrena. 7° Cf. E I, 543.580; EDI, 347.
76 Cf. E I, 194.198.
7° Cf. E I, 195-198.298.299.332; II, 293. Ver MB XI, 573-574; XVI, 264.
78 Así dice en la Introducción a las Constituciones de los salesianos. Texto en: BAC, 663
664. Cf E I, 275; II, 198.442; 111, 28; IV, 179.
7° Cf. Testamento espiritual, en: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 334; E I, 170.195-197; II,
318.422.
a° Santidad en general: E I, 379; II, 341. Oración, sacramentos: E I, 516; II, 84; III,
381.390.303.394; IV, 10. Cumplimiento de las Reglas: E I, 372; II, 106.120.365.446; IV, 299. Obediencia: E II, 115.238; III, 343. Castidad: E I, 118.127.132.146; Testamento espiritual, en:
Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 330. Porte eclesiástico: E I, 194. En El joven cristiano y en la Introducción a las Constituciones de los salesianos y en los Recuerdos a los misioneros trata sintética
mente de los medios para conservar la vocación (textos en: BAC, 543-544 y 646-647 y en: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 123). Peligros: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 330.
81 E II, 90; DI, 57.
87 Un resumen excelente y suficientemente amplio sobre ambiente, medios, peligros y fases en
la formación de las vocaciones es ofrecido por el mismo don Bosco en su Testamento espiritual:
Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 317.331-334.
83 Cf. E I, 119-120.122-123 y MB V, 375-376; E I, 130-131.151.158.159-160.196.276; II,
57.58.62-63.311; DI, 247.579-580; IV, 10.164.
Podemos preguntarnos: ¿Hasta qué punto el joven se siente libre de don Bosco? Bastaría leer la carta del clérigo José Cagliero al arzobispo de Turín para descubrir los múltiples lazos que lo unen a don Bosco; per allí mismo afirma explícitamente: «Don Bosco me ha dejado siempre libre».84 (Pero fue don Bosco mismo quien redactó la carta, que se conserva autógrafa). Parece compatible atracción y libertad; baste un ejemplo. Escribe don Bosco al padre del joven Teodoro Harmel: «Yo querría que se quedase (su hijo); pero él insiste, y yo no puedo hacerle quedar por la fuerza».85
Don Bosco era consciente de este problema; ante él adoptó una actitud de serena prudencia. Baste recordar esta recomendación a don Rua: «No te
extrañes de las deserciones de algunos hermanos. Es una cosa natural en el gran número ».86
¿Es posible individuar los tantos por ciento de perseverancia entre las vocaciones promovidas por don Bosco? A principios de 1875, en una conferenda al Consejo general, don Bosco dice que el 15%, dos sobre diez, llegan a vestir el hábito eclesiástico; pero que entre los que entran ya adultos ocho sobre diez toman el hábito eclesiástico." Hay otros datos del mismo don Bosco sobre perseverancia, pero parecen propagandísticos.88 Estadísticamente, y referidos a los salesianos, entre 1870-1875, de 471 novicios profesaron 170 = 36%, y abandonarían definitivamente la Congregación 124 = 26,6%." Se conocen bastantes casos concretos de abandono de salesianos, como los hermanos Cuffia, don Pirro, Berra, don José Betti, don Augusto Biancardi."
Y como curiosidad, podemos preguntarnos: ¿Cuántos sacerdotes salieron de los cuidados de don Bosco? El 29 de enero de 1878 escribe don Bosco a don Rua: «Di a Barale que los sacerdotes salidos del Oratorio son más de dos mil quinientos, entre el Oratorio y las casas anejas».91 Y el 14 de febrero del mismo año escribe a don Juan Bonetti: «Has indicado seiscientos sacerdotes salidos de nuestras casas, mientras que debías poner cuatro veces más ».92
84 Cf. E II, 58.
87 E IV, 162-163.
" Cf. E I, 424-425; MB XII, 387-388; XLII, 811-812.
87 Cf. MB XI, 33.
88 Por ejemplo, los comunicados a mons. Gastaldi en carta del 23 de noviembre de 1872 (E
II, 239-240 = MB X, 686-687), o los referidos en MB V, 408-412, o los enviados al canónigo de Marsella Clemente Guiol (E 111, 371= MB XIII, 735).
89 Más ampliamente en: STELLA, Don Bosco 111, p. 394; ID, Don Bosco nella storia económica, p. 319.321.
Cf. E I, 422; II, 394.407-408; III, 61; IV, 24.32.197.252. Es curioso el caso de don Guanella: E II, 423; III, 351.362-363.369.
81 E III, 284.
n E III, 296. Alude aquí explícitamente a un artículo vivaz de don Bonetti, aparecido en el
1. Los consejos que da y el programa que propone coinciden con la tradición de la doctrina ascética tradicional aplicada a clérigos y religiosos.
2. Da la impresión de que don Bosco se cuida más de la cantidad que de la calidad; es decir, sacerdotes capaces de realizar las exigencias pastorales de sa
cramentalización y catequesis fundamentales.
3. Sería necesario un estudio pormenorizado de la educación impartida en
los seminarios diocesanos, que consintiera un juício sobre la originalidad de
don Bosco, si la hubiere.
4. La formación de sacerdotes y religiosos parece una de las obsesiones de
don Bosco; y es una herencia explícita dejada a toda su Familia: salesianos, sa
lesianas, cooperadores, misioneros.
5. De todos modos, es admirable que un hombre sin bases económicas fa
miliares, proveniente de un ambiente rural, sin contactos influyentes anteriores, haya sido capaz de mover tal masa de riquezas, obras y personas jóvenes o adultas en favor del estado eclesiástico y religioso. En términos religiosos esto
suele llamarse celo apostólico.
6. El tanto por ciento de perseverancia en tiempos de don Bosco no es
muy distinto del que arrojan las estadísticas actuales. La diferencia está entre las magnitudes o números de que parte, o de los que se ven impulsados por él
a iniciar el estado eclesiástico o religioso.
7. El problema de la atracción-libertad existió ciertamente, porque el imán
no puede perder su naturaleza; y la excelencia, como el bien, es difusiva. Es decir: don Bosco mismo resultaba la mejor propaganda vocacional.
«Bollettino Salesiano» de febrero de 1878, p. 4, titulado: «La Congregazione salesiana e le vaca
- zioni ecdesiastiche».
Francesco TRANTELLO
Hace algunos decenios, Luigi Russo, trazando un perfil de la cultura popular en Italia, observaba con pena que los mazzinianos no habían podido contraponer una cultura popular propia a la de sus adversarios, de modo que «el artificio de la cultura popular católica fue pasando a las venas de cada italiano»? Tomaba una vez más, polémicamente, según su estilo, el tema de la persistencia de este filón subterráneo de la cultura nacional, que se había manifestado en condiciones de resistir, como un zueco consistente, las numerosas transformaciones de la sociedad italiana y dotado de una autonomía propia sustancial respecto de las culturas de los grupos selectos. Un problema análogo había atraído la atención de otros muchos que se habían detenido en la historia de la cultura nacional bajo una óptica civil y política y que habían constatado la deforme polaridad permanente entre cultura popular y cultura de selectos. La cuestión, que se enlaza naturalmente con la de la influencia del catolicismo en Italia, va ininterrumpidamente desde Francesco De Sanctis hasta Antonio Gramsci, que le dedicará análisis precisos en el cuadro de su reflexión sobre los problemas del folklore, del «sentido común» y de la hegemonía.2 Adquiere más fuerza después de la guerra, casi siempre en la ola de las sugerencias de Gramsci, pero en el cuadro más general de los problemas planteados por las interpretaciones del fascismo y del predomonio político conseguido
por fuerzas católicas. Por último, ve un florecimiento reciente, conectado
con la proliferación de estudios antropológicos y del nuevo interés por la historia de las mentalidades o de las «culturas subalternas»?
1 L. Russo, Breve storia della cultura popolare, en «Belfagor» (1952) 708.
2 Sobre De Sanctis cf. especialmente: C. MUSCETTA - G. CANDELORO (eds.), La scuola cattolico-liberale e il romanticismo a Napoli, Torino 1953, p. 231-245; para las notas de Gramsci, cf. V. GERRA'FANA (ed.), Quaderni del carcere, Torino 1975, vol. IV: índice de argumentos: «cultura popolare», «folklore», «letteratura popolare», «senso comune».
Cf. E. DE MARTINO, Intorno. a una storia del mondo popolare subalterno, en «Societá» (1949) 411-445; ID., Etnologia e cultura nazionale negli ultimi dieci anni, en «Societá» (1953)
Es preciso aclarar enseguida que el mismo ámbito semántico de la expresión «cultura popular» resulta afectado por oscilaciones y variaciones considerables, hasta el punto de que la historia del término podría ser no poco- instructiva y reveladora.4 Para el período de que nos ocupamos, es decir, en el contexto de la cultura del siglo XIX, la acepción generalmente aceptada de «cultura popular» aparece sustancialmente distinta de la que prevalece en la antropología cultural y en la etnología de nuestro siglo, como se diferencia igualmente de las más recientes definiciones de «cultura de masas». En todo caso, el sentido predominante de «cultura popular» a lo largo de buena parte del siglo XIX es el que consiente emparejarlo con otras expresiones análogas, con «educación popular», «instrucción popular», «literatura popular», y hasta, con una extensión que abre un abanico de otras cuestiones, «religión popular». Siguiendo este uso, que es, por otra parte, precisamente el que hizo don Bosco, hablaremos de «cultura popular» en el sentido preferente de cultura para el pueblo, de la que el pueblo es el destinatario principal. Lo que no excluye que podamos preguntarnos acerca de los 'efectos de las posibles interacciones entre «aquel» tipo de cultura popular y la persistencia de una cultura popular en sentido antropológico; y tampoco excluir cualquier enlace o continuidad entre «aquel» modo de entender la cultura popular y algunos aspectos de la cultura de masas de una etapa posterior.
El modo con que se planteó en el siglo XIX la cuestión de la cultura popular está directa y naturalmente conectado con el imponente fenómeno de alfabetización y de escolarización generalizado, aunque todavía parcial, es decir, con el acceso a la lectura y a la escritura de una parte cada vez más amplia de los estratos populares? La palabra escrita y la palabra impresa fueron el principal, aunque no exclusivo, vehículo mediante el que se proyectó entre el pueblo una cultura, es decir, un conjunto de conocimientos y valores que no era en su origen «popular», ya que provenía de categorías sociales y de instituciones formativas «especializadas» y dedicadas a objetivos colectivos. El primero y más evidente de ellos fue la construcción de la nación (nation-building) desde
318ss.; B. BOTTA - F. CASTELLI - B. MANTELLI (eds.), La cultura delle classi subalterne fra tradizione e innovarione. Atti del convegno di studi di Alessandria del marzo 1985, Alessandria 1988. Cf. A. PORTELLI, Culture popolari e cultura di massa, en: G. DE LUNA - P. ORTOLEVA M. REVELLI - N. TRANFAGLIA (eds.), Il mondo contemporaneo. Gli strumenti della ricerca,vol. HL Fi
ren7e 1983, p. 1470-1490; A. NESTI, Culture popolari e complessitá sociale, en: La cultura delle classi subalterne, p. 65-84.
5 D. BERTONI jOVNE, Storia della scuola popolare in Italia, Torino 1954; L. DALLE NOGARE (ed.), Quando il popolo cominció a leggere. Mostra dell'alfabetizzazione e diffusione della lettura in Lombardia, Monza 1973; C.G. LACAITA, Istruzione e sviluppo industriale in Italia (1859-1914), Monza 1973; E. DE FORT, Storia della scuola elementare in Italia, vol. I, Milano 1979.
un punto de vista cultural: que, sin embargo, por la especial situación histórica italiana, no se identificó con la construcción del Estado. Además, muchas investigaciones, hechas sobre todo en estos últimos años, han llamado la atención sobre otras dimensiones, no menos significativas, que adquirió la idea misma de cultura popular, como momento relevante del proceso de desarrollo y de modernización sociocultural posterior y consiguiente a la unificación na
cional.6
Estas sencillas constataciones permiten poner de relieve la naturaleza exce
sivamente compleja y los efectos, en algunos aspectos contradictorios, en el proceso de «elevación» cultural de las clases populares, que fue al mismo tiempo factor de liberación y de promoción social y factor de homologación, de disciplina y,si se quiere, de adoctrinamiento, en cuanto orientado a la difusión de sistemas éticos y de visión del mundo, además de conocimientos y de habilidades, guiados desde arriba. Desde este punto de vista, la difusión de la cultura popular en el siglo XIX tuvo lugar también (y no podía ser de otro modo), a costa de un profundo trastorno y a veces de una verdadera destrucción de culturas populares originales, de la que resultó el forzado y parcial injerto de la lengua nacional en los dialectos locales. Es sólo uno de los ejemplos
posibles.
Todo esto hay que tenerlo presente, al menos por tres razones. La primera, más general, es que hasta entonces ciertos lazos profundos, aunque no
unívocos, habían unido la religión católica con las culturas antropológicas que
estaban empapadas por la nueva cultura popular llevada desde la escuela y la prensa. La segunda razón es que los instrumentos y las instituciones que pre
sentaban al pueblo la divulgación de la cultura contenían un impulso modernizados, aun independientemente de los «contenidos» de los mensajes que difundían: producían con su mera existencia procesos de transformación cultural que tocaban de modo directo la transmisión y la preservación de las culturas tradicionales. La tercera, más decisiva, es que el terreno de la cultura popular iba siendo un campo potencialmente abierto a la convergencia y al conflicto de principios éticos y de sistemas de ideas y de imágenes del mundo, que venían a amenazar por primera vez, de modo global, la influencia y el control que en él ejercía la Iglesia y su estructura institucional capilar.
La percepción precoz de la naturaleza radical del reto inherente a las instituciones, a los instrumentos y a los contenidos de la cultura popular explica mejor que otras consideraciones el delinearse del conflicto, sentido como conflicto «religioso», entre la Iglesia y las modernas ideologías: el liberalismo, visto como ideología de un Estado que entraba en competencia con la Iglesia
6 Cf. G. ARE, Il problema dello sviluppo industriale nell'etá della Destra, Pisa 1965, p. 253ss; S. LANARO, Nazione e lavoro. Saggio salla cultura borghese in Italia (1848-1876). Anticlericalismo, libero pensiero e ateísmo nena societá italiana, Bari 1981; S. PrvATo, Movimento operaio e istruzione popolare nell'Italia liberale, Milano 1985; C. OSSOLA, Introduzione a: C. CANTO, Portafoglio
di un operaio, Milano 1984.
en el plano educativo-cultural, y el socialismo, como cultura estructuralmente conectada con la vida de las clases subalternas y sentida, precisamente por esta razón, como una amenaza, llevada al catolicismo en su propio terreno, de asedio y radicalismo sobre el pueblo.
Las reacciones de los que vieron, durante la Restauración, y ante todo en ella, un atentado contra el orden tradicional son sintomáticas del carácter problemático que la cuestión de la cultura popular suponía para los principios del catolicismo italiano.
Fue la fase de los rechazos con marca reaccionaria a la idea misma de que la instrucción se extendiese a las clases populares.'
Pero la contraposición entre religión tradicional y «nueva» cultura popular no podía sostenerse frente al impulso de los tiempos y a la acción generalizada de difusión de la instrucción, realizada, con frecuencia, por miembros eminentes del clero y de especificas órdenes y congregaciones religiosas. El terreno de la contienda se fue desplazando, hasta perfilarse de manera más precisa, en el cuarto y quinto decenio del siglo, sobre los contenidos, los instrumentos y los perfiles institucionales de los movimientos orientados hacia la educación popular y a la divulgación de la cultura entre el pueblo.
Los primeros signos de la contienda, que duró con muchas formas todo el siglo XIX, se ven con claridad en términos esenciales en el ambiente en el que se sitúan la formación y las primeras actividades de don Bosco: el Piamonte moderadamente reformador de la época de Carlo Alberto, como muestran, por ejemplo, las diferentes orientaciones que, en materia de educación y de cultura popular, se fueron asumiendo en el grupo reunido alrededor de las «Letture di Famiglia» de Lorenzo Valerio, ligado a la «Guida dell'Educatore» de Raffaello Lambruschini y Giampiero Vieusseux, y el del «Educatore Primario», del estilo de Aporti y Rosmini.8 Pero se trataba sólo de los primeros avisos de un hecho de carácter conflictivo más marcado en orientaciones y objetivos, que iría acompañado y teñido en profundidad por los avances de la laicización del Estado de Saboya en la época de Cavour, el nacimiento del Estado unitario y liberal, el siguiente primer paso, parcial y discutido, de un desarrollo en sentido moderno de la sociedad italiana. En este hecho la figura de don Bosco merece alguna atención aun como promotora de cultura popular, por las razones que intentaremos aclarar.
7 Cf. G. TALAMO, Questione scolastica e Risorgimento, en: G. CFnosso (ed.), Scuola e stampa nel Risorgimento. Giornali e riviste per l'educazione prima dell'Unita, Milano 1988, p. 13ss; un cuadro más general en: G. VERUCCI, Per una stork del cattolicesimo intransigente in Italia dal 1815 al 1848, en: I cattolici e il liberalismo dalle «Amicizie Cristiane» al modernismo, Padova 1968.
8 G. CHIOSSO, L'educazione del popolo nei giornali pienzontesi per la scuola, en: Scuola e stampa, p. 34s; ID., L'Oratorio di don Bosco e il rinnovamento educativo nel Piemonte carloalbertino, en: BRAIDO (ed.), Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 83-116. Cf. también: L. BULFERETIT, Socialismo risorgimentale, Torino 1975; D. BERTONI JOVINE, I periodici popolari del Risorgimento, vol. I, Milano 1959; G.M. BRAVO, Torino operaia. Mondo del lavoro e idee sociali nell'etá di Carlo Alberto, Torino 1968.
En la historia de la cultura popular de clave católica, asumieron un significado casi simbólico dos figuras, sobre todo por la atención que les dedicaron los dos grandes intelectuales políticos ya recordados. Son Cesare Cantil, considerado por Francesco De Sanctis como el iniciador de una corriente de literatura popular situada en la línea de «descomposición» de la escuela de Manzoni y la católico-liberal,9 y el padre Antonio Bresciani, tomado por Antonio Gramsci como modelo de una tradición de literatura popular católica destinada a hacer brotar en pleno siglo muchos secuaces.1° Pero la historiografía reciente ha desplazado en parte la óptica que aplica al mirar el conjunto de la producción del siglo XIX destinada al pueblo, poniendo en el centro de los propios intereses no ya sólo las obras que pertenecen al género literario, sino el acervo de publicaciones, comprendidas las de literatura, dirigidas a la promoción de la cultura popular en los diversos aspectos. Nos preguntamos en especial sobre el sentido y el grado de los cambios en la ética colectiva perseguidos más o menos conscientemente por las diversas tendencias de esa multiforme producción destinada al pueblo. De esa revisión ha salido afianzada y en cierto sentido consolidada la importancia de la obra de Cantil, recorrida con ojos especialmente atentos por los rasgos que la insertan en el filón franldiniano o del self-help y la conectan, al menos en parte, con una «nuova committenza» industrial bien representada por la figura de Alessandro Rossi.n Por lo demás, el caso Candi parece que se presta eficazmente al relieve de la función mediadora determinante entre una ética tradicional levantada sobre la religión, y las nuevas exigencias de aculturación popular, que fue llevada adelante por hombres y grupos católico-moderados.n En este cuadro, la figura de Cantil se viene a encontrar situada en una pléyade de autores parecidos a él, aunque dotados de fama notablemente inferior.0 Por consiguiente, la reflexión historiográfica ha ido tomando cada vez en mayor consideración, más que a cada autor, el aspecto de la producción editorial, de su difusión y de su público,
9 F. DE SANCTIS, La scuola cattolico-liberale, p. 202ss; sobre sus huellas, B. Croce (Storia della storiografia italiana nel secolo XIX, Bari 1947, vol. I, p. 197ss) colocó también a Cantil entre los
«sviati della scuola cattolico-liberale».
A. GRAMSCI, Quaderni del carcere IV, p. 2195ss. Cf. también: L. BEDESCHI, Letteratura popolare e murrismo, en «Humanitas» (1972) 846-862; A. FERRARI, Bresciani A., en: Dizionario del movimento cattolico in Italia (1860-1980), Casale M. 1984, vol. M/1, p. 130s (Abreviatura:
DSMC).
OSSOLA, Introduzione, p. 20ss.
G. GINZBURG, Folklore, magia, religione, en: Storia Einaudi, vol. I: I caratteri origi
nan Torino 1972, p. 666-668; LANARO, Nazione e lavoro, p. 98s. Para un cuadro más general, G. BAGLIONI, L'ideologia della borghesia industriale nell'Italia liberale, Torino 1974, p. 309-365;
G.. BOLLATI, II carattere nazionale come storia e come invenzione, Torino 1983.
13 OSSOLA, Introduzione, p. 38ss.
abriendo además interrogantes sobre el «mercado» real y sobre la real penetración de ese género de obras en el pueblo."
La apertura de tales horizontes historiográficos ha tocado de momento sólo marginalmente la obra y las iniciativas de don Bosco en el campo de la cultura popular." Esto, a mi modo de ver, por dos razones principales: la dificultad de situar al personaje dentro de referencias historiográficas bien delineadas y la relativa «extrañeidad» del filón salesiano en el cuadro de la historia religiosa y civil nacional.
El relieve no precisamente episódico de la obra de don Bosco en el campo de la difusión de la cultura popular, se refiere tanto a los contenidos y los objetivos educativos en los que se inspiró preferentemente aquella obra, como a la elección de métodos, de instrumentos y, sobre todo, de estructuras a que recurrió.
Para el primer aspecto, puede ser útil hojear la obra de don Bosco a la luz de las observaciones críticas de Francesco De Sanctis a propósito de Canta: «Se ha creído que para hablar al pueblo bastaba presentar parábolas, ejemplos, relatos, anécdotas, novelas, es decir, la parte sensible de lo cognoscible, y no otras cosas. Y que no era necesaria la lógica al escribir». Lo que De Sanctis criticaba en la literatura popular de su tiempo, en Taverna, Parravicini, en el mismo Cantil, era el amontonamiento de «conocimientos útiles», de noticias enciclopédica y desordenadamente hacinadas, de exhortaciones morales confiadas a sugerencias flojas, y, en cambio, la falta de un diseño, de «una idea madre dominante»." Don Bosco parece sensible al mismo problema. En su obra resulta acentuada la búsqueda de un eje, o de varios, que sirva de referencia y que sea capaz de imprimir al conjunto un cierto signo de unidad, un carácter más acentuado de mensaje organizado.
He tratado de demostrar en otro lugar que esta idea-madre existe, por ejemplo, en su Storia d'Italia. No se trataba, desde luego, de una idea nueva, porque reproducía una lectura de la historia nacional en la que se veían claramente las raíces de la cultura católica de la Restauración. Era una representación de la historia de Italia, radicalmente conexa con la presencia del papado y de la Iglesia, según una visión clásicamente güelfa y pontificia y sostenida por
" Está atento a estos aspectos: G. VERUCCI, L'Italia laica, p. 116-178.
" Se encuentran muchos datos sobre el tema en: P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica e sociale (1815-1870), Roma, LAS 1980, y en: L. GIOVANNINI, Le «Letture Cattoliche» di don Bosco esempio di «stampa cattolica» nel secolo XIX, Roma 1980; más específico: S. PIVATO, Don Bosco e la «cultura popolare», en: F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella stork della cultura popolare, Toríno, SEI 1987, p. 253-287.
16 DE SANCTIS, La scuola cattolico-liberale, p. 235.
una apologética católica de tipo específicamente social y civil: la verdadera religión sirve en grado máximo a una vida terrena feliz para los individuos y un desarrollo ordenado de la comunidad.
Lo que don Bosco añadía como suyo era la construcción de un continuum entre la historia «alta» de las instituciones y las autoridades y la historia de los humildes, en la que las reglas sencillas y estables de la moral y del sentido común, puesta de manifiesto mediante los exempla y tos episodios edificantes o aterradores, se conectaban orgánicamente con los aspectos centrales del dogma, de la ascética, de la piedad católica y con una eclesiología centrada sobre el primado de la autoridad pontificia.'' En don Bosco se daba el intento de unir el fondo moralizante del sentido común con una visión de la religión católica, momento básico de la vida asociada, organizada alrededor de algunos símbolos centrales, y por eso más eficaz también como «ideología difusa». Todo esto configuraba, como se ha hecho notar," un intento de responder, partiendo de los datos elementales y tradicionales del ethos católico-nacional, a la reducción institucional y cultural del espacio religioso-edesial realizado por el Estado laico y la proliferación de las opiniones y diversas formas de fe.
El punto crítico de la obra de don Bosco hacia la cultura popular era su insistente lejanía de la dimensión política, que reflejaba una aplicación marcadamente tradicionalista del principio de autoridad de tipo providencial-naturalista, sobre el modelo paterno, y tendía a proyectar todo el mundo del poder en una esfera inalcanzable y extraña a los intereses de las clases populares, en una óptica de sumisión escrupulosa. Esto permitía a don Bosco predicar la adaptación «a cualquier clase de leyes y de Gobiemo»," y, por tanto, una lealtad fundamental, lejana, por ejemplo, de los extremos subversivos de los católicos intransigentes; al mismo tiempo, le permitía dar una aplicación a larga escala al principio de la identificación inmediata y natural entre un buen católico y un buen ciudadano, en donde el radio de la «buena ciudadanía» se entendía delimitado por los comportamientos que se levantaban sobre las buenas costumbres de la persona y sobre las virtudes predicadas por la moral católica.
Resultaba de ello una actitud bastante singular, pero sintomática, en relación con el marco institucional que representaba el estado unitario liberal. En ella, los aspectos de adaptación y conformidad a sus normas iban junto al cultivo de un articulado complejo de imperativos y deberes tomados del catolicismo, propuestos como sistema ético alternativo de la moral liberal o socia
" TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 81-111.
18 PIVATO, Don Bosco e la «cultura popolare», p. 256s.
" P. BRAMO, L'esperienza pedagogica di Don Bosco, Roma, LAS 1988, p. 79. Cf. también: G. COSTA, Don Bosco e la letteratura giovanile dell'ottocento, en: BRAMO (ed.), Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 341; P. SCOPPOLA, Don Bosco nella storia civile, en: Don Bosco e le sfide della modernitá (Quaderni del Centro Studi «C. Trabucco», 11), Torino, Stabilimento Poligrafico Editoriale «C. Fanton» 1988, p. 14s.
lista, pero no extraño a los cambios de mentalidad y de valores de una sociedad en fase de transformación capitalista y de nacionalización de las masas.2° En el caso de don Bosco, nos encontramos, pues, frente a un momento
significativo en la historia de la ética católica. Bajo este aspecto, merecen atención al menos dos puntos: la aparición de la que ha sido definida ética del trabajo productivo y la insistencia sobre un modelo de santidad al alcance de todos e intrínsecamente unida al respeto de los deberes inherentes al propio estado y a la propia condición social.
Sobre el tema del trabajo en don Bosco se ha escrito mucho, sobre todo en
época reciente;2' y yo no sabría añadir nada a las acertadas observaciones hechas ya por otros. Sintetizaría esas anotaciones diciendo que el trabajo tiende en don Bosco a asumir un nuevo valor educativo, especialmente porque la imagen que se ofrece de él difiere parcialmente de la que lo presenta como condena o como pena, para adquirir un sentido más completo de creatividad y de autopromoción personal y un sentido más acentuado de utilidad y deber social. Además, en el sistema educativo de don Bosco, el trabajo que, realizado con asiduidad y exactitud, hace «leve la fatiga», introduce en una percepción ordenada del tiempo, la interiorización de reglas de precisión, de disciplina, de colaboración, que tienden a desarrollarse en sentido productivista y socializante, en una franca aceptación de la economía de mercado, pero con los co
, rrectivos de la solidaridad y del asociacionismo de tipo mutualista 22
La ética del trabajo se conectaba, además, directamente en la institución
educativo-popular de don Bosco, con el reclamo del todo especial de modelos de santidad nuevos por muchos aspectos. El perfil del universo hagiográfico de don Bosco no lo hace sólo el favor que se ha dado a los componentes, por decirlo así, activistas de los grandes santos de la historia de la Iglesia,23 sino
también el diseño de un objetivo de santidad personal al que todos deben y
pueden acceder, sin que se pida el ejercicio de virtudes especiales fuera de una fuerte voluntad y una perseverancia tenaz en el cumplimiento de los deberes inherentes al propio estado.24 En el Cenno biografico sul giovanetto Magone Michele, don Bosco recomendaba «vigilar con mucho interés que se practiquen cosas fáciles, que no asusten y no cansen al fiel cristiano, especialmente a la juventud [...J. Atengámonos a las cosas fáciles, pero háganse con perseveran
20 P. BAIRATI, Cultura salesiana e societ,i industriale, en: TRANIELLO, Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 322ss; F. TRANIELLO, Don Bosco e il problema della modernitá, en: Don Bosco e le sfide, p. 39-46.
21 BAIRATI, Cultura salesiana, en: TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 337ss.; L. PAZZAGLIA, Apprendistato e istruzione degli artigiani a Valdocco (1846-1886), en: Ibid., p. 29s; D. VENERUSO, IZ metodo educativo di san Giovanni Bosco alía prova. Dai laboratori agli istituti professionali, en: BRAMO (ed.), Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 133-142.
BAIRATI, Cultura salesiana, p. 339s.
23 F. MOLINARI, La «Storia Ecclesiastica» di Don Bosco, en: BRAIDO (ed.), Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 216s.
24 Sobre todos estos aspectos hay importantes datos en: STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 205ss.
cia». -En la Vita di Santa Zita serva e di Sant'Isidoro contadino, publicación anónima de las «Letture Cattoliche» (sobre las que volveremos), se encuentra
escrito, de modo aún más explícito: «¿De cuántas cosas, pues, tenemos necesi
dad para hacernos santos? De una sola cosa: hace falta quererlo. Sí; con tal de que lo queráis, podéis ser santos: no os falta más que querer. Los ejemplos de
los Santos, cuya vida nos disponemos a poner ante vuestros ojos, son de per
sonas de baja condición que han vivido entre las tareas de una vida activa. Obreros, agricultores, artesanos, mercaderes, criados, jóvenes, se han santifi
cado cada uno en su propio estado. ¿Y cómo se han santificado? Haciendo bien todo lo que tenían que hacer. [...] En la vida de los Santos, que la Iglesia nos propone como modelo, veremos a veces hechos extraordinarios y acciones asombrosas: pero debemos tener presente que no son esos hechos ni esas acciones los que los han hecho santos, sino su fidelidad en el servicio de Dios y en el cumplimiento de los deberes de su estado»."
Me parece que se puede estar de acuerdo con que en esta imagen de la santidad estaba como escondido un germen anticipador y al mismo tiempo una interpretación unida a la tradición moral católica, del «sistema del precepto» divulgado después también en Italia desde la literatura smilesiana del «querer es poder».26
Será hasta fácil encontrar el componente conservador en el plano social de la llamada de don Bosco a la resignación y la aceptación del propio estado que figuraba en la idea de una ascesis confiada al respeto riguroso de los deberes inherentes a la propia condición, en oposición radical a cualquier impulso de «envidia social». Pero tampoco se pueden despreciar los dit' iamismos potenciales implícitos de aquel modelo de autopromoción voluntarista a la santidad por lo que contenía de llamada a la responsabilidad personal y a la dignidad casi sagrada del propio quehacer en el mundo, especialmente en el plano de la actividad del trabajo. El modelo de santidad según don Bosco, si por una parte aparecía funcional con una imagen de orden social rigurosamente jerarquizado y orgánico,27 exigía, sin embargo, la adquisición de la conciencia de la importancia del bien obrar según reglas «profesionales», cuyos efectos entraban a la larga en colisión con la imagen de un orden estático, fijado providencialmente para todos y para siempre. El envoltorio conservador de la ética de don Bosco contenía siempre los impulsos de una ascesis intramundana destinada a proyectarse en el plano histórico y social.
25 Cf. GIOVANNINI, Le «Letture Cattoliche», p. 96.
26 Era el título de la obra de M. Lessona editada en Turín (1869), precedida, hacía poco
tiempo, por la traducción de S. SMILES, Self-Help, realizada por G. Strafforello, y publicada con el
título: Chi si aiuta Dio l'aiuta (cf. VERUCCI, laica 119ss.), y seguida por Chi dura la vince de
P. Lioy, en 1871. En el caso de don Bosco, se podría también hablar de un «orientamento pre
ventivo» a la santidad entendida como impulso a la elevación social implícita en la moral laica y
liberal del «éxito personal»; con todo, quedan elementos específicos de semejanza entre las dos
ascéticas voluntaristas.
G.F. VENÉ, Letteratura e capitalismo in Italia dal Settecento ad oggi, Milano 1963, p. 276ss.
El tema de las relaciones entre don Bosco y la cultura popular comprende necesariamente todos los problemas relativos a su sistema educativo, a la metodología y a las instituciones formativas realizadas por él. No tocaré estos puntos, que se tratan en otra parte de este congreso, sino para señalar el relieve que asume en la obra de don Bosco la integración de formas educativas plurales, y donde la cultura se entiende también como socialización: pienso en
el papel de la música canlicoratdel teatro (en el que hay que ver una
aplicación «popular» de una tradición marcadamente jesuítica) o en el papel de la educación fisica y, sobre todo, de la gimnasia.28
Querría, en cambio, detenerme sobre otro aspecto que considero central y que definiría en estos términos: la circularidad entre instrumentos de difusión de la cultura popular y plataformas institucionales del «mundo salesiano».
Bajo este perfil, la obra de don Bosco no parecería distinguirse ni por la fundación de una congregación especialmente entregada a la instrucción popular, porque ejemplos del mismo género no faltaban a su alrededor, ni por las intervenciones de amplio radio realizadas en el campo de la difusión de la «buena prensa» y de la producción editorial, campo en el que el mundo cató
I líco del siglo presentaba una vitalidad propia.29
Fi proyecto que se va delineando en don Bosco, como consecuencia de la evolución de su experiencia educativa, fue más ambicioso: no sólo por el hecho de que la prensa como vehículo de cultura popular fue ideada como parte de una instrumentación pedagógica con muchos registros, sino sobre todo por su inserción en un plan institucional que le dotaba de los objetivos y los principales canales de difusión y que, en términos concretos, era la comunidad y el mundo salesiano.
Don Bosco intuyó que la producción de prensa para el pueblo tenía que contar con la inexistencia sustancial de un mercado en condiciones de absor
berla, como demostraban, por ejemplo, en el ámbito piamontés, la difusión limitada de las «Letture» de Valerio o del «Amico della Gioventú».39 La pro
28 PrvAro, Don Bosco e la «cultura popolare», en: TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 280-282, y también: ID., Letteratura popolare e teatro educativo, en: DSMC 1/1, 296-303. Pivato pone de relieve que la preferencia dada a la gimnasia indicaba una concepción de la educación física más centrada en la disciplina de grupo que en la competición individual. Yo notaría, por otra parte, que, aun en este caso, se trataba de un «primado» ampliamente aprobado por las corrientes pedagógicas laicas (cf. VERUCCI, L'Italia laica, p. 126), y añadido después como materia obligatoria en la escuela. Por lo que se refiere a la importancia de las asociaciones y de las actividades gimnásticas en el marco de la nacionalización de las masas, se debe consultar: G.L. MOSSE, La nazionalizzazione delle masse. Simbolismo politico e movimenti di masca in Germania (1812-1933), Bologna 1975, p. 146ss.
29 E. VALENTINI, Don Bosco e l'apostolato della stampa, Torino, SEI 1957; F. MALGERI, La stampa quotidiana e periodica e l'editoria, en: DSMC 1/1, 273 ss; GIOVANNINI, Le «Letture Cattoliche», p. 71ss.
30 Se encuentran datos abundantes acerca del «Amico della Gioventú», del que don Bosco
ducción de una prensa popular es para don Bosco una actividad que debe integrarse y sostenerse por un cuadro organizativo adecuado y que no puede pretender ser remunerativa desde el principio. Las primeras experiencias de don Bosco en el campo editorial son fundamentalmente de tipo escolar, aun presentándose con caracteres de «utilidad» para «toda clase de personas», como lo demuestran los ejemplos de la Storia sacra, de la Storia ecclesiastica y, después, de la Storia d'Italia, además del diálogo sobre el sistema métrico decimal; o bien incluidas en el círculo de la literatura de piedad y de devoción, especialmente dedicada a los jóvenes.” Al producir libros destinados en su mayor parte a la escuela, don Bosco captaba una exigencia real y muy sentida también a nivel politico y que había sido descuidada mucho tiempo?' Pero es el cambio de clima político y cultural que sigue a 1848, la libertad de prensa, la gradual laicización del Estado, la difusión de la propaganda protestante, lo que motiva el ingreso de don Bosco en el campo de las ediciones populares,
con un radio de difusión notablemente más vasto que el de las escolares.33
ejemplo más próximo en el que podía fijarse don Bosco, a propósito, era el de la «Conexione di buoni libri a favore della religione cattolica», editada desde septiembre de 1849 por los «Eredi Botta», en entregas quincenales, pero a un precio aún demasiado alto de 6 liras anuales.34 El estímulo más directo para
descender al campo, lo recibió del episcopado piamontés, y especialmente del obispo Moreno, con el que don Bosco proyectaba hacia 1851-1852 una «Pic
cola Biblioteca popolare» de la que tomó la puesta en marcha en 1853 la em
presa de las «Letture Cattoliche».35
fue «gerente responsabile», en: STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 345s.
" Ibid., p. 331ss. Sobre la importancia editorial de la literatura devocional en la Lombardía de la Restauración, cf. M. BERENGO, Intellettuali e librai nella Milano della Restaurazione, Torino
1980.
32 Un modo muy frecuente de difundir los libros consistía en introducirlos en la escuela como
textos de lectura y para premios: un camino que recorrió don Bosco, el cual, sin embargo, no consideraba su Storia d'Italia un libro propiamente escolar (cf. Peruzzi, mayo 1863, en: E I, 269- 271 y MB V, 503). Cf. sobre el grave problema de los libros de texto escolares: VERUCCI, L'Italia laica, p. 173; D. BERTONI JOVINE, Storia della didattica dalla legge Casati ad oggi, Roma 1976, vol. I., p. 173-191 y vol. II, p. 621-641; G. CANESTRI - G. RICUPERATI, La scuola in Italia dalla legge Casati a oggi, Torino, Loescher 1976, p. 66ss; I. PORaANI, Il libro di testo come oggetto di ricerca i manuali scolastici nell'Italia post-unitaria, en: Storia della scuola e storia d'Italia dall'Unita a¿
oggi, Bari 1982, p. 237-271.
" Sobre el incremento de la actividad editorial y tipográfica en el Turín de la época cavou
liana, cf. F. TRANIELLO, Torino: la metamorfosi di una capitale, en: Le capitali pre-unitarie, Atti de LIII Congresso di Storia del Risorgimento (Cagliari 10-14 ottobre 1986), Roma 1988, p. 65-112 Un indicio de las nuevas posibilidades de la imprenta lo dio el éxito de la «Gazzetta del popolo» que, según los datos presentados por B. GARIGLIO (Stampa e opinione pubblica nel Risorgimento La «Gazzetta del popolo» (1848-1861), Milano 1987, p. 11), alcanzó, antes de la Unidad, 14.00(
suscriptores.
STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 348; GIOVANNINI, Le «Letture cattoliche»
p. 76s.
33 STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 351s.
La iniciativa lanzada con la reedición de los Avvisi al Cattolici, ya publicados en 1850, y después con II Cattolico istruito nella sua religione, aun perteneciendo a un filón ya histórico de buena prensa que se remontaba al menos a las «Amicizie cattoliche», se distinguía, sin embargo, por algunos aspectos especiales. Los fascículos quincenales (y después mensuales), de formato de bol-sino, tenían un precio muy bajo, entre 10 y 15 céntimos, con una suscripción semestral que costaba 90 céntimos, sin gastos de correos, y una lira treinta con esos gastos, y con fuertes descuentos para las suscripciones numerosas.36 De la colección formaba también parte un almanaque anual, Il Galantuomo. Era una gran preocupación para don Bosco que el estilo y el lenguaje fuesen muy sencillos.37 La intención era ofrecer un vehículo de instrucción religiosa, pero entendida en un sentido muy amplio y casi omnicomprensivo, que iba desde los aspectos dogmáticos, sacramentales, doctrinales a los escriturísticos, de historia de la Iglesia, de hagiografía, de devoción, culto y liturgia, relatos edificantes, especialmente de conversiones, apologética y polémica antiprotestante (especialmente en el primer decenio),38 la ilustración de temas y sucesos contemporáneos que se referían a la vida de la Iglesia: los bienes eclesiásticos, el poder temporal, el matrimonio civil, el dogma de la Inmaculada, el concilio Vaticano, etc. Los géneros literarios usados eran de lo más variado: catequístico, parenético, dialógico, novelístico, dramático, tratados bajo la forma de breves «entretenimientos».
El fin del empeño era evidentemente afianzar, pero tal vez también suplir la formación religiosa muy deficiente que daba el clero con cura de almas, mediante un instrumento dotado de continuidad periódica y de fácil uso también en estratos sociales sin conocimientos de literatura y hasta analfabetos, mediante una lectura hecha por otros. Aunque la colección, en su conjunto, dé la impresión de no abarcar campos y métodos especialmente escogidos, se presentaba con el deseo de adaptar y orientar el mensaje a los diversos estados y condiciones de vida, con atención especial a las figuras de mujeres (la madre de familia, la esposa, la viuda, la criada) o juveniles (el huérfano, el peón, el pastorcillo, el joven que entra en el mundo) y a las realidades rurales o artesanales (el campesino, el pastor, el zapatero, el ebanista);" pero no sin intención
36 STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 358. Es posible hacer una comparación con el precio de los fascículos mensuales editados por la «Libreria propaganda», cercana a los ambientes anticlericales de la «Gazzetta del popolo»; para suscribirse era preciso pagar 0,50 liras mensuales ó 6 liras anuales (cf. GARIGLIO, Stampa e opinione pubblica, p. 152).
37 GIOVANNINI, Le «Letture Cattoliche», p. 87.
" Ibid. 92ss; M. STRANLERO, Don Bosco e i Valdesi. Documenti di una polemica trentennale (1853-1883), Tocino, Claudiana 1988.
" STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 355s, donde se subraya que las «Letture Cattoliche» estaban orientadas a los jóvenes «dei ceti popolari e in particolare quelli delle aree rurali in rapport() migratorio periodico con la metropoli». Parece que se puede advertir, sin embargo, cierta evolución, a medida que aumentan, entre los suscriptores, los individuos provenientes de Lombardía y Venecia.
de ofrecer reglas a todo el universo cristiano-popular visto en su conjunto,
como en el caso del Porta teco cristiano, «o avisos importantes en torno a los deberes del cristiano, para que cada uno pueda conseguir la propia salvación
en el estado en que se encuentra».4° Del acervo correspondiente de temas, de estilos, de autores, se delinea un diseño, la imagen de una vida según la religión católica, cuyo impacto en la historia de las ideas fue muy amplio a la larga, y que hay que poner en relación con la continua expansión de las estructuras y la influencia salesiana, aunque sin encerrarla dentro de sus limites.
A significant step in the creation of an integrated system, in which the cycle of writing, production and dissemination tended to close,
was constituted by the transition from confident printing to external typefaces
, especially Paravia and De Agostini, to the printing press of the Oratory: step that took place in 1862.4 'More significant still is the intense attention Don
Bosco placed on the problems of circulation. Recent studies have consented to bring to figures more realistic and more precise, compared to those that were, the entity of the runs of the "Letture Cattoliche" and the books of Don Bosco; but they have also confirmed the substance of a much more diffusion
wide than that of Catholic publications, for the people, analogous. It is known that almost 3,000 copies of the initial circulation of the "Letture Cattoliche" were
insufficient to meet the demand with the need to reprint several
fascicles.42 Pietro Stella has pointed out that, after a certain decrease also due to the economic crisis from Piedmont in 1854-1855, there was
a constant increase in the circulation of the "Letture Cattoliche", from the almost 5,500 copies on average after 1857 to more than 8,000 in 1860 and 15,000 in the years following the unification. '"
But II Galantuomo always had a print run close to double the average, and the most successful productions, also excluding the utili
In the schools, they had frequent reprints and reprints: the Chiave del Paradiso, a booklet printed in 1856 with 6,000 original copies, had more than a hundred editions in different languages with a total of
800,000 copies , apparently.44
On the other hand, we have information still relatively scarce over the
area and the environments of dissemination of the "Letture Cattoliche" and, in general, of Salesian production. The data we have available indicate, at least until the 1970s, a rather limited area to the territories of the former States
. 149s.
41 STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 366s.
42 Ibid., P. 358-361.
43 Ibid., P. 361-365; it offers figures that are a bit high, especially for the first Aryans: GIO VANNINI, Le «Letture Cattoliche» p. 197-200 However, in the Cavourian era, the fascicles of the remembered association "Libreria propaganda" were more numerous, reaching an
average of 20,000 copies (CARTGLio, Stampa e opinione pubblica, p. 154).
44 GIOVANNINI, Le «Letture Cattoliche», p. 201
Sardinians, which corresponded to the area in which the congregation was then established. Things changed in the 1980s. It should be noted that, at least
at the beginning, the greatest difficulties of penetration were found precisely in the Diocese of Turin.45 It seems that, in general, the smaller urban localities prevailed as centers of diffusion.46 To the relative limitation of the initial geographical area corresponded, on the other hand, a remarkable degree of diffusion.
Don Bosco was among the first to understand that the structure of the Church could offer an optimal distribution network, and for this reason he addressed bishops, vicars and parish priests to associate, recommend and solicit subscriptions for the "Letture Cattoliche". The call of 1863 sent to 10 cardinals, 85 bishops, 60 vicars from the area is typical.47 In addition, he always tried to use the same fascicles of the "Letture Cattoliche" for a self-promotion action. A great help came through the authorized support of Catholic papers and newspapers, such as "L'Armonia" and "La Civiltá Cattolica." Equally important was the recourse to characters and families of Catholic nobility (but also non-Catholic) who were directed to launch campaigns of subscriptions and acquisitions en bloc, with the function of distributors.48 He did not neglect, Obviously, the schools, the Church and public. But he saw, above all, that an editorial activity of that kind and with those recipients, with a total lack of sales centers, had to be organized also with the distribution in forms of association and volunteering. Since 1859, it had launched a "Società per la diffusione delle Letture cattoliche ed aüri libri cattolici", which had among its aims, also, the free distribution or at the lowest possible price of good books, and entrusted each partner with the task of "preventing reading of bad books to his dependents "and that of choosing a place or a group of people" among whom he had to spread good readings ".49 In general, the whole Salesian associative movement had among its aims the diffusion of the press,
"
Little by little, the bond between the Salesian institutional and associative system and the publishing production and its diffusion became closer, and in this direction, a role of importance, still not sufficiently studied by what I know, must have had from the moment of his birth, in
45 Letter of 20 December 1855 from Don Bosco to can. Filippo Ravina, in: EI, 121.
46 Cf. the lists of the «Benemeriti Raccoglitori», cited by Giov ~, Le «Letture Cattoliche», p. 201s; other information in: STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 363s.
47 Quoted by Giov ~, Le «Letture Cattoliche», p. 218. On the episcopal
(and papal) interventions in favor of the "Letture Cattoliche", cf. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 362s.
49 STELLA, Don Bosco nella stork economica, p. 365s. 49 GIOVANNINI, Le «Letture Cattoliche», p. 207.
" Brumo, L'esperienza pedagogica di don Bosco, p. 74.
1877, el «Bollettino Salesiano», enviado individualmente «a quien lo quiere y a quien no lo quiere»," canal de unión y de identificación de un mundo que giraba alrededor de don Bosco. En la misma óptica habría que estudiar la labor desplegada por los cooperadores salesianos. Su estructura funcional elástica, su dependencia orgánica de la figura carismática del fundador, la falta de rigidez en sentido confesional,'" la acentuada «neutralidad» política parecían configurar para la Unione dei cooperatori un movimiento paralelo, pero difícilmente identificable con el movimiento católico intransigente, susceptible de notable expansión «ya que estaba apoyado por los salesianos y dependía del mismo centro»."
6. Observaciones conclusivas
Podemos en este momento sacar ya alguna conclusión. La primera es ésta: si la obra de don Bosco para la difusión de la cultura popular de base religiosa no se puede separar del conjunto de las instituciones educativas que levantó, tiende, sin embargo, a superar estos limites, aun por la naturaleza más fluida y difusiva de los medios de comunicación utilizados. Si es correcto, pues, dar importancia al conjunto educativo de don Bosco, poniendo atención especial en el aspecto de la formación y la instrucción juvenil, no parece, no obstante, que se pueda despreciar el efecto de irradiación de mayor alcance ejercido por el «sistema» salesíano al plasmar o replantear sectores sólidos, aunque difícilmente cuantificables, de los modos de pensar y de los modelos de comportamiento
del pueblo cristiano.
Una segunda observación se refiere a la percepción por parte de don Bosco de nuevas dimensiones y nuevos instrumentos de la obra educativa, llamados a integrarse entre los medios tradicionales de la evangelización. Don Bosco se sitúa en primera fila a la hora de comprender que en la época de la alfabetización intensa, no basta con imprimir «buenos libros», sino que hace falta tambíén difundirlos, inventando canales idóneos; que la educación escolar no( podía desinteresarse de la educación permanente; que la escuela tenía necesidad de libros, igual que los libros tenían necesidad de escuelas que estuviesen' a sus espaldas.
Una tercera y última observación se refiere a la intuición precoz dedon Bosco de que la actividad dirigida a la educación popular requería un cierto grado de, especialización, formas organizadas mejor orientadas hacia su objetivo. De ahí nacía la conciencia animosa de la función estimulante de la congregación salesiana y del archipiélago asociativo conectado con ella, un «sis
" STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 219s. Ibid., p. 216s. " Ibid., p. 225.
tema», como ya he dicho, centrado en la figura carismática de su fundador. De ello derivan una sensación de eficacia, pero también algunas dificultades notables de relación con la estructura eclesiástica de nivel diocesano que marcó en Italia la historia salesiana.54_
En don Bosco se cruzan muchos de los problemas relacionados con la di
, fusión de instrumentos de comunicación cultural y de formación religiosa que se superponen y, en cierta medida, sustituyen a los tradicionales. Por eso el puesto de don Bosco en la historia de la cultura popular es también el que ocupa en la historia de las transformaciones de la mentalidad religiosa.
•
54 Sobre las dificultades con mons. Gastaldi, cf. G. TUNINETIT, Lorenzo Gastaldi (18151883), vol. II: Arcivescovo di Torillo (1871-1883), Torillo, Piemme 1988, p. 259s. No parece completamente fuera de lugar establecer algunas analogías con las vicisitudes referentes a las difíciles relaciones entre el asociacionismo intransigente (especialmente los comités de la «Opera dei Congressi») y algunos obispos septentrionales, más o menos por las mismas fechas: Bonomelli de Cremona, Scalabrini de Piacenza y Nazari di Calabiana de Milán.
En octubre de 1882, uno de los órganos más batalladores del anticlericalismo turinés comentaba en estos términos la figura y la obra de don Bosco:
«No es ya el evangelio el inspirador del Santo de Valdocco. Es el sillabo de Roma [...] por él se difunden libros, periódicos para la propaganda clerical; se organizan círculos y comités. [...] Por él se inventan historias de jóvenes que se han hecho santos, como la de Domingo Savio; de jovencitas que han llegado a beatas, como las hermanas
Rigolotti».'
Hace falta precisar, además, que en aquellos años no eran sólo las voces del anticlericalismo más desbordado las que criticaban la obra de don Bosco. En términos aún más claros, e indirectamente dirigidos contra don Bosco, considerado como un abanderado de la literatura popular católica, se expresó
así Francesco De Sanctis:
«Si presentáis ahora como modelos a San Luis Gonzaga, a San Carlos Borromeo, a San Alejo y aquellas virtudes como remedio de todo, y enseñáis que no hay que sentir las ofensas, las necesidades, la misma hambre, forjáis tal ideal que cuando los jóvenes entren en la vida real, menos los predestinados a la santidad y al heroísmo, que son un número muy pequeño, darán con el peor de los males que pueda sufrir un pueblo: distinguir la escuela de la vida, lo que han aprendido en abstracto de lo que se hace de
veras; se harán hipócritas».2
Ni hay que creer, por último, que en ciertas ocasiones el juicio de parte de algunos católicos haya sido más indulgente. Ésta es, en efecto, una de las acusaciones de contenido teológico en el proceso para la canonización de don
Bosco:
«Don Bosco compuso la Vida de Domingo Savio sirviéndose de recuerdos persona
' Don Giovanni Bosco, en «Gesii Cristo, Grido popolare antidericale», 22-29 ottobre 1882.
2 F. DE SANCTIS, Cesare Cantü e la letteratura popolare, en: La letteratura italiana nel secolo XIX, vol. U: La scuola liberale e la scuola democratica, Bari 1954, p. 251-257
«curiosos» o «extravagantes», sino para reconstruir de un modo más completo el intento de educar la mentalidad popular, el modo de proceder educativo, el
sentido común, en definitiva.
A ese espacio, pues, hay que referir el nacimiento y el desarrollo del teatro
popular católico, definido de varios modos en su larga parábola de existencia como «teatrino» (término usado con frecuencia por don Bosco), «teatro educativo», «teatro filodramático» y, con un término dirigido a subrayar más tarde la pertenencia católica, «nuestro teatro». Los orígenes del fenómeno, al menos para los tiempos recientes, hay que atribuirlos a don Bosco; y los éxitos sucesivos los obtuvo una larga fila de autores que, parafraseando una frase muy conocida de Gramsci, no dudaría en definir como los «nietecitos de don Bosco». Y esto también porque las Regole per il teatrino que don Bosco re
dactó en 1858 constituirán un cañamazo rescindible e ideal para toda la
larga y afortunada trayectoria de los grupos de aficionados católicos.'
Vale la pena, por tanto, detenerse en la idea inspiradora de la iniciativa que se atribuye unánimemente a don Bosco. Pero a este propósito conviene poner
en claro que la pedagogía teatral de don Bosco estaba lejos e cualquier pre-
ta
tensión artística en sentido tradicional, y se entregaba más biedn a una espon neidad creadora sostenida por una constate preocu stpación de carácter moral. No es casualidad que una de las sugerencians más insientes de don Bosco haya sido subrayar el carácter didáctico que debía tener el teatro en sus casas. En este sentido, los pequeños proscenios ocupados por aficionados se consideraban escuelas, medios de enseñanza de los principios católicos a través de la
declamación de diálogos y encuentros en los escenarios.
El mismo don Bosco se aventuró en la redacción de algunos textos, como la Disputa col pastore protestante o los Dialoghi popolari su alcuni errori di religione, convirtiéndose en cabeza de uno de los géneros de mayor éxito en el «teatrino»: la afirmación de la supremacía del catolicismo sobre los «enemigos
de la Iglesia».8
Sin embargo, más explicíto todavía sobre los fines de los escenarios aficio
nados es el mismo «manifesto» del teatro educativo, que d Bosco redactó en 1858 con el fin de dar cierta disciplina a una actividad que él, no sólo animaba, sino que promovía organizando representaciones en el comedor del Oratorio de Valdocco. En los 20 párrafás en los que se subdividen las «re
Para un análisis más detenido del «teatrino» y de las cuestiones tocadas en esta comunicación, cfr. S. PIVATO, Il teatro di parrocchia. Mondo cattolico e organizzazione del consenso durante
il fascismo, Roma, FIAD 1979.
Sobre la producción teatral de don Bosco, cf. M. BONGIOANNI, Giochiamo al teatro. Dalla
invenzione drammatica al teatro espressivo, Leumann (T orino), Elle Di Ci 1977.
glas», subrayaba ante todo el carácter educativo, instructivo y recreativo del «teatrino ».
Y para responder a esta primera regla fundamental, don Bosco recomendaba que «los textos sean amenos y aptos para recrear y divertir, pero siempre instructivos, morales y breves. La excesiva duración, además de mayor molestia en los ensayos, cansa generalmente a los espectadores y hace perder el mérito de la representación y produce cansancio aun en las cosas de estima». Además — proseguía don Bosco — «Evítense los textos que presenten hechos atroces. Se puede tolerar alguna escena un poco seria, pero suprímanse las
expresiones poco cristianas y las palabras que, dichas en otros lugares, se considerarían poco educadas o demasiado plebeyas».
Pero don Bosco no sólo prestaba atención a los aspectos éticos o de contenido, sino que daba normas de comportamiento que debían observar los grupos. El «teatrino» no era, pues, sólo lugar de enseñanza para los espectadores, sino también «escuela de vida para los actores». A este fin, don Bosco recomendaba que: «Entre los jóvenes a los que se destina a actuar, escójanse los mejores en conducta». Pero advertía también que «no se den premios o señales de estima o elogio a los que Dios dota de aptitudes especiales para decla
mar, cantar o tocar. Ya tienen premio en el tiempo que se les deja libre y en las lecciones que se les facilita».
Éstos son los puntos fundamentales de las Regole, que se entretenían también detenidamente en aspectos técnicos (preparación de escenarios o diálo
gos, acompañamiento musical de las obras, preparación de una biblioteca de textos de teatro y otras cosas).9
Con estas Regole el teatro iba convirtiéndose en uno de los elementos privilegiados del sistema educativo salesiano. Es más, se convertía en parte integrante de aquel método preventivo en el que la actividad lúdica — recuerdo que en las Regole don Bosco insiste en que el teatro debe sobre todo «alegrar, ser recreo, divertir» —, según algunos estudiosos, «se pone tan en alto y se valora tanto, que de ella se hace depender no sólo el buen funcionamiento de la escuela, sino hasta la vida religiosa del muchacho».'°
La primera representación teatral de la que se tiene noticia en las Memorias biográficas se remonta al 29 de junio de 1847." Las Regole pel teatrino son de once años más tarde: lo que si hace suponer que don Bosco se sintió movido a escribirlas con la intención de reglamentar una actividad recreativa que
9 Regole pel teatrino, en: MB VI, 106-108.
lo G. Bosco, Il sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventú, Torino 1877, p. 42. " MB III, 592.
poco a poco iba afirmándose en los colegios y en los oratorios salesianos, hace pensar aún con más realismo que intuía el desarrollo que alcanzaría el teatro en los años sucesivos. Por lo demás, los catálogos de las editoriales populares católicas nos ofrecen diversos indicios sobre la expansión del fenómeno. En efecto: si en la colección de las «Letture Cattoliche», inaugurada, como se sabe, en 1853,12 empiezan a aparecer episódicamente pequeños volúmenes de comedias," es en 1885. cuando los salesianos empiezan a publicar sistemáticamente obras de teatro para esta actividad educativa.
En 1885, con Le Pistrine, un texto sobre el paganismo romano, se inauguraba en la Tipografía Salesiana de San Benigno Canavese una colección de publicaciones periódicas, «Letture drammatiche», que se puede considerar como la primera iniciativa editorial de altos vuelos en el campo del teatro aficionado. Son más de cien los títulos que figuran en el catálogo de las «Letture draramatiche» al final del sigo. Pero hay otras casas editoras que publican textos para los grupos de aficionados católicos: entre ellas, la Serafino Majocchi de Milán, la Libreria Salesiana Editrice de Roma y la Tipografía dell'Immaco
lata Concezione de Módena.
Pero, ¿qué tipo de comedias contenían los textos para los grupos de aficio
nados? ¿Qué géneros tenían más amplia difusión?
Una rápida lectura de los títulos de las «Letture drammatiche» publicadas
entre 1885 y 1889 nos permite una primera respuesta a la pregunta. De cincuenta comedias, veinte son de carácter sagrado, doce de carácter histórico y el resto del catálogo pertenece al teatro anecdótico-moral, frecuentemente con
comedias de contenido social y familiar.
Y el análisis de otros catálogos confirma la ventaja de esos tres géneros.
Por tanto, representaciones sagradas, cuadros edificantes, bocetos cómicos, cuyo intento pedagógico era, sobre todo, «moralizar» a los espectadores. Finalidad que se capta también en la división de los títulos de las comedias para «sólo hombres» o «sólo mujeres», según un concepto teatral que sólo en casos
excepcionales admitía la promiscuidad escénica."
En realidad, como ha notado certeramente Gabriele De Rosa, «estas co
medias tienen poco que ver con la historia del teatro. Tenían un fin pedagógico práctico: edificar al militante de acción católica, rebatir la propaganda adversaria, rechazar los modelos propuestos por el teatro positivista y miniburgués, exaltando a la familia católica con sus tradiciones, su fe y sus vir
tudes»."
Fi teatro educativo expresaba módulos y contenidos que no derivan en ab
soluto de la cultura teatral contemporánea y anterior y su retaguardia era la de
'2 Sobre las «Letture Cattoliche», cf. L. GIOVANNINI, Le «Letture Cattoliche» di don Bosco.
u Ibid., p. 157-175.
" F. TOMA, Moralitá avanti tutto!, en «Il Carro di Tespi» 1 (1908) 1, 3-4.
15 G. DE ROSA, Risposte agli interventi, en: II movimento cattolico e la societá italiana in cento anni di storia, p. 88.
la pedagogía católica absolutamente autónoma e impermeable a las ideologías y a los movimientos culturales de su tiempo. Exactamente, como escribió uno de los promotores del teatro educativo, las comedias eran «trabajos de autores católicos para representarse en ambientes católicos, por actores católicos,
frente a públicos católicos y, además, eran trabajos recomendados y publicados por editores católicos y por revistas católicas»."
Sin embargo, creo que no se comprendería del todo la importancia del teatro como instrumento educativo sí no se mirase el desarrollo posterior a la obra de don Bosco y de los salesianos de Turín. En realidad, el teatro acompaña a la expansión del movimiento católico en la sociedad italiana. Más aún, se convierte en uno de los instrumentos que los obispos, la Acción Católica y los educadores recomiendan constantemente. Bastan, además, pocos datos para entender que en pocas décadas el teatro se transforma en un vasto movi
miento con estructuras y organización complejas desde la tarea de don Bosco, inicial y artesanal.
Nacen al comienzo de este siglo las primeras revistas dirigidas a los grupos de teatro aficionado: Su la scena (1903), II carro di Tespi (1908), Teatro, musica e sport (1912). Y se fundaban, además, varias asociaciones de autores, como la
«Societá degli autori del teatro cattolico» (1905) y la «Societá Italiana tra gli autori del teatro cattolico» (S.I.A.T.E.), aparecida en Roma en 1911."
Sin embargo, en el aspecto organizativo, fue determinante el nacimiento de la «Federazione Associazioni Teatrali Educative» (F.A.T.E.) en 1912. Ésta,
que comenzaba en 1913 la publicación de II Teatro nostro, alcanzaba en 1914 a contar cerca de trescientos círculos federados.
Las dimensiones de fenómeno de masas del «teatrino» se captan mejor si se examinan los catálogos de las editoriales católicas. En 1916, la casa editora vicentina Giovanni Galia presentaba al público un muestrario de casi 5.000
trabajos teatrales para «seminarios, colegios, institutos, sociedades, círculos y asociaciones de recreo católicos»."
A lo largo de los años 30, hasta cinco casas editoras imprimían exclusivamente textos para el teatro educativo.' Una producción total que, mediados los años 30, se calculaba alrededor de ochenta nuevos trabajos editados cada año, con el lanzamiento al mercado de doscientos mil volúmenes de comedias
16 E. ANSELMETTI, Determinismo e libero arbitrio en «Scene e Controscene» (1933) 8-9, 7. 12 PIVATO, Il teatro di parrocchia.
" Catalogo di 5.000 lavori teatral:: Commedie. Drammi. Tragedie. Farse. Scherzi. Monologhi per seminari, collegi, istituti, societá, circoli e ricreatori cattolici, Vicenza, Libreria Giovanni Galia
1916. Véase también: Il teatro cattolico, Vademecum indispensabile per i direttori di scena dei teatrini cattolici maschili e femminili, San Benigno Canavese, Libreria Salesiana 1906.
19 Estas eran: Serafino Majocchi de Milán, Paolo Viano de Turín, Libreria Editrice del Ricreatorio de Bagnacavallo, Libreria Editrice Salesiana de Florencia, Libreria Editrice Salesiana de
Roma. Cf. Case editrici cattoliche, en: Il ragguaglio dell'attivitá culturale letteraria ed artistica dei cattolici in Italia, Milano, Istituto di Propaganda Libraría 1941, p. 469-471.
para el teatro de aficionados.2° Fue notable, además, el número de pequeños teatros, que algunas estadísticas elevaban, al comienzo de los años 30, a diez mil. Cifra sin duda aceptable, aunque estadísticamente no se pueda comprobar, dada la facilidad con que se podían eludir los derechos fiscales en las salas que no tenían carácter propiamente industrial o en los colegios en los que se puede suponer que se continuase la costumbre — como se lee en las Memorias
de don Bosco — de montar el escenario en el comedor vez por vez."
Es también amplia la lista de autores. Y no pocos de ellos eran personajes
de relieve, ligados a la marcha del movimiento católico italiano, tanto político como religioso. Fue el caso de Luigi Sturzo,22 Saverio Fino23 o Luigi Corazzin,' escritores de comedias o promotores de numerosas iniciativas en el campo del teatro. O bien obispos como Fortunato De Santa," autor de dramas sacros. Pero también de personajes menos conocidos en el mundo nacional y, sin embargo, protagonistas con frecuencia en cada una de las realidades locales de la vida católica. Entre ellos, Carlo Trabucco, sin duda alguna artífice principal del teatro educativo en el período entre ambas guerras, autor prolí
fico y presidente de la Juventud Católica de Turín a partir de 1927.
Pero como prueba del peso de la herencia de don Bosco en este mundo tea
tral, hay que subrayar que no pocos autores provienen del mundo salesíano: comenzando por Angelo Pietro Berton, al que pertenece una de las obras clásicas de los escenarios católicos, II piccolo parigino. Para seguir con Augusto
20 C. REPOSSI, Teatro cattolico. 11 teatro delle nostre associazioni, en «11 Ragguaglio» 8 (1937) 97-103.
21 MB III, 105-106.
22 Véase selección de algunos textos teatrales de Sturzo en: L. STURZO, Scritti inediti, vol. I:
1890-1924, a cura di F. Piva, Roma, Cinque Lune 1974, p. 53-103 y p. 108-186. Algunas indicaciones sobre esta actividad, en: F. PIVA - F. MALGERI, Vita di Luigi Sturzo, p. 121-123. De Rosa
observa: «Le sue commedie erano costruite a sostegno della lotta che conduceva nelle cam
pagne, contro i gabellotti, le cosche o anche per denunciare mentalitá e costumi dell'odiata borghesia laicista. Insomma commedie, per col dire, meridionalistiche, e del meridionalismo di un cattolico intransigente, come era Sturzo negli anni giovanili» (G. DE ROSA, Luigi Sturzo, Torillo,
UTET 1977, p. 121).
" Saverio Fino (1874-1937). Diputato del Partido popular en dos legislaturas de 1919 a
1924. Fue uno de los promotores del teatro educativo. En 1931 fundó la revita «I Quademi del Teatro Cristiano», con la intención de llevar el drama sacro a los escenarios del «teatrino». Entre sus trabajos más famosos para las filodramáticas católicas: Qui si bestemmia, La Madonna del sorriso, La camera rossa, II prete della forra. Cf. la bibliografía completa de sus escritos en «Boccascena» 2 (1937) 3, 28-29. Firmó algunos de sus trabajos con el pseudónimo: «Di Mario Valli». Sobre su figura, véase también el perfil biográfico de E. WALTER CRIVELLIN, Saverio Fino tra popolarismo e fascismo. Spunti per una biografía, Torillo, Centro Studi C. Trabucco 1987, p. 23-43.
24 Luigi Corazzin (1888-1946), diputado del P.P.I., fue autor de dramas religiosos para el «teatrino». Entre otros: Frate Tupo, Trecento, La grande vigilia, Il fabbricatore d'oro, Vita. Este úl
timo sobre la persecución religiosa en Rusia.
25 Fortunato De Santa (1862-1939), sacerdote de Udine y obispo de Sessa Aurunca (1914) y
autor, en 1901, de una Passione di Cristo. Cf. Un Vescovo autore drammatico, en «fi Teatro Nostro» 4 (1914) 7, 100.
Micheletti (La madre, Uno che s'incammina) y Amilcare Marescalchi (La vittoria di don Bosco).
La Societá Editrice Internazionale y la Libreria Editrice Salesiana de Roma siguieron, además, en los años siguientes, publicando a algunos de los autores
más aceptados: entre ellos, y sólo por citar alguno, a Virginio Prinzivalli, Giuseppe Fancitillr, Onorato Castellino.26
En las recientes celebraciones sobre el Centenario, varias intervenciones han acentuado la capacidad de don Bosco y de los salesianos para estructurar
la comunicación de la pastoral en diversos niveles: desde el escrito al hablado y, en un tiempo más reciente, al cine.
Se conoce también que, en la pastoral salesiana, la prensa ostenta una cierta primogenitura respecto del teatro. Pero también es verdad que hacia la mitad del siglo XIX el medio escrito, la prensa, aun redactada en forma «sim
ple y llana», padecía un evidente límite de difusión frente a los elevados índices de analfabetismo de los estratos populares.
Téngase presente, además, que aun en 1871, en Piamonte, el área de mayor difusión de las «Letture Cattoliche», el analfabetismo alcanzaba todavía el 58% de la población." Pero este tanto por ciento, de por sí ya elevado, no
permite hacer pensar automáticamente en el resto como un área potencial de lectores.
En realidad, como se ha hecho notar agudamente, entre el que sabe leer y el analfabeto, se sitúa la masa gris y numerosa de los semianalfabetos. Se dan.., los que saben leer, pero no saben escribir... Y hay quienes saben leer y
escribir, pero que difícilmente entienden lo que leen y a duras penas escriben algo que vaya más allá de su firma.'
Según los cálculos hechos por De Mauro, en 1861 los «italohlantes», es decir, los que podían hablar y entender la lengua italiana, sumaban apenas el 2,5% de la población total de Italia." Esto nos hace entender que hacia finales del siglo XIX el mercado de las ediciones populares podía contar con un público muy restringido con capacidad de leer y «entender». 3° Precisamente estas observaciones vienen bien sobre la «lengua popular» de don Bosco, que hay que entender no tanto como un medio literario original, sino más bien
26 Cf. PIVATO, Il teatro di parrocchia.
21 Sobre el analfabetismo en Piamonte a finales del 800, cf. G. VIGO, Istruzione e sviluppo economico in Italia alla fine del secolo XIX, Torino, ILTE 1971.
28 Cf. C.M. CIPOLLA, Istruzione e sviluppo. Ii declino dell'analfabetismo nel mondo occidentale, Torino, ILTE 1971, p. 44.
29 T. DE MAURO, Storia linguistica dell'Italia Unita, vol. I, Bari, Laterza 1979, p. 43.
3° Finalmente, es muy significativo lo que escribe el redactor de la monografía para la encuesta Jacini relativa a Piamonte, a propósito de la instrucción impartida en las escuelas elementales: «L'istruzione consiste nel saper leggere qualche po' e scrivere scorrettamente. Tenuissimo ne riesce il profitto tantoché dogo pochi anni di codesti allievi non cono piú in grado di capire una
scrittura e di scrivere intelligibilmente forse neanche il proprio nome!» (Asti della Giunta per l'Inchiesta Agraria, C.M. CWOLLA, Istruzione e sviluppo).
como norma, como criterio para hacerse entender por un público apenas alfa
betizado.
El mismo don Bosco había precisado, por otra parte, que en la redacción
de una obrita popular eran preferibles «las impropiedades [...] y la ausencia de
elegancia en el estilo al riesgo de que el pueblo no entendiese» 3i
Se podría, pues, concluir resumiendo que, en una escala hipotética de los
instrumentos de la cultura popular salesiana, el teatro fue el «escalón más bajo»; es, en definitiva, el instrumento educativo más inmediato, que permite hacer llegar también a un público analfabeto, al público que no es capaz de
acceder a la prensa, los mensajes de la pastoral católica.
Esta observación nos viene bien para enfrentarnos con uno de los temas mas controvertidos de la experiencia de don Bosco: el que se refiere a su pre
sunta modernidad.
Desde luego que si nos pusiésemos a leer los textos del teatro de don Bosco, no haríamos más que confirmar el juicio de quien ha escrito que «su modernidad no supone análisis y opciones ideológicas».32 Don Bosco sigue, en efecto, profundamente anclado en un «catolicismo de marcadas tendencias ultramontanas, devocionales y moralistas», que muestra, en definitiva, «la insti
tución tradicionalista en la que se movía».33
En realidad, la modernidad de don Bosco no hay que tomarla a través de puntos de referencia ideológicos y doctrinales, sino, en todo caso, en un plano más pragmático y concreto. Precisamente en aquel sector de la «cultura popular» que hoy, con un término más actual, definiríamos como mass-media.
Y su modernidad consiste precisamente en su contemporaneidad por lo
que se refiere los instrumentos de la comunicación. Es decir, en haber sabido propagar un lenguaje tradicional, el de la pastoral católica, a través de un nuevo instrumento — el teatro — que tenía presente, sobre todo, por parte del
público al que se dirigía, la capacidad de recepción.
Pero la modernidad de don Bosco resalta más si se considera el teatro, no sólo como medio de comunicación, sino también como instrumento de socialización. Es cierto que sí se lleva aquel teatro a un campo de investigación totalmente nueva conio el de la historia de la sociabilidad,34 no puede negársele el
31 E IV, 321.
32 M. GUASCO, Don Bosco nella storia religiosa del seo tempo, en: Don Bosco e le sfide della
modernitá (Quaderni del Centro Studi «C. Trabucco», 11), Torino, Stabilimento Poligrafico Edi
toriale «C. Fanton» 1988, p. 29.
33 F. TRANIELLO, Don Bosco e il problema della modernitá, en: ibid., p. 43.
34 Sobre el concepto de «sociabilia», cf. G. GEMELLI - A. MALATESTA, Forme di sociabilitá nella storiografta francese contemporanea, Milano, Feltrinelli 1982.
papel que tuvo en una sociedad que, a partir del final del siglo XIX, veía tambalearse los ritmos y los modelos sociales, que antes plasmó y vivió la sociedad rural. Por lo demás, todo el sector de la cultura popular, pero especialmente el teatro, puede constituir un campo de estudio entre los que recientemente se señalan como los más prolíficos para la historia asociativa del mundo católico, donde se subrayaba que «en la mayor parte de los casos, la historiografía sobre el catolicismo contemporáneo ha acabado olvidando precisamente los dinamismos interiores del asociacionismo religioso».33
En realidad, los estudios sobre el movimiento católico no han dado todavía el justo valor a los nuevos lugares de la socialización popular que el mundo católico ofrece, frente a la disgregación de la sociedad rural. Y ciertamente en una historia de la sociabilidad del mundo católico en la edad industrial, hay que considerar a don Bosco como un significativo incipit.
Piénsese, sólo para fijarnos en un ejemplo, en uno de los lugares y momentos más significativos de la sociabilidad de la edad industrial: el deporte.36 Es más, se trata de un sector que, tal vez, demuestra más que la prensa y el teatro, que don Bosco percibía con mucha anticipación, no sólo respecto a las oligarquías liberales, sino también al movimiento obrero, la capacidad educativa y de asociación del deporte. Y a este propósito viene oportuna la observación de Piero Bairati en una intervención discutida, en la que escribió que don Bosco percibe, precisamente porque vive metido en una realidad como la de Turín, los cambios que la revolución industrial introduce, no sólo en los ritmos de producción, sino también en los sociales.37
Y el deporte, que en 1902 recibiría el saludo profético del barnabita Giovanni Semeria como «la afirmación popular de la sociedad industrial de maña
na»,38 pone en evidencia la clase de modernidad pragmática de don Bosco o, aún mejor, la intuición de la pedagogía salesiana para comprender la utilidad de ciertos instrumentos educativos y asociativos sobre los que se iba modelando la naciente realidad urbana e industrial.
«Dése amplia libertad para saltar, correr, gritar a placer. La gimnasia, la música, la declamación, el teatro, las excursiones son medios eficacísimos para obtener disciplina, facilitar la moralidad y la santidad», había escrito don Bosco.39
Y en este aspecto particular de la actividad deportiva resalta más tarde el tipo especial de modernidad de don Bosco. La red de las actividades deporti
35 R. MORO, Movimento cattolico e associazionismo: un problema storiografico, en «Quaderni di Azione Sociale» (1988) 19-39.
36 Cf. S. PIVATO, Sia lodato Bartali. Ideologia cultura e miti dello sport cattolico 1936-1948, Roma, Edizioni Lavoro 1985.
39 P. BABATI, Cultura salesiana e societá industriale, en: TRAME .LO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 331-357.
" G. SEMERIA, Giovane Romagna (sport cristiano), Castrocaro, Tip. Moderna 1902, p. 8. 39 G. Bosco, Il sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventú, p. 39.
vas salesíanas tiene ya un increíble desarrollo a comienzos del siglo XX: se promueven reuniones gimnásticas, se organizan torneos deportivos, se acostumbra a los muchachos de los oratorios al movimiento, al juego.
Y todo esto cuando — estamos en los comienzos del presente siglo — el movimiento socialista se opone profundamente a la actividad deportiva: más aún, la considera una actividad «burguesa», hasta el punto de que en más de una ocasión la ve como lícita sólo para los «burgueses» y los «vagos», y, por tanto, incompatible con los fines del socialismo. Hubo de llegarse hasta 1924 para que Filippo Turati hiciese autocrítica a esa afirmación, comprendiendo con mucho retraso la capacidad de asociación y educativa del deporte.'
Y no cabe duda de que el éxito que encontró el deporte en las filas del movimiento católico a partir de los comienzos de este siglo, recibió también la enseñanza de don Bosco. Él, como encontramos testimoniado en las Memo
rias:
«Muchísimas veces, y especialmente en el año 1859-60, ponía en fila a cientos de jóvenes en el patio, y se ponía delante después de haber dicho: — Seguidme siempre, poniendo cada uno el pie en la huella del que va delante. Daba palmadas a ritmo, imitado por los que le seguían y torcía hacia la izquierda, iba derecho, seguía en diagonal y, al volverse, hacía un ángulo agudo o uno recto o un círculo. De repente decía: ¡Alto! — Los jóvenes que le habían seguido en todas estas vueltas caprichosas quedaban formados, uno junto al otro, en grupos raros de los que cualquier observador no habría captado el porqué. Pero otros jóvenes, que habían entendido por estos movimientos la intención de don Bosco, iban corriendo al balcón y descubrían que cada grupo formaba una letra cubital y con ellas leían claramente las palabras: Viva Pío Nono. Como no era prudente gritar esas palabras mientras el Pontífice estaba amenazado y asaltado, él lo escribía con las cabezas de sus lújos».41
Una práctica «moderna» como la deportiva, le servía a don Bosco para reafirmar principios e ideas tradicionalistas. Precisamente, como se ha dicho, ideología pasada y modernidad pragmatista.
4° Sobre estos temas, cf. F. FABRIa10, Storia dello sport in Italia. Dalle sodetá ginnastiche
all'associazionismo di massa, Firenze, Guaraldi 1977. 41 MB VI, 343.
El tema de esta comunicación ciertamente no es nuevo para los estudiosos de don Bosco. El empeño editorial y las notables cualidades manifestadas por don Bosco en la preparación y difusión de una varíadísima serie de textos, opúsculos y publicaciones periódicas no han dejado de atraer la atención de los investigadores, sobre todo en estos últimos años. Los estudios del fenómeno salesíano han salido de una cierta «oleografía» para entrar, dedicidamente, por el camino del más serlo y calificado enfoque científico, gracias, sobre todo, a los trabajos de Píetro Stella,' de Pietro Braido2 y de otros muchos estudiosos presentes en este Congreso.
Uno de los primeros trabajos dedicados a nuestro tema vio la luz en 1957. En esta fecha, Eugenio Valen-dril, publicó un ensayo titulado Don Bosco e l'apostolato della stampa,3 al que siguió, en 1961, un nuevo ensayo del mismo autor sobre La prima scuola grafica salesiana.4 Pero fue necesario esperar veinte años y, sobre todo, esperar a que se publicara el volumen de Píetro Stella sobre Don Bosco nella storia economíca e sociale (1815-1870), para ver, finalmente, afrontado, en el capítulo XV, el tema de la «empresas editoriales» de don Bosco. En dicho capítulo se estudia el asunto sobre la base de un rica documentación de primera mano, con especial atención a poner de relieve tanto los aspectos empresariales como el significado pedagógico y apostólico que caracterizaba a aquellas iniciativas.5
En 1984, Luígi Giovanniní publicó el trabajo más amplío sobre la iniciativa editorial más significativa: las «Lecturas Católicas» (de las que nos volveremos
Cf. especialmente: P. STELLA, Gli scritti a stampa di don Bosco, Roma, LAS 1977; ID., Don Bosco nella storia economica e rocíale (1815-1870), Roma, LAS 1980.
2 Cf. P. BRAIDO, Il sistema preventivo di don Bosco, Zürich, Pas-Verlag 1964; lo., L'esperienza pedagogica di don Bosco, Roma, LAS 1988; G. Bosco, Il sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventú. Introduzione e testi critici, a cura di P. Braido, Roma, LAS 1985.
E. VALENTINI, Don Bosco e l'apostolato della stampa, Torino, SEI 1957.
E. VALENTINT, La prima scuola grafica salesiana 1861-1961, Torino, SEI 1961.
STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 327-400.
insignificantes iniciativas sociales, pedagógicas, asistenciales y recreativas, el no insignificante peso que suponía (desde el punto de vista económico y desde el punto de vista personal) la impresión de numerosas y varias publicaciones periódicas.
La respuesta a este interrogante puede venir de dos motivos. El primer motivo se puede encontrar en una especie de pasión no disimulada de don Bosco por la prensa, por el libro, por la actividad editorial, por el trabajo tipo- gráfico; casi una fiebre que le lleva a multiplicar sus iniciativas en este campo, a hacer proyectos de ediciones, de colecciones, de publicaciones periódicas, aun cuando los recursos sean escasos y las fuerzas limitadas; y que le lleva a crear tipografías llamadas a crecer y a multiplicarse milagrosamente. Pero es claro que esta pasión, esta fiebre es también el reflejo de un problema que don Bosco detecta claramente en la realidad social, política, cultural de aquellos años. Es decir, la exigencia que el mundo católico de aquellos años — desde la primera década del Ochocientos en adelante — había manifestado, cada vez más claramente, de impulsar, desarrollar y difundir la «buena prensa», como se decía entonces.
Eta un viejo tema que encontramos ya a principios del siglo en Piamonte, en el seno de la asociación de las «Amicizie cattoliche», dirigidas por Cesare , d'Azeglio, cuyo fin principal era la difusión de buenos libros." Una asociación que, como es sabido, se caracterizaba por su visión legitimista objetivo de la vida palí- printica, que tenía una estructura aristocrática, y se proponía, como
cipal, la difusión de «buenos libros». o
Los acontecimientos psterires, desde los movimientos de 1821 en adelante; el afirmarse de las corrienteso liberales y de una política eclesiástica de los gobiernos sardos encaminada a limitar el ámbito de movimiento de la Iglesia; el irrumpir de una prensa violentamente anticlerical, que ponía en discusión los antiguos valores de la Iglesia y de la religión; el espacio que encontraba la propaganda protestante, especialmente de los valdenses, son todos elementos que concurren a preocupar más al mundo católico, que se siente asediado de libros, gacetas, periódicos que insinúan ideas lejanas y contrarias a los valores de la fe católica.
Se trata de una preocupación que llega hasta la jerarquía eclesiástica piamontesa. En el mes de julio de 1849, se reúnen en Víllanovetta, diócesis de Saluzzo, los obispos del Piamonte, para solicitar la «difusión de buenos libros», con el fin de oponer a las «armas de la irreligiosidad y de la inmoralidad el antídoto de las buenas lecturas».' Los obispos piamonteses, entre los que se distinguió mons. Moreno, obispo de Ivrea, encontraron sin duda en don Bosco una valioso ejecutor de las directrices emanadas por ellos. Es más, don Bosco había anticipado muchas de las indicaciones del episcopado piamontés.
" Cf. G. DE ROSA, Storia del movimento cattolico in Italia, vol. I: Dalla restaurazione all'etá
giolittiana, Bari, Laterza 1966, p. 1 3 -38.
12 Cf. GIOVANNINI, Le «Letture Cattoliche», p. 71s.
1
La experiencia poco positiva de don Bosco con «L'Amico della Gio- ventii», que dejó también tras sí problemas de carácter financiero y judicial, fi debió de convencerlo, seguramente, de que la fórmula del periódico tradicio- I nal no respondía plenamente a sus exigencias de mediación cultural y relí-
losa.Mediación que había ya, en parte, logrado con los pequeños volúmenes / publicados en los años precedentes. Con otras palabras, la solución adoptada por don Bosco daba mayores garantías de responder a los objetivos que él se \ ,,,1); proponía alcanzar: ofrecer un producto en grado de ser, al mismo tiempo, - medio de inculturación, de guía espiritual y de entretenimiento. Este objetivo era más fácilmente alcanzable a través de la publicación periódica, pero no de , un periódico, sino de un pequeño libro de bolsillo, que no tenía el carácter I efímero, transitorio y ligado a la actualidad del periódico tradicional. Al con- t nado, los libritos ofrecidos mensualmente por don Bosco - mediante la feliz fórmula de las «Letture Cattoliche» - no perdían con el tiempo su frescura; y constituían la base para una bibliotequita que ofrecía conocimientos de historia sagrada y de historia civil, noticias sobre la vida de los santos, lecturas amenas, narraciones divertidas o edificantes, noticias prácticas y útiles. No faltaban ejemplos de publicaciones de este tipo en la prensa católica del Ocho- , cientos."
Las «Lecturas Católicas» fueron una fórmula muy feliz, que don Bosco logró realizar en 1853. Con ella venía a secundar, por una parte, las directrices de los obispos piamonteses (encontrando en m ons. More libno un el apoyo no des-
éxito deñable), y, por otra, venía a cubrir un campo dejado re por escaso obtenido por la «Collezione di buoni libri a favore della religione cattolica», publicada por el editor Botta, que no había tenido tampoco mucha aceptación de parte del episcopado piamontés, a causa de un cierto enfoque filoaustríaco de la misma, por la escasa capacidad de traducir en un lenguaje comprensible conceptos y problemas de carácter religioso, y por la falta de contenidos más ., ligeros o amenos, capaces de suscitar la atención y el interés de los ambientes populares.'
Ciertamente no es posible analizar, en este momento, con la atención que merecerían los centenares de pequeños volúmenes que forman la colección de las «Lecturas Católicas». Se puede decir que éstas respondieron constantemente al enfoque sugerido e indicado por don Bosco al lanzar la iniciativa en el «Piano dell'Associazione delle Letture Cattoliche». En dicho plan habla de libros «de estilo simple y lenguaje popular», dedicados a «materias que se refieren exclusivamente a la Religión católica»." Si se quisiera cuantificar, aun. Cf. GIOVANNINI, Le «Letture Cattoliche», p. 70-88
24 Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 348-350.
" Cf. VALENTINI, Don Bosco e l'apostolato della stampa, p. 13.
que fuera en modo aproximado, los géneros propuestos durante el período
comprendido entre el comienzo de la publicación y la muerte de don Bosco, se
podría afirmar que cerca de la mitad de los volúmenes se referían a argumentos de instrucción dogmática y moral; la parte más consistente de la otra mitad estaba dedicada a las vidas de santos y a la historia religiosa; mientras que la parte restante estaba compuesta de historias amenas y lecturas entretenidas. De todas formas hay que precisar que, más allá del género elegido, prevalece siempre, de un lado, la preocupación educativa y religiosa, y, de otro, el esfuerzo de ofrecer textos muy claros_ycomprensibles. Se usa frecuentemente el diálogo entre diversos personajes, para hacer más viva la narración y para poner mejor de relieve los diversos aspectos de una cuestión.
En el prefacio a la Vita di San Pietro, publicada en el número de enero de 1857, don Bosco precisaba: «Yo escribo para el pueblo y, por tanto, evitando todo amaneramiento de estilo, toda duda y toda discusión inútil, trataré de reducir el estilo y la materia a aquella sencillez que exige la exactitud de la historia unida con la teología y con las reglas de nuestra lengua italiana».26 No se debe olvidar tampoco las frecuentes referencias a los problemas conexos con los diversos oficios, a las relaciones que existían entre pobres y ricos frente a la vida y frente a los comportamientos religiosos, a la práctica y a las exigencias de la fe.
De los 432 fascículos publicados desde 1853 a 1888, don Bosco escribió personalmente cerca de 70, sirviéndose, para los demás, de la colaboración del prior de Santa Sabina (Génova), Giuseppe Frassinetti, del padre Francesco Martinengo, del padre Carlo Filippo da Poirino, del canónigo Lorenzo Gastaldi, más tarde arzobispo de Turín, y de otros. De la escuela de don Bosco provenían varios escritores de las «Lecturas Católicas», como Giovanni Battista Lemoyne, Giovanni Bonetti, Giulio Barberis, Giovanni Battista Francesia y Stefano Trione.
Hay que recordar, junto al problema de los contenidos y de los autores, el tema de la difusión de estas publicaciones, sobre el que se ha detenido ya Francesco Traniello en su ponencia, dando importantes indicaciones. Aunque no siempre las cifras coinciden, ha sido subrayado por numerosos estudiosos que, desde los primerísimos años, don Bosco logró difundir muchos miles de ejemplares de las «Lecturas Católicas». Las cifras relativas a los años sucesivos son todavía más consistentes. Las suscripciones alcanzaron cifras significativas (de 12 a 14.000 cada año); pero, sobre todo, algunos de los fascículos más afortunados tuvieron numerosísimas reimpresiones.27 Según un cálculo aproximado, en los primeros cincuenta años, el total de los volúmenes impresos superó 1.200.000 ejemplares. Indudablemente favoreció no poco la difusión de
26 G. Bosco, Vita di San Pietro..., Tocino, Tip. Paravia 1856.
27 No todos los estudiosos de don Bosco concuerdan en la evaluación de las cifras relativas a la difusión real de las «Lecturas Católicas». Nos parecen atendibles y documentadas la cifras que indica STELLA, Don Bosco nella simia economica, p. 357-366.
las «Lecturas Católicas» su precio extremadamente reducido, fijado en L. 1,80 anuales en 1853, y que sufrió mínimas variaciones en el curso de los años si
guientes.
En 1888, a la muerte de don Bosco, el precio era de L. 2,25 anuales. Pero el problema de la difusión y del precio se relaciona íntimamente con el problema de la distribución, un antiguo problema para todos los editores, que '1 don Bosco logró resolver con notables intuiciones organizativas. Utilizó, por una parte, sobre todo las estructuras eclesiásticas, en particular el clero y los párrocos, con su capacidad de convencimiento y de penetración en el tejido socia1.28 Por otra parte, la utilización de correspondientes, encargados de recoger las suscripciones se demostró un sistema muy eficaz para mantener contactos con los pueblos o regiones más lejanas.
Las «Lecturas Católicas» constituyen, en último término, el núcleo central / y más importante de la actividad editorial de don Bosco por lo que se refiere a las publicaciones periódicas. No hay que descuidar, sin embargo, la iniciativa emprendida por don Bosco de dar vida en primer lugar, en 1877 al «Bollettino Salesiano», cuya función era muy diversa respecto a las «Lecturas Católicas». El «Boletín Salesiano» se convertía, como ha subrayado E. Valentini, en «un vínculo», que debía unir estrechamente entre sí y al mismo tiempo con el centro los cooperadores salesianos desparramados por todo el mundo.29
28 Al parecer, don Bosco había manifestado, en 1876, la intención de reimprimir los Bolandistas. A los que le hablaban del coste insostenible de la iniciativa, replicaba: «Io sostengo che con 12 coila lire di fondo mi sentirei di intraprendere la stampa, sicuro che si verrebbe a guadagnare
assai. [...] Andrei a Roma per ottenere la benedizione pontificia ed un Breve che mi autorizzasse ed incoraggiasse a ció; si manderebbero manifesti a tutti i Vescovi della Cristiana; ci metteremmo in relazione con tutti i librai d'Italia ed i principali d'Europa; manderemmo intorno alcuni viaggiatori che trattassero personalmente coi nostri corrispondenti. Si farebbe un'associazione avvertendo che chi s'associa all'opera di principio, la otterrá a mea prezzo di quello che costerebbe guando fosse compíuta; e cosi con l'acquisto che molti farebbero del primo volume, potremmo far fronte alle spese del secondo. Condizione d'associazione sarebbe non pagare tutta l'opera da principio, ma volume per volume in ragione di tanto per foglio, ed ogni armo uscirebbe un volume. Io credo che con queste precauzioni si arriverebbe a stampare, con un vantaggio inmenso per l'Italia e per l'Europa, la pió grande delle opere che si possegga. Ora costa circa due coila lire o almeno mille cinquecento; ed io mi sentirei di darla a seicento lire, prelevando ancora il mio guadagno netto di sirca la mea» (MB XI, 438s.).
29 Cf. VALENTINI, Don Bosco e l'apostolato della stampa, p. 24. En la conocida circular del 19 marzo 1885 don Bosco hacía este balance de sus numerosas iniciativas editoriales, dirigidas sobre todo a los jóvenes: «Colle Letture cattoliche mentre desiderava istruire tuno il popolo, aveva di mira di entrar nelle case, far conoscere lo spirito dominante nei nostri collegi e trarre alla virtó i giovanetti, specialmente colle biografie di Savio, di Besucco e simili. Col Giovane provveduto ebbi in mira di condurli in Chiesa, loro istillare lo spirito di pietá e innamorarli della frequenza dei sacramenti. Colla collezione dei dassici italiani e latini emendati e colla Storia d'italia e con altri libri storici o letterari volli assidermi al loro flanco nella scuola e preservarli da tanti errori e da tante passioni che loro riuscirebbero fatali pel tempo e per l'eternitá. Bramava come una volta essere loro compagno nelle ore della ricreazione, e ho meditato di ordinare una serie di libri amen che spero non tarderá a venire alla luce. Finalmente col Bollettino salesiano, fra i molti miei fini ebbi anche questo: di tener vivo nei giovanetti ritornati nelle loro famiglie l'onore dello spirito di San Francesco di Sales e alle sue massime e di loro stessi fare i salvatori di altri giovanetti» (circu
.
Encaminándonos hacia a la conclusión, es oportuno preguntarse de qué modo viene a colocarse la prensa de don Bosco en el más amplio cuadro de la prensa católica de aquellos años de la segunda mitad del Ochocientos. Es conocido el desarrollo de esta prensa, especialmente en su componente intransigente, en todas las regiones italianas. Es una prensa que se mueve en el ámbito de la tenaz oposición al Estado liberal y en la denodada defensa de los derechos «imprescriptibles» de la Santa Sede. Estos aspectos están ausentes de los escritos de don Bosco, a pesar de que en el Almanaque anual de las «Lecturas Católicas», titulado «Il Galantuomo», junto a noticias varias, datos, informaciones útiles, no faltaban frecuentemente algunos escritos de actualidad que se referían claramente a los problemas de la realidad social italiana y recordaban tonos familiares a la intransigencia católica. Se leía en el primer fascículo del «Galantuomo»: « ¡Pobre de mí! Yo oigo hablar todos los días de libertad e igualdad; y, mientras tanto, veo continuamente a señores que viajan en bellos carruajes, habitan en suntuosos palacios, se sientan a opíparas mesas; y yo — si por lo menos me encontrara solo, pero desgraciadamente somos muchos—, yo camino a pie, obligado a hacer servir la piel de mis calcañales como tacones de zapatos; todos los meses tengo que cambiar de casa, porque no puedo pagar el alquiler, y apenas logro disponer de un poco de polenta para dar de comer a mis cuatro hijos, cuya camisa les sirve de casaca, de camiseta y hasta de pantalón ».3°
Pero, más allá de estas realistas imágenes de un país marcado por profundos desequilibrios sociales, no hay en don Bosco ni en sus publicaciones aquel muestrario muy del gusto de la intransigencia católica. Don Bosco no lanza sus dardos contra el estado liberal y la monarquía de la casa de Saboya, no reivindica los violados derechos del Papa prisionero en el Vaticano. La mayor parte de los estudiosos de don Bosco subrayan que su posición es ajena a la política. Con todo, es indudable que no aparece completamente extraño al área de la intransigencia católica, a pesar de que estaba lejos de ciertas acentuaciones an
! tünstitudonales, y frecuentemente se mostraba propenso a la colaboración con las autoridades civiles. Pero su acción estaba también encaminada a conservar en torno a la Iglesia y a la parroquia a aquel mundo rural, que parecía marginado respecto a los problemas de la unidad nacional. En el fondo, don Bosco dirige sus publicaciones y se mueve dentro de la misma área del devocionalismo y de la piedad popular, es decir, en aquel contexto sociorreligioso en el cual operó el catolicismo intransigente. Hay que recordar que el movimiento católico decimonónico fue sólo parcialmente un fenómeno político. El catoli
lar reproducida en: Don Bosco a carattere di stampa, Roma, SDB 1985, p. 9-12; cf. también, en la misma obra, los dos ensayos de E. Frzzarn, Perché quella lettera circolare y Produzione editoriale di don Bosco).
'° [G. Bosco], Ai miei lettori, en «Ji Galantuomo». Almanacco nazionale pel 1854, p. 37.
císmo militante, en muchos aspectos, se encontró comprometido en un abanico de intereses y de actividades que, en realidad, no están muy lejos de los seguidos por don Bosco. No era una casualidad que, entre las múltiples actvidades de la Obra de los Congresos, no estuviera ausente el tema de la difusión de la «buena prensa».
De todos modos, se trata de una hipótesis aún por estudiar y verificar. Se trata, con otras palabras, de releer las vicisitudes del movimiento católico, teniendo presente esta excepcional presencia salesiana en la historia de la Italia católica del siglo XIX. Los estudios sobre el movimiento católico, los estudios sobre la historia social y religiosa de nuestro país, los estudios sobre la prensa católica en el Ochocientos — yo trato de resarcir daños — han olvidado hasta ahora la rica y estimulante presencia de don Bosco y de sus iniciativas, que marcan profundamente, no sólo la historia religiosa, sino también la historia de nuestra sociedad civil, la historia de nuestro país.3'
" Sobre este problema, se pueden leer las lúcidas observaciones de P. STELLA, Le ricerche su don Bosco nel venticinquennio 1960-1985, en: BRAMO (ed.), Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 373-377.
La musique creuse le riel.
La musique souvent me prend comme une mer.
Que no parezca irreverente este estremecimiento de Baudelaire. A lo largo de mi breve intervención se justificará. No he venido aquí a contaros lo que todos vosotros sabéis mejor que yo acerca de la disposición natural de don Bosco hacia la música, su formación en ese sentido, la obra de promoción que hizo de ella y su andadura. Estoy aquí para comunicaron las reflexiones y comparaciones que esa pasión musical me ha sugerido. Reflexiones y comparaciones que podrán parecer parciales, orientadas a llevar el agua de la concepción de don Bosco al molino de mi filosofía de la música; pero que, lo juro, han surgido de buena fe con el deseo de identificar los principios y conceptos que puedan servir de fundamento a la pasión de la que he hablado y el papel insustituible reservado por don Bosco a la música en la formación del hombre.
He leído en algún lugar que la música es uno de los siete (sic) secretos educativos de don Bosco. En realidad, a mí me parece que él la consideraba algo más y que tenía de ella aquella concepción totalizante que tuvo la filosofía romántica.
Si fuese así, no habría que asombrarse. Don Bosco vive en el corazón del siglo romántico, y no hay que excluir que los aún prohibidos Alpes llevasen hasta él un poco del clima y de la atmósfera que la grandiosa música alemana y no alemana y la reflexión que de ella hicieron los Hegel, Wackenroder, Hoffmann, Heine, Schelling, Schopenhauer, Schumann, Beethoven en los Cuadernos de conversación y por último, Wagner, crearon en Europa y en el mundo. Para aquella reflexión, la música es algo más que un puro ébranlement nerveux (Marcel): principio supremo de conocimiento, más aún, fuente de salvación, razón participativa que de algún modo consiente la experiencia del Absoluto y de la Totalidad, que por definición se prohibe a la razón objetivante. Antes que a Marcel hay que darle a ella «una universalidad que no pertenece al orden conceptual y esta universalidad es el secreto de la idea musical».
Así pues: Don Bosco es del siglo XIX, el siglo de la gran música y de la gran reflexión sobre ella (produce placer por una vez subrayar el deslumbra
miento en el Hegel de la Estética: parece exactamente que el pájaro de Minerva no esperó el crepúsculo para elevar su vuelo). Él respira la música con el... tiempo. Cuando nace don Bosco, Ludwig está en la plenitud de la madurez creadora; y aquel Richard ve la luz que las premisas beethovenianas arrastrarán hasta allá, más de lo que no será posible osar; y aquel Verdi nace para discutir al Lipsiense durante mucho tiempo el primado. No se puede imaginar que no le llegue a Bosco ningún temblor de aquel fervor creativo: de atmósfera, dije, a la que es imposible sustraerse. Prejuicios filosóficos y teológicos no podrán permitirle, parece obvio, hacer de la experiencia musical la experiencia, aquella a la que se revela la esencia; hacer de la música el templo de la Isis oculta, a cuya denudación de la verdad y descubrimiento del misterio sólo a sus sacerdotes les es dado asistir. Pero no le impedirán tenerla como primera entre las siervas, si bien sierva de la fe, razón participativa también ella: y ¡pocos secretos de la señora quedan ocultos para la sierva!
«Ne impedias musicam». Don Bosco parece convencido de que, como educación y vida coinciden, son igualmente inseparables educación, música y vida. De la música teme, sin duda, el poder demoníaco, y el episodio del violín hecho añicos lo demuestra. Pero más que a la música, parece temer su uso impropio: ella es fin y no medio, elevación del alma y no caricia de pasiones inferiores. Al contrario, si es música, es exaltación y purificación de pasión. Y si es grande, ¿para qué noche del alma podrá creer Tolstoj que es pecaminosa La Sonata a Kreutzer, una de las más puras criaturas de Beethoven?
«Ne impedias musicam», pues. Porque «un oratorio sin música es como un cuerpo sin alma».
Pietro Braido entiende de tal modo la fundamentalidad y el poder de la afirmación, casi como temiéndola y sintiéndose en la obligación de situarla en un contexto que la explica.
Yo he ido a ese contexto y me parece que, gracias a Dios, no se explica nada. Toda la obra de Juan Bosco, en el testimonio general de sus biógrafos, la información de una fe suya en la música, no como simple instrumento entre los instrumentos, sino como la atmósfera, el estilo, el ambiente y lo único posible es una acción positiva y una positiva reacción educativa. Lo que afirma el don Cenia de los Estados Unidos es la razón principal de esa afirmación. La salud se basa en el corazón y la imaginación de los jóvenes con el fin de ennoblecerlos, elevarlos y hacerlos mejores, no hay en realidad suficiente para justificarla. Don Bosco dice más. Dados que la música es el alma del oratorio, y el oratorio es la totalidad de la educación, y, por tanto, la música es, si me lo permitís, La historia y la protección del futuro educativo, la forma primera, el primer principio vital. La música, la educación, la falta, la respiración, el proceso de crecimiento, el fin de semana, la educación auténtica «desvelar», ante todo, «el reino de lo prodigioso y lo inconmensurable y el deseo nostálgico de lo infinito »(Los caracteres, según Hofmann de la música beethoveniana) no se pueden alcanzar.
La altísima consideración en que don Bosco tiene a la música explica tam
Bién es la seriedad con que él pretende que se enseñe. La aproximación. Música recreativa no significa para él música de mal gusto. No muy bien que ninguna música es recreativa sí no es creativa y que, por tanto, sólo la gran música recrea. El oratorio, el lugar de aprender gozoso y lúdico, el aprender, lo diré, el músico y el musical, es también el lugar que sabe cuáles son los vocales en las condiciones de proponerles los querubines, los Haydn, los Gounod, los Palestina, el lugar en que se enseña el gregoriano según la gran escuela solesmiana de los poithier y de los mocquereau, que visitan el oratorio y que no se enseñan en el lugar que surge un conjunto de música instrumental de alto nivel para un colaborar, hasta la del arzobispo, en las funciones religiosas, como para consagrar el encuentro de la instrumentalidad y la vocalidad, el significado de la conexión entre la palabra y el sonido, en la Fantasia per Coro pianoforte and orchestra op. 80, se llama hacerse la luz:
Wenn der Tóne Zauber walten und des Wortes W eihe spricht mufa sich Ehrliches gestalten Nacht und Sturme werden Licht.
Es el lugar que genera maestros como Cagliero, Costamagna, Dogliani, que no sólo tiene una producción propia óptima, sino que abren la puerta a los Donizetti, los Verdi, los Rossini. Es el lugar que tenemos que ver en una ocasión que no sea casi nepote »(el texto no está relacionado con el tema de la intemperie). Sí, si no es hija, seguro que sí es embajadora: cada vez que envía mensajes, los embajadores de Dios, don Bosco se preocupa de que entre ellos también un buen músico.
Escribe don Cenia: «Quien no haya oído ni siquiera a alguien que vivió en aquel tiempo en el Oratorio, ni se ha convertido en una idea de la pasión que hay que reiniciar para todo lo que era la música». El subrayado es mío, y vale la pena. Aquí don Cena abandona toda prudencia. Pasión dominante, dados. Y esto es grandioso. Grandioso y terrible. Y me asombra que el promotor de la fe no lo señalado y que la pasión dominante oratoriana y de don Bosco no figura en las animadversiones del proceso de beatificación ...
Fuera de toda broma, la realidad que don Bosco se hizo también, gracias a la música (como también mediante la música se encaminó hacia la santidad el jovencito destinado a ser el patrono de los Pueri Cantores). Había afirmado: «La música es un medio eficiente para sostener la moralidad y la santidad». Como el Goethe del testimonio de Mazzini, confía a la música el mismo papel que tiene la santidad: «el descubrimiento, y la vida en el mismo lugar, el mundo que los sentidos nunca lograrán nunca responder». La misma piedad, la misma humildad, la misma disponibilidad, la base de un proceso de consulta en el futuro. Fija
en el Reglamento: se excluye de la formación musical a aquellos «que fuesen negligentes en las funciones religiosas del Oratorio o que tuviesen notoria mala conducta». Aquí está, si parece que hay, y tal vez haya, una contradicción de fondo, es evidente que una vez más la alta estima de don Bosco por la música, realidad tan pura y tan grande que la insensibilidad religiosa y la grosería moral prohiben que se practique y se comprenda.
Es que en la visión de Don Bosco música es oración: no un leibniciano raptus animae se nescientis, ¡ay !, numerare, y mucho más que un schopenhaueriano exercitium methaphysices ocultus nescientis se filosophari animi:
También para don Bosco cantar es propio del que ama. El enamorado de Dios es el cantor de Dios: él lo alaba, lo admira, exalta y participa en su misterio. Y como se dice en el lugar del misterio participó, el canto Sagrado fue la más alta expresión de la música es también siempre y toda, en sus cumbres, sagrada. Entre los géneros musicales, el género sagrado es el propio de los que se maravillan sonriendo y gozan del corazón del hecho de que Dios sea mucho más grande que ellos »(Wackenroder). Gratias agimus tibi propter magnam gloriam tuam. No es casualidad que las pocas composiciones de don Bosco de que se ha dado cuenta en el principio de la alabanza, de la maravilla, de la admiración: Ah si canti in suon di giubilo, Lodato semper sia, Gloria, Magníficat. ¿Cuál es el cuidado de la sacralidad y la polifonía de Palestrina, los monumentos insuperables de un sentimiento de la sacralidad que se exalta en forma de canto. Se lee: Animaba (soy yo el que subraya) las clases con lecciones sobre el canto gregoriano y después se aprende de los internos el canto firme E ...] y no se permite que entrasen una parte de la escuela de la música si no se conocieron antes del canto gregoriano ». Las ejecuciones musicales y los cantos religiosos no se escuchan más que en Roma en la más grande de los templos del mundo. Despues de roma
«Pensad que con el canto divino alabáis a Dios y que los ángeles del cielo hacen eco a vuestra voz. [...] Un cantor no debería tener otro fin más que alabar a Dios y unir su voz a la de los ángeles».
Cantar es orar, y orar es asombrarse. Don Bosco lo entendió con aquel «al que Dios había cerrado el oído para que no hubiese más sonidos que los suyos» y que «coronó el mundo con una cúpula de música» (Rilke); aquel para el cual «Zum erstaunen sind wir da». Estamos aquí para admirar.
NOTA BIBLIOGRÁFICA: P. BRAMO, L'esperienza pedagogica di Don Bosco, Roma, LAS 1988; G.F. HEGEL, Esthétique, Paris 1984; R. COLOMBO, La musica, mezzo educativo in Don Bosco (Tesi di Magistero in Canto gregoriano), Roma 1982; E.T.A. HOFFMANN, Kreisleriana, Roma, Bibl. Unív. Rom. 1984; L. MAGNANI, Beethoven nei suoi quaderni di conversazione, Torino, Einaudi 1977; M. RIGOLDI, Don Bosco e la musica, Carugate 1988; A. SCHOPENHAUER, Scritti sulla musica e suite arti, Milano, Discanto 1981; G. SFORZA, Studi Variazioni Divagazioni, Pavia, La Goliardica 1978; W.H. WACKENRODER, Fantasie sulla musica, Milano, Discanto 1981; RM. RILKE, Quaderni di Malte Laurids Brigge, Milano, Garzanti 1974.
ORIGINALIDAD DE LAS MISIONES PATAGÓNICAS EN DON EOSCO*
Jesús BORREGO
Esta última comunicación oral del Congreso se refiere al quehacer misionero de don Bosco. Se ha escrito que intencionalmente su vocación — y hasta su estrategia — misioneras nacieron con él, con su vocación de apóstol de la juventud, pero temporalmente constituyó la etapa final de su proyecto «oratoHan°. »,' hecho realidad precisamente en las misiones de la Patagonia, la única experiencia gestada y vivida por don. Bosco — en sus hijos, se entiende — en tierras de misión propiamente dicha. Y la vivió, e hizo vivir, con tan entusiasmante entrega que, al medio año de llegar los salesianos a Argentina, aseguraba ya al prefecto de Propaganda Fide que, «expuesto el humilde proyecto [sobre la evangelización de la Patagonia], deseo consagrar los restantes días de mi vida a esta única misión», que es «el objetivo prioritario de la misión salesiana», «la empresa más grande de nuestra Congregación»?
Así pues, el objetivo prioritario de la misión salesiana, esculpido en su Testamento espiritual — «el mundo nos recibirá con complacencia mientras nuestra solicitud vaya dirigida a los salvajes, a los muchachos más pobres y en mayor peligro de la sociedad» — encuentra en las zonas misioneras «un lugar privilegiado donde logra su plena realización».3 Siendo la obra de don Bosco, en su origen y en la realidad, una institución esencialmente educativa, toda su con
* Esta comunicación fue redactada y leída en castellano por el autor (n.d.e.).
Annali, p. 245: Summarium... beatificationis et canonizationis, Servi Dei Joannis Bosco... Po-sitio super introductione causae..., p. 254.306.319.401.527...; MB II, 20; R. CASTILLO LARA, Il piccolo seme é diventato albero gigante, en: Centenario delle Missioni Salesiane 1875-1975 - Discorsi commemorativi, Roma, LAS 1980, p. 83; A. FAVALE, 11 progetto missionario di don Bosco, Roma, LAS 1976, p. 4-10.
2 E III, 61 (carta al card. Franchi, 10.5.1876); III, 34 (Súplica de don Bosco a Pío IX en favor de don P. Ceccarelli, párroco de San Nicolás de los Arroyos, 9.4.1876); IV, 14 (carta a don Fagnano, director de Carmen de Patágones, 31.1.1881).
3 Memorie dal 1841 al 1884-5-6 pel Sac. Gio. Bosco a' suoi figli salesiani [Testamento spirituale], en RSS 4 (1985) 127: MB XVII, 273; L. RICCERI, Le missioni, strada al rinnovamento, en ACS 267 (1962) 20. Respecto al término «salvaje» E. Cenia puntualiza: «Selvaggi sotto la peana di Don Bosco é termine comprensivo, indicando tutti gli abitatori del territorio patagonico, non piú tutti Irsdi alio stato selvaggio, il che spiega come si potesse sperare di trovar figli di Irsdi suscettivi di essere preparati al sacerdozio» (E III, 95).
cepción misionológica — advertía Alberto Caviglia — «asume su carácter y, sir más, su valor en el hecho de ser desarrollo y dilatación de la idea germinal, d( la que ha dimanado toda su multiforme actividad apostólica»: la idea de salvas la sociedad, también la infiel, «ante todo mediante la educación de la juventud y mediante el estilo y los medios concebidos para ella en el pensamiento pedagógico de don Bosco».4 Ello será su aportación específica, bajo la forma de «proyecto operativo», o «estrategia misionera ».5
Desde los albores de la aventura misionera — siempre como fondo la Patagonia — habla pomposamente de «nuevo proyecto», de «serie de proyectos que parecen fábulas o cosa de locos a los ojos del mundo, pero [...] Dios los bendice»; con lo que manifiesta que no se trata de un proyecto definitivamente estructurado, sino que, como siempre sucede en don Bosco, la elaboración y ejecución progresiva de iniciativas y proyectos se amplia y se enriquece ininterrumpidamente con su experiencia vital y con la de cuantos actúan con él en unidad de espíritu y de métodos.'
El llamado proyecto patagónico — ideado entre 1876-1879 basándose en sus conocimientos juveniles, estudios, «en el amaestramiento de la historia que tiene en cuenta cuanto otros han dicho o hecho», y hasta en la iluminación sobrenatural' — estaba definido con claridad sólo en su doble objetivo: evangelización' con la plantatio Ecclesiae en las Pampas y Patagonia, precedida de la ayuda, sobre todo espiritual, a los emigrados italianos. Este segundo objetivo, además de servir de trampolín natural para la penetración misionera en la Patagonia, significaría el medio más apto para radicarse los salesianos en el pueblo argentino, como luego en el uruguayo, brasileño, egipcio, iraní... Entremezclado el elemento nativo con el inmigrado, se escribirá uno de los capítulos más fecundos de la actividad salesiana."
A. CAVIGLIA, La concezione missionaria di don Bosco e le sue attuazioni salesiane, en «Omnis Terra adoret Te» 24 (Roma 1932) 5.
• 5 STELLA, Don Bosco 1, p. 174; P. PAESA, Planes y métodos en la evangelización de la Patagonia después de 1879, en: La expedición al desierto y los salesianos, 1879 (de J. BELZA - R. EN'TRAIGAS - C. BRUNO - P. PAESA), Buenos Aires, Ediciones Don Bosco Argentina 1979, p. 206-240; P. BRAIDO, Ilprogetto operativo di Don Bosco e l'utopia della societá cristiana, Roma, LAS 1982, p. 24
28; J. BORREGO, Estrategia misionera de don Bosco, en: BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 143202.
6 E LIÉ, 52.72 (cartas a don G. Cagliero, 27.4 y 3.7.1876); BRAMO, 11 progetto operativo...,
13.- 5.
' E 111, 257 (Memorandum al card. Franchi, 31.12.1877); FAVALE Il progetto, p. 4-14; MB I, 328.415; STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 168-169.
G. ROSOLI, Impegno missionario e assistenza religiosa agli emigrati nella visione e nell'opera di don Bosco e dei salesiani, en: F. TRANTELLO, Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, To
La originalidad del proyecto ideal se verá condicionada por su escasa experiencia misionera; se sirvió de la ajena. Durante el concilio Vaticano I
confiesa él mismo — varios obispos le pidieron «con insistencia la apertura de
una casa en Asia, Africa y América» y otros lo visitaron en Turín, como los de Santiago y Concepción — «la diócesis más meridional de la República Chilena», precisa —, a quien en julio de 1876 ya escribía pidiendo licencia para «intentar un experimento de anunciar el Evangelio entre los patagones y los
pampas» .5 Tuvo contactos personales y epistolares con grandes misioneros — Massaia, Lavigerie — y, particularmente con Comboni, quien visitó varias veces el Oratorio de Turín, le remitió su Moción en favor de los negros de Africa Central, presentada al concilio Vaticano I y le había dado a conocer su escrito fundamental — Plan para la regeneración de Africa, — que se reducía a crear en torno al continente africano un cinturón de institutos de educación para ambos sexos, donde pudieran vivir y trabajar los misioneros, tanto europeos como autóctonos. De tales institutos, formados jóvenes de raza negra, partirían hacia el interior grupos de personal masculino — religiosos, catequistas, maestros (artesanos, agricultores) — y de personal femenino — religiosas, catequistas, maestras, — grupos destinados a penetrar gradualmente en las regiones de Africa central y crear centros — familias, «misiones-colonias», comunidades que irradiasen la presencia del cristianismo y de la civilización.'" Don Bosco hace suyo el Plan comboniano, no ocultando, ya en agosto de 1876, que el método adoptado por él en la evangelización de la Patagonia «es idéntico al que intenta poner en práctica mons. Comboni en el centro de Africa».'1
Helo aquí hilvanado con pespuntes de textos complementarios, que muestran a simple vista, que la identidad con el plan comboniano pasa por su experiencia personal e institucional dé estilo inconfundible:
rino, SEI 1987, p. 289-329. La actividad salesiana, a la muerte de don Bosco registraba, aparte los centros misioneros de la Patagonia, diecinueve casas en Argentina, Uruguay, Brasil, Chile y Ecuador: parroquias, oratorios, escuelas para estudiantes y artesanos, internados, imprentas, librerías
(cf. STELLA, Don Bosco 1, p. 182-183).
9 La imprevista suspensión del concilio Vaticano I° impidió llevar a término la publicación del decreto sobre las misiones — Schema Constitutionis super missionibus apostolicis (MANSI col. 45-53) —, y las numerosas propuestas presentadas por los padres conciliares, en las que emergían las de la escuela, bajo formas diversas: necesidad de multiplicar las escuelas, los seminarios, las casas de formación para el clero nativo; urgencia del apostolado educativo en las zonas geográficas comprendidas entre Austria e India, entre las costas argelinas y Abisinia; exhortación al concilio de aprobar y recomendar al mundo católico la difusión de la Obra de las Escuelas cristianas de Oriente (MANSI DIE, col. 152-153.349.571-574). Peticiones de fundación: MB IX, 891-892; X, 546.626.658.732.739.769-771.1270-1272.1358-1375; E In, 79-80 (carta de don Bosco al obispo de Concepción, mons. José Hipólito Salas, 29.7.1876).
l° Con el card. Lavigerie: MB IX, 472. 734. 769-771. 940; MB IX, 888-889, carta, escrita desde Roma, el 30.7.1870, y en la que don Comboni le anuncia el envío de su Postulatum (MANSI LIE, col. 633-634). Cf. P. CinocaLETrA, Daniele Comboni:" Carte per l'Evangelizzazione dell'Africa, Bologna, EMI 1978, p. 215-233 (Piano...), p. 235-247 (Postulatum...).
" ASC 110 (1-Quaderno 8) Cronichetta-Barberis, p. 87.
«111 metodo che noi abbiamo adottato [...]: piantar case á confini e cercare di allevarsi un clero indigeno [...]. Fra 7 anni avremo come per certo missionari indigeni giá preti [...]. Noi possiamo [...] credere che si andrá avanti in queste missioni, perché cí attacchiamo alla gioventú povera [...] attaccarsi alla massa del popolo coll'educazione
della povera gioventü».12
«L'unico mezzo che pala atto a mettersi in esecuzione sembra sia il sistema di colonizzazione, impiantando van paeselli e piccoli forti sui confini, e qui cominciare ad aprire collegi, case d'educazione, ricoveri, ospizi ed orfanotrofi per fanciulli dei selvaggi, che siano affatto abbandonati, e per mezzo loro tentare poi col tempo il sistema di evangelízzare i Patagoni coi Patagoni stessi; poiché attirati i giovani, si potra coll'educazione dei figli farsi a diffondere la religione Cristiana anche fra i genitori».13
Apenas llegaron los salesianos a la Patagonia, «le prime loro sollecitudini furono dirette alla erezione di chiese, di case di abitazione, di scuole pei fandrilli e per le ragazze. Mentre alcuni si occupano cosi ad insegnare arti, mestieri e l'agricoltura alle colonie costituite, altri continuano ad avanzarsi tra i selvaggi per catechizzarli, e, se é possibile, fondare colonie nene regíoni piú interne del deserto. [...] Cose da farsi [...]: 1° Una prefettura o un Vicariato Apostolico [...]; 3° Formulare una proposta con cui, accettando le buone disposizioni del Govemo Argentino [aprile 1880], si assicuri lo stato religioso e civile degji Irsdi che vengono alla fede»."
Proyecto tácticamente ingenioso, análogo al que en su larga experiencia de educador y dirigente de obras educativa ha encontrado eficaz. Si bien en su
conjunto el proyecto resulta primorosa utopía, brinda los rasgos determinantes de su estrategia misionera.
Se me antoja el primer rasgo determinante. En el comportamiento de don Bosco se ve palpable — advierte Pietro Stella — que el Euntes in mundum universum docete omnes gentes «no es sólo objeto de conocimiento y de fe [mandato apostólico], sino un mandato de misión jurídica, solicitado y obtenido
Está tomado de una larga conversación con don Barberis, 12.8.1876 y en ella dejó el meo
llo de la estrategia misionera. ASC 110 (1-Quad. 8), Cronichetta-Barberis, p. 75-76.87. Resumido en MB XII, 279-280.
" G. BARBERIS, La Repubblica Argentina e la Patagonia, en «Letture Cattoliche» nn. 291-292 (1877) 93-94. Es reflejo de lo dicho por don Bosco a los salesianos el 6.6.1876 (MB XII, 221223), al card. Franchi el 10.5.1876 (E III, 58-60) y el 31.12.1877 (E III, 257.261) y lo escrito en BS
2 (1878) 11, 1-2. Rememorado por el mismo don Barberis, Resoconto delle missioni salesiane. Atti del 1° Congresso Intemazionale dei Cooperatori Salesiani tenutosi in Bologna al 23-25 aprile 1895, Torino, Tip. Salesiana 1895, p. 196-197.
14 E III, 569.573-574: Memorkle intorno alle missioni salesiane, a Leone XIII, 13.4.1881. A finales de marzo de 1882 manda otro Memorandum «All'Opera della Propagazione della Fede a
Lione» — «Relazione completa salle missioni patagoniche» — y expone su estrategia (E IV, 123-127).
del Papa, padre de toda la familia de los creyentes», y que se transforma en «una motivación de su trasplante a América», convencido de que con la inserción de su Sociedad en el movimiento misionero, ésta adquiría una «realidad mucho más vasta, proporcionada al campo de apostolado misional ofrecido
por la Iglesia a la actividad salesiana»" en Argentina.
Ante las ofertas de los obispos conciliares y las instancias africanas de
Comboni, sopesadas las fuerzas — sugiere don Bosco — se prefirió Argentina «principalmente porque nuestra Congregación está en sus comienzos». Lo que para él significaba: cercanía en «costumbres, cultura, lengua» — sin olvidar la religión — y «el hecho de que allá los suyos no se encontrarían aislados sino entre amigos, entre innumerables compatriotas con los que se podría crear un clima análogo al de la patria lejana»." Es decir, a factores de vecindad, paisanaje y apoyo afectivo se unían razones más profundas de evangelización del
prójimo por cercanía cultural y por deber de solidaridad.
Además, en él sur argentino merodeaban «sus» salvajes, los pampas y pa
tagones, en los que le pareció descubrir — tras arios de estudio «serio y diligente», de presagios e informaciones — a los vistos en el sueño tenido entre 1870-1872, a los que, por si fuera poco, desde el lejano 1848, consideraba los pueblos «más abandonados»17 de la tierra, ya que, aún a finales de 1875, no había «penetrado la religión de Jesucristo, ni la civilización, ni el comercio; donde ningún pie europeo logró hasta hoy dejar huella alguna» y «donde el
gobierno, si lo hay, cuenta poco»."
Narrado el sueño en plena euforia patagónica (julio-agosto 1876), entonces
no sabe a eufemismo retórico la confesión de don Bosco a don Barberis: «He vivido más de 60 años sin haber oído mencionar apenas el nombre de la Patagonia, ¡y quién me iba a decir que me vería obligado a estudiarla ahora, palmo a palmo, en todas sus circunstancias! ».'9 En mayo ha expuesto a Propaganda Fide su proyecto patagónico, que incluye «la creación de una Prefectura Apostólica», y Propaganda, que poseía «conocimientos muy vagos de estos lugares»,20 le exige un amplio Informe sobre dicha zona. El Informe — intitulado
1-5 MB XII, 14; STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 169-170; FAVALE, Il progetto, p. 21-29.
16 MB XI, 384; BARBERIS, La Repubblica Argentina, p. 182; STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 171.
17 En el sueño le pareció encontrarse en una región completamente desconocida — luego con su estudio «serio», e informaciones, sabría que se trataba de Patagonia: MB X, 1267-1273 — en la que salvajes crueles mataban a misioneros de diversas Ordenes religiosas, los descuartizaban, clavando los trozos de carne en sus lanzas; luego aparecieron los misioneros salesianos que se acercaron a «los salvajes con rostros alegres y precedidos de una falanje de jovencitos», con el rosario en mano, acogidos benévolamente y escuchados (MB X, 53-55). En cuanto a ser «los más abandonados» (MB III, 363), cf. J. BORREGO, Primer proyecto patagónico de don Bosco, en RSS 5 (1986)
43-47.
" MB XI, 385-386 (plática de despedida a la 1' expedición).
ASC 110 (1-Quad. 7) Cronichetta-Barberis, 17.5.1876, p. 55-56.
20 EDI, 58-60 (Memorandum al card. Franchi, 10.5.1876). Barberis el 15.5.1876 anota en su Cronichetta: «Secondo le spiegazioni che mi diede dopo a voce questo lavoro é per mandarsi a
La Patagonia e le terne australi del Continente Americano, descubierto en 1983 — está basado, según propia confesión, «en los autores más serios qué han tratado este tema». Cita a D'Orbigny, Lacroix, Guinnard, Daily, V. Quesada, Ferrado, junto con las «Lettere Edificanti», la revista «Museo delle Missioni Cattoliche» y «particularidades de cartas escritas por nuestros misioneros ya desde su campo de trabajo». Tras una información minuciosa de la Patagonia física, histórica, antropológica y religiosa y de sus escasos experimentos evangelizadores, como conclusión ofrece su «estado presente» — con noticias atendibles sobre la lamentable situación sociorreligiosa — y su «Nuevo Proyecto» para realizar una experiencia evangelizadora en la Patagonia?' Es el documento más extenso del pensamiento misionero de don Bosco, que refleja, sin duda, la Patagonia tal como era conocida en Europa en 1876.
Estas ansias de saber patagónico no se apagarían jamás. Son patentes en sus informes a la S. Sede o Propaganda, en su correspondencia y en artículos del Bollettino Salesiano, donde desde 1881 al 1884 aparecerán actualizadas las tres primeras partes del Informe, recogiendo las aportaciones de los recientes exploradores: Luis Piedra Bueno (1859), Ernesto Rouquaud (1872), Francisco Moreno (1878) y Giacomo Boye (1883).23 Lo reflejó en la conferencia dada el 14 de abril de 1883 a la Sociedad Geográfica de Lyon, que le otorgaba «la medalla de plata por sus benemerencias en el campo de la ciencia geográfica tal como se entiende en nuestro tiempo, es decir, como contribución al estudio y al progreso de los hombres y de las cosas en países extranjeros». Algunos geógrafos y científicos han considerado toda esta labor patagónica de don
Roma alfa Congregazione di Propaganda poiché il Sto Padre affidó al Sig. D. Bosco doé al Salesiani la cura spirituale di quelle regioni, non phi ancor corse da alcuna missione. La Congregazione di Propaganda non ha nessuna cognizione — [«nozioni assai vaghe», atenúa en E IIL 58] di quei luoghi; ed ora si lavora per erigerla in Prefettura Apostolica». ASC 110 (1-Quad. 7), p. 49.
21 G. Bosco, La Patagonia e le Terne Austral' del Continente Americano, Torino 1876. Manuscrito de 164 páginas, con fecha y firma autógrafos de don Bosco. Ha sido descubierto en 1983, en la biblioteca de la Pontificia Universidad Urbaniana de Roma, por el salesiano p. Ernesto Szanto, que lo ha publicado en facsimil con traducción castellana: E. SZANTO, La Patagonia y las Tierras Australes del Continente Americano. Presentación, traducción y notas del «Proyecto Patagonia Don Bosco». Bahía Blanca, Archivo Histórico Salesiano de la Patagonia Norte 1986. Edición crítica por J. BORREGO, en RSS 7 (1988) 255-418.
22 E III, 58-60 (Memorandum a Propaganda Fide, 10.5.1876), 275 (Otro del 31.12.1877), 569574 (Relazione... a Leone XIII, 13.4.1881). Significativas las cartas escritas, en agosto-septiembre 1885: E IV, 313, 328 (a mons. Cagliero, 102. y 6.8.1885), 333 (a don Costamagna, 10.8.1885), 334 (a don Fagnano, 10.8.1885), 336 (a don Tomatis, 14.8.1885), 339s (a don G.B. Allavena, 24.9.1885), 341 (a don L. Lasagna, 30.9.1885).
23 BS 4 (1880: nn. 2.4.5.6.9.11); 5 (1881: nn. 4.7.10); 6 (1882: n. 4); 7 (1883: mi. 2.4.9.); 8 (1884: nn. 1.4.7.10). Sobre G. Boye, MB XVII, 454. 644. Cf. J. BORREGO, Primer proyecto patagónico, p. 32-35. Para todo esto: J. BEI.ZA, Sueños patagónicos, Buenos Aires, Instituto de Investigación Histórica Tierra del Fuego 1982.
Bosco la primera aportación «científico»-geográfica de las misiones salesianas.24
Es uno de los dos reproches fundamentales, que se hacen, apenas muerto don Bosco, a su estrategia misionera, cuando, por el contrario, plasma su rasgo más original.
«El rasgo original de la fisonomía salesiana — recordaba el card. Baggio es la opción de clase, una opción constante, coherente, indeclinable que se mueve entre las dos paralelas de los pobres y de los jóvenes [...]. En los lugares de misión esto es de una claridad meridiana»; opción mantenida por don Bosco desde el quinto consejo a los primeros misioneros hasta su Testamento espiritual: «A su debido tiempo tendremos misiones en China [...] mas no olvidéis que vamos para los muchachos pobres y abandonados», prioritaria-mente, y «con ellos para un pueblo entero». Sobre el terreno comprobarían que no existía otro camino para preparar una plebs christiana.26
La evangelización y plantatio Ecclesiae, fines específicos de toda animación misionera, lo fueron también para don Bosco. La evangelización propia y directa se hace dominante fin salvífico-religioso en sus discursos de despedida a las expediciones misioneras y en su correspondencia epistolar. Sus salesianos sacerdotes, coadjutores y hermanas — son «enviados» a «anunciar la palabra
de Dios», a «propagar la fe», a «llevar», «promulgar», «dilatar el Evangelio entre los pampas y patagones». Sufrirán al no poder ofrecer en su plenitud el
24 MB XVI, 69; XVIII, 31-32.637. Considerado «científico» por Alberto De AGOSTINI, Don Bosco geógrafo, BS 84 (1960) 6-8; D. GRIBAUDI, en «Bollettino della Sodetá Geografica Italiana» (1961) 312; P. SCOTTI, Missioni Salesiane: contributi geografici, en: Missioni salesiane 1875-1975. Studi in occasione del centenario, Roma, LAS 1977, p. 267. Sin olvidar los discursos en ocasión de la fundación de la ciudad de Brasilia («Agen7ia Missionaria Salesiana» 1960/1) y su «XXV Anniversario» 12-14 dicembre 1985 a Roma.
26 Las misiones salesianas de la Patagonia. Su labor durante los primeros cincuenta años. Bahía Blanca 1930, p. 54-56; G.B. FRANCESIA, Francesco Ramello, chierico salesiano, missionario nell'America del Sud, S. Benigno Canavese, Tip. e Lib. Salesiana 1888, 117: «Alcuni osservano che D. Bosco, che le sue missioni in America non consistino ormai che in aprir Collegi e far Ospizi...». Entre ellos el escalabriniano p. Pietro Colbachini, quien escribía a un sacerdote de Vicenza el 28.2.1887: «I Salesiani di Rio, di S. Paolo, dí Montevideo, Buenos Aires, e tutti i Salesiani del mondo non si occupano di missione, eccetto pochi della Patagonia [...]. Essi vengono a fare da maestri e da prefetti dei collegi di arti e mestieri che tengono in queste partí: 1 una grande missione, ma é in tutto diversa da quello che dai piú si persa...» (M. FRANCESCONI, Inizi della Congregazione scalabriniana L1886-1888i, Roma, CSE 1969, p. 104).
26 MB XI, 381; XVII 273; Annali I, p. 243; S. BAGGIO, La formula missionaria salesiana, en: Centenario delle missioni salesiane..., p. 43; L. RICCERI, Il progetto missionario di Don Bosco, en: Ibid., p. 14.
mensaje evangélico, debiendo «atenerse a las cosas más esenciales del catecismo».27
Supuesto esto, «el fulcro de la acción y el principio vital de la misionología salesiana es — en sentir de Alberto Caviglia — la redención de los infieles por medio del ministerio educativo entre la juventud y la niñez [...]. Donde la miá:5n es salesiana al lado y junto al ministerio sacerdotal [anuncio directo del mensaje evangélico] ha de existir el ministerio y magisterio de la escuela Todas las casas salesianas — [parroquias, oratorios, de enseñanza, técnica, profesional, agrícola, de orientación laboral] — son una escuela [...] un instrumento especifico de penetración cristiana».28
De acuerdo que la escuela, más o menos valorada, nunca permaneció ajena a la actividad misionera. Don Bosco mismo hará escibir en las «Letture Cattoliche» que la obra evangelizadora de los misioneros en Latinoamérica cotizó mucho el «educar a la juventud — [aunque sabemos que no a toda] — y abrir cuantas escuelas pudieran para instruirla»; y procurará recalcar que «en cada reducción [jesuita] había dos escuelas: una para los rudimentos básicos de letras, la otra para la gimnasia y la música» 29 Pero en don Bosco sabe a novedad la escuela porque no constituye un elemento más o menos utilizable, sino que la función educativa «forma parte de la organización y de la estructura de la actividad misional»: «Tniciada una misión extranjera — precisa en su "Testamento espiritual" — esfuércense en crear escuelas»,3° con el acompañamiento consabido: iglesias, viviendas, internados, residencias, hospicios de beneficencia, facilitando simultáneamente «entre los indios el conocimiento y la práctica de las artes, de las profesiones, de la agricultura» y «el comercio», «de la ciencia, la moralidad y la civilización».
La referencia, sin embargo, a módulos clásicos no resulta mera repetición mucho menos en las zonas misioneras, — al insertarlas en la perspectiva global, fundamentalmente humanístico-cristiana, que caracteriza todo su proyecto operativo. Y, en efecto, para don Bosco la garantía máxima de conseguir una Patagonia cristiana y civilizada está en formar, entre la juventud — como en Europa — «buenos cristianos y honrados ciudadanos». Se lo revela a los exaluimos del Oratorio en el encuentro anual de 1884:
«Quando [...] le migliaia di fanciulli saranno raccolti nei nostri collegi, i loro prin
27 MB XI, 390. Baste pensar a las pláticas a la primera (MB XI, 383.387) y tercera expedición (MB XIII, 375); a su correspondencia (E III, 261.331.572-574.606 con nota 22); a los artículos en
BS 4 (1880) 11; 5 (1881) 6; 7 (1883) 7; 10 (1886) 7 y 8; 12 (1888) 1; L. CARBAJAL, La Patagonia -Studi general!' - Serie Quarta..., vol. IV, S. Benigno Canavese, Scuola Tip. Salesiana 1900, p. 150151.
28 CAVIGLIA, La concezione missionaria, p. 8-10.12.20.24-26.
29 G.B. LEMOYNE, Fernando Cortez e la Nuova Spagna, en «Letture Cattoliche» nn. 279-280(1876) 37-44; C. CHULA, Da Torino alla Repubblica Argentina. Lettere dei missionari salesiani, en «Letture Cattoliche» nn. 286-287 (1876) 208.
30 MB XVII, 273; CAVIGLIA, La concezione missionaria, p. 8.
cipii saranno quelli stessi che voi avete imparati nell'Oratorio. In un secolo cosi poco curante di religione, essi puye faran vedere al mondo come si possa amar Iddio ed essere nello stesso tempo onestamente allegri: essere Cristiani e nello stesso tempo onesti e laboriosi cittarlini».3'
Este binomio clásico de don Bosco — «honestos ciudadanos y buenos cristianos» — lo traduce, en perspectiva individual y social misionera, al no menos repetido en los años 80: «evangelización y civilización», «bien de la humanidad y religión», «religión y verdadera civilización». Evidentemente, para él se trata de la «civilización cristiana», persuadido de «que no hay civilización fuera del catolicismo, la única religión verdadera», la cual «santifica, unifica y civiliza a los pueblos». Pone, pues, en evidencia el concepto, entonces en boga, de sociedad civil por cristiana — en el caso patagón: de sociedad civilizada por evangelizada — en cuanto constituida como tal en fuerza de la asimilación de la cultura de los pueblos civilizados y, en concreto, de la civilización europea occidental, forma histórica del cristianismo.32
Para actuar esta empresa misionera, desde siempre don Bosco contó con todas las fuerzas vivas de su familia religiosa. Los cooperadores, calificados por él «co-apostóles de la Patagonia», — frente externo de hombres y mujeres, en el antiguo y en el nuevo Continente — son el apoyo moral, espiritual y hasta material33 de la gran empresa, en la que — proclama — «todos, todos — sacerdotes, estudiantes, artesanos y coadjutores — podéis ser obreros apostólicos» 34 Desde la primera expedición, en ninguna faltarán a la cita los salesianos coadjutores — que don Bosco llama significativamente «catequistas» — y entre los ocho pioneros de la Patagonia (en enero de 1880) — cuatro salesianos y cuatro Hijas de Maria Auxiliadora — iba un coadjutor, sin cuya presencia, acrecentada de inmediato, además de la labor catequística y educativa, «habría sido imposible realizar tantas obras» de tipo social, como «la enseñanza de la agricultura con las artes y oficios más corrientes» 35
31 Festa di Famiglia, en BS 8 (1884) 8, 113; 5 (1881) 10; 7 (1883) 5; 8 (1884) 4; 9 (1885) 1, 11; 11 (1887) 2; E DI, 572.577.606.615; IV, 129.238-239.289; L. CARBAJAL, Le missioni salesiane nella Patagonia e regioni magellaniche — Studio storico-statistico, S. Benigno Canavese, Scuola Tip.Salesiana 1900, p. 53-54.71-72.166.
32 E III, 331 (Audiencia con León XIII, 23.3.1878), 576-577 (carta a don F. Bodratto, Inspector de América, 15.4.1880); IV, 364 (carta a un cooperador, 1.11.1886); BS 3 (1881) 2, 3; (Conf. a los Cooperadores de Turín, 20.1.1881); R. ENTRAIGAS, Los Salesianos en la Argentina,vol. III, Buenos Aires, Editorial Plus Ultra 1969, p. 84-85; BRAIDO, Il progetto operativo, p. 24-26.
33 Riquísima fuente su Epistolario sintetizada en E IV 360-363, arcolare ai Cooperatori Salesiani, Tocino 15 ottobre 1886; BS 10 (1886) 3, 32 (Tre pensieri di Don Bosco ai Cooperatori,21.1.1886); 4 (1880) 1; 10 (1886) 10. La praxis es seguida en América: «La missione di Mons. Cagliero in Concezione [del Chile] era terminata: aveva giá fondato il Taller de S. José, aveva giá formato quel gruppo di Cooperatori, che é quasi una necessitá per ogni casa salesiana, perché abbia vita e riceva incremento...» (Monsignor Cagliero nel Chili, en BS 11 (1887) 9, 111).
34 MB XII, 141.626 (Conf. a los salesianos de Valdocco, 19.3.1876).
" CHULA, Da Torino, p. 28.30.36-37: «Don Bosco diede loro il titolo uffidale di catechisti»;
Elemento caracterizante en la estrategia misionera de don Bosco es la presencia temprana y numerosa de la religiosa, Hija de Maria Auxiliadora, — entonces todavía no usual en la Iglesia, — causando estupor en la opinión pública bonaerense por «tratarse de la primera vez [...] que se ven monjas en aquellas remotas tierras australes», y siendo, a poco, calificada su presencia de «verdadera providencia», ya que sin su actuación «no se habría podido hacer el bien hecho a la mujer y a las muchachas» patagonas. Entra, pues, en su proyecto sistemático la ardiente exhortación (ya en 1885): «Todas las solicitudes de los salesianos y de las Hijas de Maria Auxiliadora vayan dírigidas a promover vocaciones eclesiásticas o religiosas, tanto para hermanas como para salesianos »36 en las zonas misioneras.
He aquí una de sus intuiciones fundamentales. «En una época en la que las misiones, no sólo católicas, eran con frecuencia la avanzada del colonialismo europeo — ha matizado el prof. Scoppola — don Bosco intuye que la obra de evangelización de la Iglesia no echará profundas raíces en las tierras de misión si no llega a formarse un clero indígena estable».
Aleccionado por su prolongada experiencia de educador cristiano, don Bosco está convencido de que también en los países de misión los jóvenes, recibida «una educación científica y cristiana», constituirán «el instrumento más apto para atraer a los adultos a la fe y dar a la sociedad patagónica su nuevo rostro cristiano y civilizado» y «los patagones evangelizarán a los mismos patagones».3' Desde 1876 se aventura a pronosticar que «el proyecto de formar misioneros indígenas parece ser el bendecido por el Señor», por lo que «den
BS 9 (1885) 11, 165; CARBAJAL, Le missioni salesiane, p. 39-40. A la vista de Patagonia, en efecto, don Bosco promete al arzobispo de Buenos Aires «que, cuanto antes, cada pueblo de ambas márgenes del río Negro tendrá su sacerdote y maestro; que en Carmen de Patagones se establecerá un asilo para Indios y otro para chinas [sic], a cargo de nuestras hermanas, Hijas de María Auxiliadora; y que, en lo sucesivo, zarparán para Patagones hermanos coadjutores que enseñen la agricultura con las artes y oficios más corrientes» (carta a mons. Aneiros, 13.9.1879: cf ENTRAIGAS, Los salesianos 111, 85). Hasta la muerte de don Bosco trabajaron en la Patagonia 19 «salesianos laicos o coadjutores» (cf. CARBAJAL, Le missioni salesiane, p. 41.61.71-72).
36 «Ancora all'inizio del secolo XIX era quasi inconcepibile pensare di associare le suore altro de siete años contaremos ciertamente con misioneros indígenas».
missionari; íl loro inserimento ha quasi di prodigioso Le prime suore italiane furono le Francescane missionarie d'Egitto nel 1859» (M. LUDOVICI, II movimento missionario in Italia nel secolo XIX, Milano 1952, p. 315-334). «A los misioneros salesianos se unen esta vez las también dignas hijas de don Bosco, las hermanas de la caridad del instituto de Maria Ausiliatrice [...]. Es la primera vez que se verán hermanas [...] en aquellas remotas regiones, y sus dulces maneras, su caridad proverbial contribuirán sin duda muchísimo a la conversión de los indios a la religión católica, única verdadera» (Los verdaderos héroes del desierto, en el diario bonaerense «La América del Sur», 4 (1880) 1152). Cf. C. BRUNO, Los Salesianos y las Hijas de kl° Auxiliadora en la Argentina, vol. I, Buenos Aires, Inst. Salesiano de Artes Gráficas 1981, p. 201s.; BS 3 (1879) 11; 7 (1883) 2; 8 (1884) 4; MB XVII, 305; E IV, 333. A la muerte de don Bosco habían recibido instrucción religiosa unas 6000 muchachas: cf. CARBAJAL, Le missioni salesiane, p. 63-64.
"MB XII, 659; XVII, 299-305; E III, 59.90.257.320.456.569; IV, 124; BS 9 (1885) 1, 3; P. SCOPPOLA, Commemorazione civile di Don Giovanni Bosco nel centennial della sua morte, Torino 30 gennaio 1988, Rome, Tip, Don Bosco 1988, p.22.
After this period, his correspondence remains a fatherly insistence, expressed in his spiritual Testament: "Open a house abroad ... constantly strive to awaken vocations to the ecclesiastical state, or Sisters among the girls." Don Bosco did not see his dream come true when he had Indians in his ranks, but "whoever contemplates it," he continued excitedly, "can assure us that this point is an epoch, and a great epoch, in the history of the missions"? 8
4 The Salesians "did not form true" reductions "in the style of the Jesuits of Paraguay"
Second recriminatory reproach of his Patagonian strategy. However, it was not because I did not dream about it, to devise. what and, in a certain sense, try. In the acculturation of the pampas and patagones, Don Bosco was enthusiastic about the evangelizing method practiced by the Jesuits in Paraguay, familiar to the colonization and Hispanic evangelization in America. It recalled - always in Don Bosco's feeling - "the method of the medieval missionaries, who, in converting the Germanic peoples, identified the conversion of those savage peoples with political formation and with the development of the same country - [ie , the old idea of "reductio ad Ecclesiam et ad politicam et humanam vitam"; thus the Jesuits, in Paraguay], establishing little by little reductions or Christian parishes, organized a kind of independent state,
Adapted to the Argentine enclave, Don Bosco transforms it into the suggestive Patagonian project, presenting it in April 1876 to the Foreign Minister of Italy, to implant, in an area of the Atlantic coast between the Negro River and the Strait of Magellan, a colony totally Italian - with "language, customs, Italian government", - based on the conviction, acquired by "erroneous information", that there was no "neither housing, nor port, nor government with any right".
36 E 111, 90 (Appello per la 2 'spedizione missionaria, 25.8.1876), 95 (letter to Don Cagliero, 12.9.1876); ASC 110 (1-Quad 8); Cronichetta-Barberis, 12.8.1876, 75; MB XVII, 273; note 22. Don Bosco did not see the dream come true, although, in 1900, in the aspirant of Bernal (Buenos Aires) there were "twelve young men from the areas of Río Negro [...] two of whom are children of Indian parents" ; and the salesianas counted in Viedma and Patagones with "several young professed Indian girls [.J. Some of the Patagonia were teachers and missionaries in other places, distant from those who saw them being born "(see CARBAJAL, Le missioni salesiane, pp. 63-64.104). Without forgetting that the cause of beatification of the youngest son, Ceferino, of the cacique Manuel Namuncurá is introduced. R ENTRAIGAS, The young man of the Earth. Ceferino Namuncurá, Buenos Aires,
»CHIALA, Da Torino, p. 207. Description of the reductions of Paraguay, which concludes: "II Muratori conforms with a single parola questa Repubblica Cristiana intitolandola [...]. 11 cristianesimo felice [...]. Or malizia dell'umana specie! Perché non lasciar vivere in pace chi to quest'ora avrebbe resa felice tutta the meridional part of America »(page 215).
The following month he proposed to the prefect of Propaganda Fide "to establish there an Apostolic Prefecture, which in case of necessity exercised ecclesiastical authority over the pampas and the Patagonians", and motivated the proposal also in the fact that "in that vast region [. ..] no authority, civil or ecclesiastical, could extend its influence or dominion [...] not belonging for the time being to any diocesan Ordinary nor to any regime of civil government »."
In spite of receiving from his "American" children the warning that it was a "good but here inopportune and impossible" project, reason why prudence recommended "deferring it for better times", Don Bosco - even acknowledging the error - will continue to believe that "The system of colonies" was "the most appropriate means to reduce [Patagonia] to a Christian and civilized people", and will never lose sight of the regular erection of one or several Vicariates, judging it essential to "consolidate, in a stable manner, the spreading of the Gospel "with the culmination of the plantatio Ecclesiae, and" to give even greater strength to the civilizing work among those peoples, being [the Apostolic Vicariate] center of the present colonies "41 and future.
With the erection of the Vicariate of Northern and Central Patagonia (1883) and of the Apostolic Prefecture of Southern Patagonia (Malvinas Islands and Tierra del Fuego), Don Bosco finally sees that his devised project of offering "a God, to the Church, to the Society the Christian and civilized Patagonia », organized socially: - starting from the reduction of the Indians to basic communities, villages and colonies; - with its own and native staff «a large number of priests, catechists and sisters» - and with sufficient material means indispensable for social life and divine worship »; - and counting on abundant «stations», «fixed residences of missionaries», without which «the full evangelization and civilization of those dispersed tribes is almost impossible» .42
4 ° E III, 44-45 (Memorandum to Melegari, 16.4.1876), 60 (Memorandum to Card Franchi, 10.5.1876); BORREGO, First Patagonian project, p. 24-39.
41 ASC 126.2, letters to Don Bosco by Don Fagnano, 2.3.1876; of Don Cagjiero, 5-6.3.1876, and of Malvano, secretary of Melegarí, 18.8.1876: "Rispetto al progetti di colonizzazione in Patagonia il Minister if riserva di pensarci ancora [...]. That tiebra in questi ultimi tempi l'antica controversy tra il Chil.ie l'Argentina for the part of the rispettivo domain in quelle regioni, parrebbe quindi prudent thing di differire ogni disegno fino a tempi migliori ».
42 BS 10 (1886) 10, 113; 8 (1884) 7, 94; 11 (1887) 2, 15; 12 (1888) 10, 123. Expresa claramente las condiciones requeridas para constituir en el mundo indígena convertido un estable «pueblo cristiano» al anunciar la ida de mons. Cagliero: «Mons. Cagliero in Patagonia non troverá nulla di quanto abbisogna all'eserciz' io del pastorale ministero e alla formazione di una cristianitá [...]. Dovrá pertanto fabbricare, se non delle chiese, almeno delle cappelle in varii punti del suo Vicariato e fornirle di sacri arredi; dovrá nei luoghi piú popolati e centrali erigere ospizi per ricoverare giovanetti, onde poterli pin facilmente ammaestrare ed incivilire, e per mezzo loro gettare solide fondamenta di una popolazione cristiana, e ridurre alla fede i padri coll'aiuto dei figli; dovrá crearsi almeno un seminario, per formarsi dei sacerdoti indigeni, che a suo tempo
«Con una buena dosis de imaginación — observa P. Braido — se hubiera deseado encontrar de nuevo en don Bosco la ansiada utopía de una "sociedad cristiana", que coincidiera con la nación patagona evangelizada, versión más creible que "la sociedad cristiana", ideada en 1876, trasplantada de Italia. Pura fantasía. Al norte y sur del Trópico de Capricornio existían presupuestos históricos, políticos y culturales, y de una y otra parte del Océano tales esquemas mentales hacían simplemente absurda semejante concepción».43
Baste pensar que por las mismas fechas, en las que, sin darlo a conocer al Gobierno argentino, se erigía el Vicariato (1883) y hacía su ingreso en el el Vicario Apostólico (1885), el 1 de enero de 1885 se producía el total sometimiento indígena del sur argentino. Desde entonces los grupos indígenas subsistentes — menguados notoriamente por falta de lo indispensable, por la emigración forzada y voluntaria (su congénito nomadismo), por las enfermedades — cesaron de ser fuerza militar, motivo de molestias, obstáculo a la colonización, que sería forjada por elementos de dispares nacionalidades — con americanos convivieron italianos, españoles, alemanes, rusos, franceses —, a los que ya el presidente Sarmiento invitaba a sentirse «no extranjeros», sino «habitantes» del país. Los salesianos, encarnados en la realidad establecida, ejercieron benéfico influjo entre inmigrados y aborígenes.
Es cierto que el presidente Roca prometía a don Bosco protección ininterrumpida para las misiones patagonas, que «ocuparían siempre el puesto de las empresas civilizadoras»; pero la nueva política colonialista, seguida con los grupos aborígenes por todos los Estados latinoamericanos, se esforzará por «civilizarlos» e «integrarlos» a la cultura nacional, por lo que «jamás [...] Roca ni las Cámaras — delataba don Milanesío, misionero salesiano in situ — habrían consentido [...] ni, una vez planteado, favorecido [...] el sistema de los reverendos padres jesuitas en el Paraguay, a manera de reducciones independientes y bajo completo gobierno de los misioneros»."
En dos únicos casos — con los grupos onas de la isla de Dawson (misión de San Rafael) y de Río Grande (misión de la Candelaria), ambos en la Tierra del Fuego — los salesianos pudieron aplicar, en parte, el «sistema de reducción». Para los demás — insiste don Milanesio, — «si se quiere hacer algo positivo por su educación [...] no pudiendo reducir a los indios con el sistema de reducciones ni establecer escuelas entre ellos, tuvieron que limitarse a visitarlos en sus chozas y grupos donde se hallaban» (intensificando las "misiones volantes"), aprendano la direzione delle nuove parrocchie [...]; dovrá insomma ordinare il suo Vicariato in modo che [...] si salvino le anime»: BS 9 (1885) 1, 3-4.
" BRAMO, Il progetto operativo, p. 27-28.
44 E III, 572.634 (carta del presidente Roca a don Bosco, 10.12.1880); IV, 238-239 (carta a Roca de don Bosco, 31.10.1885); MB XVI, 379; D. MILANESIO, Notas históricas, t. XII (arch. Bahía Blanca, R. 1 [12] M, p. 11-13): cf. BRUNO, Los Salesianos I, p. 191-192; CARBAJAL, Le missioni salesiane, p. 16ss; R. ROJAS, El profeta de la Pampa. Vida de Sarmiento, Buenos Aires, Editorial Losada 21948, p. 637-638.
ampliar las residencias fijas, a abrir casas en las colonias y centros de población, adonde acudían los aborígenes. Y así en el caso de Patagonia la plantatio Ecclesiae por la acción de los salesianos, históricamente no se limitó al sólo hecho edesial, sino que resultó parte fundamental de su historia civil, de su desarrollo cultural y estabilización socia1.45
5. Perspectivas de futuro
A la muerte de don Bosco su obra en Latinoamérica se asentaba ya en Argentina, Uruguay, Brasil, Chile, Ecuador. Su proyecto operativo misionero, utópico en su concepción global, se reconocía válido en algunos elementos que la historia salesiana se ha encargado de reivindicar. Se indican como pistas de investigación:
1) La Congregación salesiana, desde siempre, consideró y considera tan dentro de su misión juvenil y popular la actividad misionera que «le missioni estere» aparecían (hasta 1966) en el artículo 7 de las Reglas, como una de las obras apostólicas «en pro de la juventud, especialmente pobre y abandonada». Las Constituciones renovadas (1972) vuelven a subrayar (art. 24), en la actividad misionera, «la formación de los jóvenes»; señala el Capítulo General Especial, como característica peculiar de dicha acción, «la educación liberadora de la juventud», que el art. 30 de las actuales constituciones (1984) transforma en la obra — «rasgo esencial de la Congregación» — que «moviliza todos los recursos educativos y pastorales típicos de su carisma».46
2) La aplicación, «en toda su amplitud, del sistema educativo en las misiones — recomendado encarecidamente por Pío XI a don F. Rinaldi, Rector Mayor, — a saber, de sus planes, medios y espíritu», harían de la institución de don Bosco — en sentir del jesuita, J. Grisar — «un estimable factor en la gran obra de las Misiones católicas».47 Y, reseñados los contenidos y modalidades de la acción salesiana misionera, reflejan— con una carga mayor de connatural promoción humana — los que don Bosco realizó proporcionalmente en todas sus obras educativo-pastorales en régimen de «civilización cristiana» europea, pues para él «la cristiana Europa es la gran maestra de civilización y de Catolicismo». Si bien su intuición tenaz de contar con clero indígena, garante de una plantatio Ecclesiae estable — sostieñe el prof. 'Scoppola, — «contribuirá a un cambio de mentalidad en la obra misionera, que, en los decenios más próximos a nosotros, dará una aportación importante al mismo proceso de descolonización y un comportamiento nuevo de la cultura europea frente a las culturas del Tercer Mundo ».48
45 Annali I, p. 415; BS 11 (1887) 1, 3s; P. PAESA, Planes y métodos, p. 214-236; BRUNO, Los Salesianos I, p. 488-493; E. SzANTo, Solidaridad de la Iglesia con los indígenas - Documentario patagónico 1, Bahía Blanca, Archivo Histórico de la Patagonia Norte 1988, p. 30-44.
46 Atti del Capitolo generale 20 (1971-1972), nn. 472-476.
ACS 19 (1923) 77; J. G1USAR, Die Missionen der Salesianer Don Boscos í.tl, Wien, Verlag der Salesianer Don Boscos 1924; cf. BS 49 (1925) 300-301.
3) Es obvio que en la estrategia misionera de don Bosco faltaron en su visual los problemas más imp.ortantes y arduos inherentes a las relaciones entre evangelización, aculturación e inculturación. En su proyecto la dimensión propiamente misional implica extender el reino de Dios «en las regiones de los Pampas y de la Patagonia, donde un pueblo inmenso espera [...] con la civilización la salvación eterna». Mas las exigencias impuestas por la supremacía de la cultura y de la política colonial en don Bosco se ven atenuadas por los conceptos mitigados de civilización y sociedad cristiana, de cultura y «estado salvaje», que jamás aceptarían la fórmula propuesta por el poder Ejecutivo argentino al Congreso en su mensaje anual de 1876: realizar «una cruzada contra la barbarie hasta conseguir que los moradores del desierto acepten, por el rigor o la templanza, los beneficios que les brinda la civilización».49
Pese a tener que esperar a muy entrado el siglo veinte para hablar de «encarnación» del Evangelio en las culturas étnicas, los salesianos, desde su primer encuentro con los indios — o, en general, con otros pueblos o culturas dieron pruebas de «saber desarrollar insospechadas dotes de percepción y adaptación», de hacer esfuerzos de inculturación y de poseer — «salvo siempre excepciones fruto de iniciativas individuales y arbitrarias — aqüella humanidad y respeto al modo de vivir de los otros que está en la base del sistema educativo salesiano», cimentado en la razón, religión y amabilidad: «Conviene, por tanto, — sugería don Bosco en 1885 — tratar [a los aborígenes] con dulzura, tomarse a pecho su bienestar y, en particular, ocuparse con solicitud de sus hijos»... «Con la dulzura de San Francisco de Sales los salesianos llevarán a Jesucristo las poblaciones de América»."
4) Es obvio también que mentalidad diversa, vicisitudes ligadas a la contemporánea conquista militar de algunas regiones — todavía en vida de don Bosco — obligasen a los misioneros, «por amor o por fuerza», a soportar situaciones, que hoy no aceptaríamos." Pero nunca les faltaron la humanidad y el respeto, fundamento de toda pretendida cultura y ciencia. Por supuesto, en los inicios la actividad cultural del misionero salesiano «no es el estudio sino la transformación de los indios y de la región que habitaban, el aprendizaje de sus lenguas y, con frecuencia, la exploración de tierras desconocidas, la descripción de sus usos y costumbres». Luego llegarían también — en caudal apreciable — las «aportaciones científicas de las misiones salesianas».52
" MB XVI, 385; SCOPPOLA, Commemorazione civile, p. 22.
" BS 1 (1877) 4, 1; BRAMO, II progetto operativo p. 24-26; A. PADILLA, Presidencia Avellaneda - Vicepresidencia Mariano Acosta (1874-1880), en: R. LIVILLIER, Historia Argentina IV, Buenos Aires, Plaza y Janés de Argentina 1968, p. 2957.
" MB XVI, 394; BS 8 (1884) 1, 17; 8 (1884) 7, 101; STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 185.
" ASC 273, cartas de don Costamagna a don Bosco, 27.4.1879; de don Fagnano a don Lasagna, 3.3.1887; BS 3 (1879) 5, 5; 5 (1881) 10, 8; 6 (1882) 4, 67; 8 (1884) 1, 8; Missionari salesiani in partenza: «Nelle spedizioni falte dai governi, eziandio per fine di civilizzazione, si preparano fucili, spade, cannoni, torpedini, ma nelle spedizioni religiose non vedete un'arma sola che rechi la morte, ma quella che porta la vita! Ed é la croce che conquista le nazioni a Dio e alla civiltá» (BS 9 [1885] 3, 36).
5) Es cierto, en fin, que se hablará de salvar almas o personas más que de salvar pueblos con su historia, su cultura, su derecho a un espacio vital. Hoy, por el contrario, desde el «proyecto Africa» hasta la confederación shuar, la metodología misionera salesiana — teniendo en cuenta cada pueblo y su entorno cultural, — puede verse radiografiada en el proyecto educativo pastoral - a actuar entre los yanomamis, — que «pretende entablar un diálogo entre la cultura yanomami y otras culturas [por supuesto, la cristiana] para que realicen una síntesis [...], puedan ser protagonistas de su propia historia»."
La credibilidad de don Bosco fue tan absoluta, que no dudó en vaticinar (1876) al método un futuro halagüeño: «Con el tiempo será adoptado también en las demás misiones. ¿Cómo hacer diversamente en Africa y Oceanía?». Y los salesianos e Hijas de María Auxiliadora que hoy trabajan en América, Asia, Africa y Oceanía — como los de ayer y hoy hicieron y hacen en Europa — se esfuerzan por ofrecer a la Iglesia, «sobre todo mediante la educación de las nuevas generaciones y el interés por los problemas juveniles [...], junto con el mensaje evangélico, el espíritu, la misión, el método educativo y las opciones preferentes de la Congregación ».54
R FARINA, Contributi scientifici delle missioni salesiane, en: Centenario ¿elle missioni salesiane... Discorsi, p. 97-141. Se trata de una magnífica síntesis, con abundante bibliografía, hasta 1979.
" Pastoral Amazónica — Semana de estudos missionarios, Campo Grande 5-10 Sept. 1988, Roma, Dicastero per le Missioni Salesiane 1988; Veinte años con los yanomamis (Entrevista a sor Isabel Equillor, HMA), BS (español) 101 (1988) 6, 28.
" ASC 110 (1-Quad. 8) Cronicbetta-Barberis, 12.8.1876, p. 87; MB XII, 280. El Proyecto de vida de los Salesianos de Don Bosco. Guía de lectura de las Constituciones salesianas, Madrid, Editorial CCS 1987, p. 337-338.
María Fe NÚÑEZ MUÑOZ
Los sondeos de investigación realizados hasta el presente, en torno a los orígenes de la literatura salesiana en España habían quedado fijados, después de la publicación del libro de Ramón Alberdi, Una ciudad para un Santo,' en las noticias que sobre la obra salesiana difundieron, de forma más o menos sistemática, la «Revista Popular» de Barcelona, dirigida por el P. Félix Sardá y Salvany, y el opúsculo' del entonces obispo de Milo y auxiliar de Sevilla, Marcelo Spínola y Maestre, titulado Don Bosco y su obra, publicado también en Barcelona en 1884.2 Quedaban, no obstante, algunos puntos por esclarecer, ya que en las Memorias biográficas se hacía constar la existencia, en España, de otro centro de difusión de noticias salesíanas, aún en vida de don Bosco, distinto del de Barcelona, centro que encarnaba el arzobispo de Sevilla mons. Lluch y Garriga.3 La procedencia de esta información, su naturaleza y contenido reclamaban, sin duda, una investigación aún no realizada, que concretara fechas y higares así como también personas, a las que atribuir la originalidad de las fuentes y los motivos de la difusión.
El vacío de información indicado estimuló mí interés, eligiéndolo como tema de participación en este Congreso, a fin de contribuir, aunque sólo sea con el esclarecimiento científico de un aspecto apenas relevante, a la elaboración de esa Historia que desde la figura gigante de don Bosco se puede hacer o se está haciendo, del entorno y del mundo que le fueron contemporáneos.
Los limites de espacio y tiempo del estudio se perfilaban claros, de acuerdo con los objetivos establecidos previamente: La archidiócesis de Sevilla, sede del cardenal Lluch y Garriga y los años de su estancia en ella: 1877-1882. Pos¬teriormente amplié los límites cronológicos de la investigación hasta 1888, año en el que, con el fallecimiento de don Bosco, quedaban acotados los objetivos del estudio, ya que la literatura salesiana posterior correspondería a la difusión del espíritu y de la obra que el Santo dejaba tras de sí.
1 R. ALBERDI, Una dudad para un Santo. Los orígenes de la obra salesiana en Barcelona, Barcelona, Ediciones Tibidabo 1966, p. 69-81.
2 Don Marcelo Spínola y Maestre, obispo de Milo y auxiliar de Sevilla en 1881, de Coña en 1884, de Málaga en 1886 y, finalmente, arzobispo de Sevilla en 1895 y cardenal en 1905, publicó su libro sobre Don Bosco y su obra en Barcelona en 1884. La edición que he consultado es la tercera, publicada en Sevilla en 1947, en las Escuelas Profesionales Salesianas de Artes Gráficas. Sobre don Marcelo Spínola, puede consultarse el libro de J.M.* JAVIERRE, Don Marcelo de Sevilla, Barcelona 1963.
3' MB XV, 321.
La archidiócesis de Sevilla durante la segunda mitad del siglo XIX se honró con prelados de gran talla, entre los que cabe destacar durante los años de 1877 a 1882, de acuerdo con los objetivos de nuestro estudio, a mons. Joa¬quín Lluch y Garriga, a cuyo intenso celo pastoral debe la Congregación sale¬siana su carta de naturaleza en suelo español.4
La Sevilla eclesiástica de la Restauración, sin embargo, adolecía aún de la carga de conservadurismo que la edad y la formación de los prelados que ha¬bían ocupado su sede le habían imprimido, habiéndose convertido de algún modo, ya desde la segunda mitad del siglo, en bastión del tradicionalismo, cuya defensa mantuvieron incansablemente, entre otros, el canónigo sevillano Francisco Mateos Gago y el catedrático y publicista católico, León Carbonero - y Sol, fundador y director de la revista confesional «La Cruz», órgano oficioso de la jerarquía y de una iglesia española que intensificaba su proceso de roma¬nización y que encontró en Sevilla el lugar idóneo para su nacimiento y despe¬gue.5
Los aires de bonanza en las relaciones Iglesia-Estado que corrieron en los primeros años de la Restauración borbónica,6 permitieron a mons. Lluch cuando ocupó la sede híspalense desarrollar una eficaz labor de acogida y pro¬tección de las órdenes y congregaciones religiosas que, o bien surgían como
4 Mons. Joaquín Lluch y Garriga nació en Manresa (Barcelona), el 22 de febrero de 1816 y falleció en Umbrete (Sevilla), el 23 septiembre de 1882. Ingresó en la Orden carmelitana, en el convento de Barcelona, en 1830. Exiliado poco después de España, a causa de la política religiosa de los gobiernos de la Regencia de María Cristina, pasó al convento de Lucca (Italia), donde estu¬dió Teología y desempeñó diversos cargos dentro de la Orden. Reanudadas las relaciones diplo¬máticas entre España y el Vaticano, regresó a Barcelona, donde permaneció realizando una im¬portante labor pastoral hasta que fue preconizado para Canarias en 1858. Trasladado diez años después al obispado de Salamanca y nombrado en 1874 obispo de Barcelona, fue promovido al arzobispado de Sevilla en 1877, donde falleció tras ser nombrado cardenal, en 1882. Cf. J.M. GA¬RULA, Biografía del excmo. e Ilmo Sr. D. Fr. Joaquín Lluch, Madrid 1880; G. WESSELS, Specimen Supplementi, Roma 1927; M.F. NÚÑEZ MUÑOZ, La Iglesia y la Restauración (1875-1881), Santa Cruz de Tenerife 1976, p. 95, nota 64.
5 M. CARBONERO Y SOL, Don León Carbonero y Sol, director de La Cruz, reseña biográfica: «La Cruz» 1 (1902) 276-345; J.M. TEJEDOR, Carbonero y Sol, León, en: Diccionario de historia eclesiástica de España, 1, Madrid, CSIC 1975, p. 344-346.
6 Cf. M.F. NÚÑEZ MUÑOZ, La Iglesia y la Restauración, p. 361.
respuestas de la Iglesia a las nuevas demandas o necesidades de los tiempos y an
de la sociedad, o bien trataban de regresar a Epaña, as en la amplia
interpretación que, al respecto, se empezó a darla la legalidad concordada.' En este sentido, se consignaba en el «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado de Sevilla», con motivo de la apertura de un convento de carmelitas en Jerez de la Frontera: «Fija la idea de nuestro venerable Prelado en la erección de estos centros de santidad y de saber, procuró por todos los medios posibles, apenas tomó posesión de la Silla híspalense, ver realizados sus trascendentales pensamientos».8
En consonancia con esta actitud de acogida y de entrega pastoral, tan pronto como mons. Lluch tomó posesión de su diócesis, empezó la visita de la misma, como lo refleja el «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado», a fin de conocer y poner remedio a las necesidades eclesiásticas y religiosas más urgentes. La ciudad de Utrera, sede posteriormente del primer colegio salesiano de España, recibía la Visita pastoral del prelado del 13 al 23 de enero de 1879,9 conociendo durante la misma la deteriorada situación socio-política y religiosa del pueblo, por lo que trató seguidamente, en lo que estaba de su parte, de ponerle remedio mediante fundaciones religioso-docentes, que atendieran a la educación de los niños y jóvenes más pobres y necesitados. A este fin se orientaron el establecimiento en Utrera de las Hermanitas de la Cruz y las gestiones realizadas por el marqués de Casa-Ulloa con los misioneros Hijos del Inmaculado Corazón de María, para que también éstos fundaran un colegio en dicha ciudad.'°
Las dificultades, sin duda provindenciales, encontradas por el prócer utrerano para cumplir su objetivo, permitieron al arzobispo Lluch orientar la elección del marqués de Ulloa hacia la Congregación fundada por don Bosco 879, , in-al que el propio prelado se dirigió con fecha 7 de junio vitándolo a enviar salesianos a Utrera, de acuero con las condiciones que ofrecía el citado marqués en unas propuestas queda djuntaba."'
Aunque no ha quedado constancia documental de la solución del Consejo general salesiano sobre la consulta que don Bosco le hizo al respecto, así como tampoco de la respuesta delegada de don Cagliero al arzobispo Lluch, es evidente que hubo cierta diligencia por parte de don Bosco en esta primera actuación, ya que apenas transcurrió un mes entre la petice ro ió el dn formulada por el prelado a don Bosco y la carta que Lluch dirigió a Ca tia 3 e julio, agradeciéndole las esperanzas que se le habían dado de atender sus deseos, y el anuncio de la visita que el mismo don Cagliero prometía realizar a Sevilla en el siguiente mes de octubre.
7 Ibid.
8 «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado de Sevilla» 1.083 (1880) 241. En adelante, lo citare: BOAS. La primera cifra se refiere al número correspondiente.
9 BOAS 1.018 (1879) 41-43.
10 M. MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera en España. Una Institución al servicio del Pueblo, Sevilla 1981, p. 55-62.
11 Sobre la carta de mons. Lluch y las p ro es'c'ores presentadas al prelado hispalense por el marqués de Casa-Ulloa, cf. MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 63-66.
El arzobispo expresaba también su alegría al pensar que su amada diócesis sería, en breve, «la primera en España en poseer a los salesianos».L2
La visita de don Juan Cagliero, acompañado del coadjutor Rossi se efectuó en enero de 1880, no sin antes haber puesto a prueba la paciencia y el interés de mons. Lluch, que reiteró a don Bosco la petición del establecimiento de los salesianos en su diócesis, por cuantos medios directos e indirectos estuvieron a su alcance, con tal de conseguir su objetivo.D
Cerradas el 30 de enero las negociaciones de la primera fundación salesiana de España, esta fecha debió significar para el prelado hispalense, «el gran padre de los salesianos» como lo denominaba Cagliero," la consecución de una meta muy deseada, que sólo quedaría consolidada cuando, establecidos en Utrera, los hijos de don Bosco pusiesen en práctica, en bien de los jóvenes más pobres y necesitados, el sistema pedagógico del Fundador.
Don- Bosco ratificó lo pactado en Sevilla por don Cagliero, mediante una carta dirigida al arzobispo Lluch y otra al marqués de Casa-Ulloa, fechadas ambas el 26 de febrero siguiente, en las que prometía enviar a sus hijos a Utrera para octubre del mismo ario 1880.15 La preparación de una expedición misionera para América del Sur, de la que tuvo que ocuparse Cagliero, retrasó unos meses la fecha prometida para la llegada de los salesianos a Sevilla, ya que debieron partir por mar, juntamente con los misioneros, en enero de 1881, desembarcando en Gibraltar la noche del 11 de febrero los seis religiosos que debían quedarse en España, a los que acompañó hasta su instalación el propio don Cagliero.
Las dificultades para la entrada en la colonia inglesa, así como el conocimiento que allí se tenía de la obra salesiana, y la hospitalidad dispensada por el vicario capitular de Gibraltar, mons. Narciso Pallarés, hasta que pudieron embarcar de nuevo para Cádiz tres días después, están recogidas tanto en las Memorias biográficas como en la carta que Cagliero dirigió a don Rua con los pormenores del viaje.
12 ASC 38 Utrera. Atti per la fondazione. Lettera dell'arcivescovo di Siviglia a don Cagliero del 3-VII-1879, citada por MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 66-67, cf. nota 10.
13 Mons. Lluch, cuando vio que estaba para terminar el mes de octubre sin recibir noticias de la anunciada visita de don Cagliero, se dirigió de nuevo a don Bosco con fecha 24 del mismo mes
de octubre, solicitándole una explicación del silencio y la demora. Es posible que, simultáneamente, escribiese a Lucca, a la marquesa de Citadella, a fin de que rogara a don Bosco, cuya estancia en Lucca conocía por la prensa, que tuviera en cuenta la petición que le había hecho, de que los salesianos se estableciesen en su archidiócesis. Cf. MARTÍN GONZALEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 68-69.
14 Cf. MARTÍN GONZALEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 97.
IS Ibid., p. 101-102. La respuesta de Lluch a don Bosco, de 10 marzo de 1880, agradeciendo su carta y su promesa, se conserva en: ASC 126 Lluch: Lettera dell'arcivescovo di Siviglia, mons. Lluch y Garriga, a don Bosco, del10-.1111-1880.
' Finalmente, la tarde del 16 de febrero de 1881, Utrera recibía con inmenso júbilo a los primeros salesianos que se instalaban en España, ofreciéndose de este modo la tierra andaluza como campo abonado para que fructificara la obra de don Bosco, y se convirtiera en la espléndida realidad, que es hoy, la consigna que el Santo les diera de forma profética al despedirlos en Marsella: Propagad la devoción a María Auxiliadora»
El establecimiento de los salesianos en la archidiócesis hispalense no podía reducirse únicamente a unas negociaciones concertadas entre el arzobispo Lluch y un noble católico sevillano por una parte, y don Bosco .y su delegado don Cagliero por la otra, sin que la archidiócesis y el pueblo concreto de Utrera, para el que se reclamaba la presencia de los salesianos, tuvieran una información adecuada y suficiente sobre la Congregación a la que pertenecían los religiosos, su carisma e, incluso, sobre la fama de santidad que aun en vida rodeaba a su Fundador.
Consciente mons. Lluch de la necesidad de activar este importante aspecto antes de la llegada de los salesianos a Sevilla, se convirtió, según afirman las Memorias biográficas, «en gran propagandista de la fama de don Bosco, publicando en la "Revista diocesana" una historia del Oratorio, documentada en el "Boletín Salesiano", en el que don Juan Bonetti comunicaba a los lectores, desde enero de 1879, con pinceladas magistrales, noticias sobre el Oratorio de don Bosco, que fueron después recopiladas en un volumen, con el título de Cinco lustros de historia del Oratorio de San Francisco de Sales».'s
El hecho de la propaganda del arzobispo, que aparece evidente según las Memorias, plantea, al menos, dos interrogantes: En primer lugar ¿cómo había conocido mons. Lluch a don Bosco? ¿por qué medios le había llegado la fama de su obra hasta el punto de desear tan ardientemente que los salesianos se establecieran en su diócesis? En segundo lugar, y una vez convertido en propagandista de la fama de don Bosco ¿a qué «Revista diocesana» se alude en las Memorias biográficas? ¿cuál era el contenido de la información que trasmitía? y, finalmente, ¿qué criterios de selección existía para la publicación de tales noticias?
Trataré de responder a los interrogantes planteados con los resultados dela investigación que he realizado, los cuales, desde ahora quiero adelantar, son de muy distinta naturaleza e importancia, ya que las respuestas sobre las fuentes, cauces o medios de información que pudo tener el arzobispo Lluch se sustentan más en publicaciones ya existentes o en hipótesis de difícil comprobación, que en datos inéditos.
" MB XV, 321-322.
" MARTÍ GONZALEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 155.
18 MB XV, 321-322.
Por el contrario, las aportaciones que ofrezco como respuestas al segundo bloque de interrogantes, considero que constituyen el aspecto fundamental de este estudio, ya que, pese a lo reducido de su campo temático, esclarecen una ambigüedad y deshacen un error desde la verificación documental.
Los interrogantes antes formulados, que constituyen el contenido de este primer apartado, me llevaron a plantearme el origen del conocimiento que mons. Lluch tenía de don Bosco, y cuáles habrían sido los medios, las fuentes o los cauces por los que la fama de don Bosco había llegado al prelado hispalense, hasta el punto de hacer que su admiración por él se tradujera en conseguir ser el primero en establecer una casa salesiana en su diócesis y, con ello, en España.
Las respuestas a estas dos preguntas están íntimamente unidas, ya que no es seguro que mons. Lluch conociera personalmente a don Bosco, como parece deducirse de la correspondencia que medió entre ambos. En la carta enviada por Lluch a don Bosco desde Sevilla, con fecha 10 de marzo de 1880, agradeciéndole la aprobación de la fundación de Utrera negociada por don Cagliero, escribe textualmente: «Mis achaques de salud continúan impidiéndome el reposo. Cuando pueda emprender mi anhelado viaje a Roma le avisaré a Vd. con tiempo y fijaremos con antelación cuanto se refiere a nuestro encuentro en Turín».'9 Es sabido que el encuentro no llegó a efectuarse porque la salud del prelado continuó empeorando, hasta el punto de no poder efectuar ni el viaje a Roma para recibir el capelo, al ser promovido al cardenalato en 1882.
Si descartamos el conocimiento personal, cuanto Lluch supo de don Bosco tuvo que ser necesariamente, a través de los ecos de su obra y de su fama de santidad, por lo que cabría preguntamos únicamente quién trasmitió esos ecos y qué cauces le llevaron su fama.
Es probable que el arzobispo hispalense conociera la obra salesiana a través de la correspondencia con la marquesa de Citadella, residente en la ciudad italiana de Lucca, donde Lluch estuvo exiliado tras su salida de España como religioso, a causa de la politica liberal durante la regencia de Doña María Cristina,' y donde los salesianos estaban establecidos desde junio de 1878.21 Avala esta hipótesis la afirmación que don Cagliero hacía en la carta que envió a don Bosco desde Utrera, en enero de 1880, cuando se encontraba en dicha ciudad con motivo de su viaje a Sevilla para preparar la fundación: «Nos conoció [Cagliero se refiere a Lluch] por medio de los periódicos de Lucca, y por la correspondencia con la Marquesa de Citadella de aquella ciudad» 22
19 Mons. Lluch y Garriga a don Juan Bosco, Sevilla, 10 de marzo de 1880, ASC 126, 1 Lluch: Lettera dell'Arcivescovo di Siviglia, mons. Lluch y Gamga, a don Bosco, del 10-17I-1880 da Siviglia, en: MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 101-102.
20 Doña María Cristina de Nápoles ocupó la Regencia del trono de España durante la minoría de edad de su hija doña Isabel II, desde 1833 a 1840, después del fallecimiento de su esposo, don Fernando VII.
Prueba de esta correspondencia y envío de periódicos desde Lucca es también la carta escrita a don Cagliero por don Marenco, director del colegio salesiano de dicha ciudad, interesándose por la fundación de Utrera a requerimiento de la citada marquesa de Citadella, a quien, a su vez mons. Lluch había escrito para rogarle que, con motivo de la estancia de don Bosco en Lucca, que conocía por la prensa italiana, explorara directamente el ánimo del Fundador respecto a la petición que le tenía hecha de establecer a los salesianos en su diócesis para, en caso de que estuviera propicio, dirigirse de nuevo directamente a él.23
El cauce de información de Lucca, con ser importante no debió, sin duda, ser el único ya que, aún dentro del terreno de la hipótesis, es probable que en años anteriores, durante los viajes realizados por Lluch a Roma en función de sus deberes apostólicos, tales como la visita ad limina en 1863, siendo obispo de Canarias, o la participación en el Vaticano I como obispo de Salamanca, hubiera tenido ocasión de conocer más de cerca noticias sobre don Bosco y su obra, muy extendidas ya en esas fechas por Italia, e incluso, conocerlo personalmente.24
La prensa francesa, aunque de forma esporádica, también debió servir al prelado de medio de información, ya que en alguna carta del arzobispo Lluch y del marqués de Casa Ulloa dirigidas a don Bosco y a don Cagliero, existen alusiones a noticias que la prensa francesa insertaba sobre la obra salesiana. Así en la carta que desde Sevilla envió Lluch a don Bosco en marzo de 1880, el prelado escribe: «agradezco los periódicos que me han mandado desde Marsella que ya he recibido»,25 y en la dirigida por el marqués de Ulloa a Cagliero, aquél afirma: «Como todo lo que se refiere hoy a la Congregación de San Francisco de Sales nos es de tanto interés, hemos tenido mucho gusto en leer la relación que da el Diario de Marsella que Ud. me envió, de la reunión de los Cooperadores de aquella ciudad, y con el mismo veremos todo cuanto se refiera a Vds. y pueda comunicarnos ».26
21 MB XI, 411; MIL 678.
22 Cagliero a don Bosco, Utrera 28 enero 1880. Citada por MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 89-90. Cf. nota 10.
" La carta de Marenco a Cagliero, sin fecha, cabe datarla hacia octubre de 1879, en relación con la carta que también mons. Lluch dirigió a don Bosco el 24 del mismo mes, inquieto por la falta de noticias acerca del prometido viaje de los salesianos a Sevilla, en el mes de octubre. Cf. MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 68-70.
24 A. MARTÍN afirma, en su libro, que Lluch tuvo ocasión de oír directamente en el aula conciliar, durante las sesiones del Vaticano I, el panegírico que sobre don Bosco y sus salesianos hizo Mons. Comboni. Cf. MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 117.
" ASC. 126,1. Lluch: Lettera dell'Arcivescovo di Siviglia, mons. Lluch y Garriga, a don Bosco, de110-111-1880 da Siviglia (citada en: MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera).
Otras publicaciones francesas, de carácter no periódico, como expondré en el siguiente apartado, fueron utilizadas en Sevilla no sólo como fuentes de información sino también como medios de difusión en España de la obra salesiana y de la fama de santidad de su Fundador.
No obstante lo expuesto, el medio informativo por excelencia que sobre don Bosco tuvo el prelado hispalense debió ser el «Boletín Salesiano», que se enviaba desde Turín a partir de enero de 1879 a todos los Cooperadores. La noticia del primer número del mismo que llegó a manos de mons. Lluch aparece en la carta que el arzobispo dirigió a don Bosco desde Sevilla, en octubre de 1879: «Hoy me ha llegado el n° 7 del Boletín Salesiano, que es el único que he recibido. ¿Se habrán perdido los otros números?»
Constituido por don Cagliero el primer núcleo de Cooperadores en Utrera, con motivo de la fiesta de San Francisco de Sales de 1880,28 es de suponer que, a través del «Boletín salesiano», el conocimiento de la obra del Oratorio de Turín y de su prodigiosa expansión llegara también a los utreranos, preparando el camino para la llegada a la archidiócesis andaluza de los hijos de don Bosco.
A partir del establecimiento de la comunidad salesiana de Utrera, el arzobispo Lluch y todos cuantos de algún modo tuvieran relación con los religiosos contaron además con un medio excepcional de información sobre la obra de don Bosco: la comunicación oral que los salesianos harían de forma espontánea, con la fuerza convincente de la propia experiencia.
El segundo bloque de interrogantes al que trata de responder este estudio se orienta al conocimiento de los órganos o medios de difusión que utilizó el arzobispo de Sevilla, mons. Lluch y Garriga, para dar a conocer a sus fieles el carisma de la recién fundada Congregación salesiana y, en consecuencia, los motivos que lo habían impulsado a ofrecerle un campo de trabajo en su diócesis.
Es obvio que esta difusión tuvo que empezarla Lluch a partir del momento en que concibió la idea de establecer a los salesianos en Andalucía y pudo tener casi la certeza de su realización. La petición del arzobispo a don Bosco el 7 de junio de 1879, y la respuesta esperanzadora recibida antes de transcurrido un mes desde Turín,29 fijaron el límite cronológico del comienzo de mi trabajo: el año 1879 a partir de su segunda mitad.
26 ASC 38 Utrera. Atti per la Fondazione, p. 131-132; cfr. nota 2.
27 Ibid., p. 68.
" MARTiN GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 96.
Asimismo, la indicación de las Memorias biográficas acerca del órgano utilizado por mons. Lluch para su labor de propaganda, orientó mi investigación hacia el conocimiento de la «Revista diocesana» que en ellas se cita,3° encontrando que esta denominación podía corresponder a dos publicaciones distintas: el «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado de Sevilla» y «La Revista Católica» de la misma capital. El análisis del contenido de ambas publicaciones periódicas, en lo que a noticias salesianas se refiere, constituye el objeto de este apartado.
2.2.1. El Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado de Sevilla
El Boletín eclesiástico hispalense debe su fundación e impulso inicial al arzobispo de Sevilla, Judas José Romo,' quien confió su dirección al prestigioso catedrático y publicista católico, León Carbonero y Sol, durante sus primeros años.32 La periodicidad de la publicación, que en sus comienzos fue quincenal y posteriormente mensual, la encontré que era semanal durante los años que había acotado para mi estudio. Estos años, que había limitado en principio al período de preparación y establecimiento de los salesianos en la diócesis de Sevilla (1879-1881), los amplié después hasta 1888 por considerar que era precisamente la noticia del fallecimiento de don Bosco, la que debía marcar el final de mí trabajo; aunque realizado el análisis del Boletín he podido comprobar que el número de noticias salesianas publicadas hasta 1881 es mayor que todas las que aparecen en los restantes años hasta 1888.
El estudio del «Boletín del Arzobispado de Sevilla» como medio utilizado por mons. Lluch para propagar el conocimiento de la obra salesiana me llevó a la búsqueda de sus fuentes, encontrando que el carácter específico de la publicación era el de Boletín informativo de la vida de la diócesis, a través de su sección principal, la Crónica diocesana, siendo muy contadas las otras secciones del mismo que publicaban noticias ajenas a su finalidad.
Con relación a la obra de don Bosco, las noticias que aparecen en el «Boletín diocesano» están tomadas en su mayoría de las actividades desarrolladas por los salesianos en la casa de Utrera, cuando dichas actividades eran novedosas o muy brillantes, como fiestas, ampliaciones o proyectos del propio colegio. Aquellas otras noticias que se pudieran considerar de propaganda o conocimiento de la Congregación y de sus actividades fuera de la diócesis se publicaron sólo esporádicamente, teniendo su fuente en el «Boletín Salesiano» y ni por su número ni por su calidad responden a lo consignado en las Memorias biográficas de que en la «Revista diocesana» de Sevilla se publicaba una historia del Oratorio, tomada del Boletín de Valdocco,33 como se puede constatar en el análisis, que presento a continuación, de los contenidos del Boletín del arzobispado híspalense con relación a la obra salesiana, en los años acotados para este estudio.
29 Ibid., p. 63-67.
" MB XVI, 321-322.
" Judas José Romo, nació en Cañizar (Guadalajara) el 7 de enero de 1773, falleció en Umbrete (Sevilla) el 11 de enero de 1855. Ocupó la sede hispalense desde 1847 a 1855. Fue elevado al cardenalato en 1850.
32 Cf. J.M. TEJEDOR, Carbonero y Sol, León, en: Diccionario de historia eclesiástica de España I, p. 344-346.
Comprobar la casi total ausencia de noticias salesianas durante el bienio 1879-1880 no fue para mí ninguna sorpresa, dado que las gestiones para la fundación de la casa de Utrera no se empezaron hasta junio de 1879, y sólo en enero de 1880, después del viaje a Sevilla de Cagliero y Rossi, el arzobispo Lluch pudo tener cierta seguridad de que los salesianos se establecerían en la diócesis. Publicar antes cualquier noticia al respecto resultaba sin duda aventurado. El Boletín de 1880 carece de noticias salesianas, salvo la que inserta en el mes de noviembre, en la Crónica diocesana, en la que dentro de una referencia global a las actividades del prelado, se dice únicamente: «Son también aguardados en Utrera los salesianos, para la obra de los Talleres Católicos» 34
El mayor número de noticias referidas a la obra de don Bosco publicadas en el Boletín hispalense se encuentran, como ya he indicado, en las crónicas diocesanas de 1881, que recogen los hitos principales del establecimiento de los salesianos en Utrera. La primera noticia de la fundación aparece en marzo, apenas transcurrido un mes de la llegada de los salesíanos. En ella se resaltan, después de una breve alusión a la expedición misionera con la que partieron de Turín, tomada sin duda del «Boletín Salesiano» o del propio relato verbal de los religiosos, los motivos que impulsaron al arzobispo Lluch a llamar a los salesianos, y los objetivos de su establecimiento en la diócesis:
«Tres sacerdotes y tres hermanos de aquella expedición desembarcaron en Gibraltar, para dirigirse a esta provincia y ejercer aquí su ministerio bajo la dirección de nuestro amantísimo Prelado, que noticioso del bien que estos dignos operarios evangélicos hacían en varias regiones del Orbe, los llamó hace más de dos años, para que le ayudaran en el cultivo de esta interesante porción del campo evangélico que el Señor ha confiado a su solicitud».35
La naturaleza jurídica de los salesianos y el campo concreto de su misión presente y posterior expansión, quedaban también definidos en la noticia:
«Los salesianos son ciudadanos ante la ley y eclesiásticos ante el Prelado. Nuestro Sr. Arzobispo les ha encargado el servicio de la Iglesia de Nuestra Señora del Carmen de la ciudad de Utrera, en donde el clero es escaso y grande la población. El M.I. Sr. Marqués de Ulloa les da noble hospitalidad en su propia casa, casi contigua al mencionado santuario.
" MB XV, 321.
34 BOAS 1.113 (1880) 581.
35 BOAS 1.129 (1881) 146-147.
Estos beneméritos sacerdotes se dedican allí a procurar el esplendor del culto, a fomentar la piedad entre los fieles y la enseñanza de la Doctrina Cristiana a los niños pobres entregados al ocio y a la disipación, reuniéndolos en su oratorio los días festivos, que son los de más peligro para la juventud desamparada. Luego que cuenten con recursos, se emplearán en mejorar la condición de las clases llamadas desheredadas, estableciendo talleres y asilos de aprendices de artes y oficios» 36
La obra de Utrera, respaldada por la iniciativa y cariño del arzobispo Lluch y protegida por la munificencia del prócer utrerano, tenía, sin duda, ante sí un porvenir espléndido si los religiosos, como de hecho ocurrió, colmaban las esperanzas que en ellos se depositaban y atendían a la población juvenil más pobre y necesitada.
La fundación salesiana de Utrera proporcionó este mismo año dos nuevas noticias al Boletín de la archidiócesis, referida una al viaje que el 14 de junio hizo mons. Lluch a Utrera con el objeto primordial, y así lo hacía constar la Crónica, de «visitar a los religiosos Salesíanos, que merced a su levantada e insaciable caridad han fundado en dicha ciudad una de sus casas, donde albergan, instruyen, educan y dan oficio a los niños pobres y desvalidos».37 La impresión que el prelado sacó de su visita aparece también en la Crónica: «Su Excelencia quedó altamente complacido de la nueva fundación que, a pesar de dar principio hoy, promete prósperos y felices resultados para la causa de la Fe y de la Moral».38
La segunda noticia, correspondiente también al mismo mes de junio, se inserta dentro de un mensaje enviado por la ciudad de Utrera al prelado, agradeciéndole la visita realizada y las múltiples atenciones pastorales que había tenido con la población utrerana desde su llegada a la archidiócesis. La referencia a la obra salesiana — «acaba de instalarse, promovido por su celo, la primera Congregación en España de sacerdotes seculares de San Francisco de Sales, dedicada a la educación y enseñanza del niño»" — incluye la opinión de la diócesis sobre la misma : «Congregación santa, santísima, porque la acción propia de la enseñanza cristiana es convertir los niños en hijos de Jesucristo, y esto es santo»."
La actividad que empezaron a desarrollar los salesianos en Utrera causó un profundo impacto en el clero y en la población, como lo refleja el Comunicado dirigido al arzobispo, que insertó el Boletín eclesiástico del mes de julio, dándole cuentas de la tarea apostólica que llevaban a cabo en la ciudad los Hijos de San Francisco de Sales, como los denominaban. La gratitud, deber moral según se afirmaba, necesitaba expresar la transformación experimentada en los cultos religiosos:
36 Ibid.
" BOAS 1.145 (1881) 330.
" Ibid.
39 BOAS 1.144 (1881) 342-343.
40 Ibid., p. 343.
«La iglesia de Nuestra Señora del Carmen antes desierta, se ve hoy tan frecuentada de los fieles, que pasan de ciento las comuniones semanales y gran multitud la que diariamente asiste al Santo Sacrificio de la Misa y al devoto Rosario, actos celebrados en las horas más oportunas para este pueblo esencialmente agrícola».4'
La descripción de la novena y fiesta de la Virgen del Carmen, titular de la iglesia encomendada a los salesianos, constituye un canto de alabanzas a la actividad y celo apostólico que desplegaban. La actitud de benevolencia y cariño que tanto el pueblo como el clero diocesano mostraban hacía los salesianos, queda reflejada en el párrafo que se transcribe a continuación, en el que resalta cómo los fieles acogían la predicación de los hijos de don Bosco, a pesar de las dificultades que tenían para expresarse en castellano: «mas debo hacer particular mención de las tres pláticas a cargo de los Salesianos, que tan agradable impresión han dejado en nosotros; la dificultad del idioma por el poco tiempo que aún llevan en España, quedó vencida por el celo y entusiasmo que estaban poseídas sus almas, produciendo en los circunstantes una tierna conmoción que muchas veces se tradujo en abundantes lágrimas».42
La última noticia sobre la obra salesiana que publicó el Boletín de la archidiócesis en 1881 corresponde al mes de diciembre y es la única tomada del «Boletín Salesiano»; se refería a la celebración del cuarenta aniversario de la fundación de la obra del Oratorio, que se cumplía el día de la Inmaculada de este mismo año. La noticia fue comunicada a los Cooperadores en el «Boletín Salesiano» del mes de noviembre, con la publicación del encuentro de don Bosco con Bartolomé Garelli en la iglesia de San Francisco de Asís. Esta misma narración, insertada también en el «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado de Sevilla» como homenaje a la obra de don Bosco, fue la noticia con la que se cerraron las referencias a los salesianos en el ario 1881.43
En los años siguientes, hasta 1888, las noticias sobre la obra de don Bosco en el Boletín hispalense son muy escasas. De ellas cabe destacar las crónicas de las novenas y fiestas de San Francisco de Sales, sobre todo la de 1884, que contó con la presencia del nuevo arzobispo de Sevilla, Fray Zeferino González y Díaz Tuñón," que demostró así su deferencia por los salesianos dignándose, incluso, presidir la conferencia de Cooperadores que tuvo lugar. Este acto, como afirma la Crónica, fue notable por dos circunstancias, una por ser la primera reunión de esta clase que se tenía en España, y la otra, por haberla presidido el arzobispo. El canónigo hispalense García Sarmiento, que acompañaba en esta ocasión al prelado, hizo en su nombre el panegírico de la Congregación salesiana, llamada según él «a cumplir en el mundo moderno la magnífica mi
4' BOAS 1.148 (1881) 390.
Ibid., p. 391.
" BOAS 1.168 (1881) 612-613.
44 El cardenal Lludi y Garriga falleció en 1882, habiendo sido nombrado, para sucederle, el obispo de Córdoba, Fray Zeferino González y Díaz-Tuñón.
Sión que cumplieron el clero secular y el clero regular en la sociedad del tiempo pasado ».45
En los años siguientes no aparece en el Boletín del Arzobispado de Sevilla noticia alguna sobre los salesianos ni sobre el colegio de Utrera, debido sin duda a la etapa de crisis y dificultades que pasó contemporáneamente a la fundación de Barcelona." Sólo en el Boletín eclesiástico de agosto de 1886 aparece la propaganda del recién creado colegio de internos, en la misma casa de Utrera. Se pedía en ella a los párrocos que informasen a los padres de familia que en el colegio salesiano encontrarían una educación esmerada y cristiana en la que, sin desatender las necesidades de la enseñanza científica y literaria, se daría preferente lugar a la religiosa.' Superada la crisis del establecimiento, los salesianos continuaron trabajando en favor de la juventud utrerana, aunque su incansable apostolado no ofreciera motivos lo suficientemente novedosos como para insertarlos en el Boletín del arzobispado.
Una noticia triste y universal llegó finalmente en febrero de 1888. El fallecimiento de don Bosco fue recogido en una sentida Nota necrológica en el «Boletín Hispalense».
"He died in Turin, surrounded by his children the Salesian Religious, and mourned millions of children orphaned and abandoned, the Rev. Fr Don Bosco, called Saint Vincent de Paul of Italy. The prodigies that this apostle of children has worked in the fifty years spent in founding the Salesian Institute and extending it all over the world are so many that can not be counted, as the established houses, hospices and open workshops, where shelter is given millions of children who, at the same time receiving the necessary corporal care, are given a solid Christian education and a manual trade, which makes them God-fearing workers, observers of their divine law, industrious and intelligent. ""
The intuition that he had died a saint was also included in the Necrology:
"Father Don Bosco has died, but his work will live as the work of God, as the works of the Saints live. The millions of children who live today cry to the most solicitous and most affectionate Father, the Priests, missionaries and those who know and follow the Salesian Institute with love, raise their prayers to Heaven today in suffrage of their virtuous Founder, if their great merits the mansion of the saints has not already been assured ».49
The analysis of the content of the« Official Bulletin of the Archbishopric of Seville »in relation to the Salesian news, I consider that it leaves out
" BOAS 9 (1884) 330.
46 Cf. MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, Salesians of Utrera, note 10. "BOAS 79 (1886) 119-120; 80 (1886) 151452.
48 BOAS 122 (1888) 143-144.
49 Ibid., P. 144
doubts the lack of correspondence between the statement contained in the Biographical Memoirs on the publication of a history of the Oratory in the "Diocesan Magazine" of Seville and the news actually published in it. "There was no other explanation for that than the existence of a error of interpretation in relation to the title of "Diocesan Magazine" as synonymous with Bulletin of the Archdiocese 51 This deduction guided my search towards another publication that the diocesan Bulletin itself had revealed to me: "The Catholic Magazine" of Seville, which was presented to me as a new, interesting and unknown source for my research.
"La Revista Católica", founded in December 1877, was responsible for its edition to the archbishopric of Seville, and came to be presented as Weekly Ecclesiastical Sciences and Religious Literature, dedicated to His Holiness Pope Leo XIII. This was the diocesan Magazine par excellence, as evidenced by the dignity of its presentation and the importance of its collaborators.52 Unofficial organ of the archdiocese, contributed to the defense and dissemination of its interests and the achievement of its objectives, one of which it was to reinforce the bonds of union with the Holy See by publishing the pontifical documents and decrees of the Vatican Congregations, together with the pastoral letters and main documents of the archbishopric of Seville.
With regard to the information on the Salesian Congregation provided by "The Catholic Magazine" during the years that interest this study, I have been able to confirm that it showed a clear tendency of adhesion and sympathy towards it, publishing numerous news of various kinds and extensions. , taken some of the «Salesian Bulletin» that were appearing in accordance with the interests of the diocese and the cadence of events.
The archbishop of Seville, Lluch and Garriga, - affirm the Biographical Memoirs - "had become a great propagandist of the fame of Don Bosco through the diocesan Magazine." "There is no doubt that, for Bishop Lluch, this work of Propaganda had one objective: to prepare the diocese to welcome the sons of Don Bosco, whom he had so often called for, but when and how did this preparation begin? I will try to answer by analyzing the rhythm followed by the Magazine itself.
5 ° Cf. MB XV, 321-322.
"Cf. MARTIN GONZÁLEZ, The Salesians of Utrera, page 297.
" «La Revista Católica» fue continuación de la «Semana Católica», editada también con el mismo carácter, por el arzobispado hispalense, la cual había dejado de publicarse en el mes de junio anterior. La dirección de «La Revista Católica» fue confiada inicialmente a don Ventura Camacho Carbajo, pero en los años correspondientes a nuestro estudio, su dirección la tenía don Cayetano Fernández, dignidad de Chantre de la catedral de Sevilla, miembro de número de la Real Academia española, y Vice-director de la Academia hispalense de Santo Tomás de Aquino.
53 MB XV, 321.
Las noticias sobre la obra salesiana en «La Revista Católica» tuvieron un majestuoso prólogo con la publicación, en mayo de 1879, de la carta dirigida por León XII( a los salesianos de Argentina el año anterior, carta que había sido ya publicada en «L'Unitá Cattolica» de Turín. La Revista hispalense transcribía, junto con el texto pontificio, el comentario que el periódico «La América del Sur» de Buenos Aires hacía al respecto:
«La humildad de los Padres Salesianos residentes en esta capital, les ha hecho guardar silencio sobre la carta que les ha dirigido el Sumo Pontífice León XIII. [...] El celo que los Padres Salesianos despliegan en favor de todas las clases de nuestra sociedad, ya con el asiduo ejercicio del sagrado ministerio, ya con la cristiana instrucción de la juventud, tanto pudiente como menesterosa, les hace dignos de este honor del nuevo Papa».54
Ciertamente que con la anterior noticia la semilla de la propaganda estaba echada, y el interés y la fraterna acogida a la Congregación salesiana no tardarían en florecer en las cálidas tierras andaluzas.
Las reiteradas gestiones realizadas por el arzobispo Lluch para el establecimiento de los salesianos en su diócesis habían tenido como resultado las seguridades dadas por don Bosco tras el viaje de Cagliero a Sevilla, de que los salesianos estarían en Utrera para octubre de 1880. Urgía por tanto dar a conocer, de forma concreta, la obra salesiana al clero y fieles de la archidiócesis. Y a este fin fue dirigida la publicación, durante siete semanas — de junio a agosto de 1880 —, del opúsculo de L. Mendre, presbítero de Marsella, titulado Don Bosco, presbítero, fundador de la Congregación de los salesianos. Noticia de su obra, el Oratorio de San León en Marsella y de los oratorios salesianos fundados en Francia.55 Los artículos, que en su conjunto tienen una extensión aproximada de 25 páginas, aparecieron siempre en portada, siendo evidente el propósito de dar a conocer su contenido.
El primer artículo está precedido de una especie de prólogo o presentación, titulado Una obra grande de caridad, firmado por el traductor del opúsculo, el académico hispalense Cayetano Fernández, uno de los eclesiásticos sevillanos más ilustres de las últimas décadas del pasado siglo. Unido a los elogios que el citado eclesiástico dedicaba en su prólogo a la Congregación salesiana y a su misión específica, aparecía el anuncio de la próxima fundación en la archidiócesis:
«España ha abierto ya sus puertas a los Sacerdotes Salesianos y con ellos a la obra de Don Bosco, cien veces bendita con las bendiciones del Cielo.
Utrera es la ciudad afortunada que, merced a las inspiraciones de nuestro prelado
54 «La Revista Católica» 79 (1879) 310.
" Los artículos corresponden a los siguientes números de «La Revista Católica»: 135 (1880)
401-406; 136 (1880) 417-419; 137 (1880) 433-435; 138 (1880) 449-451; 139 (1880) 469-472; 140
(1880) 485-488; 141 (1880) 501-505.
celosísimo, verá la primera en su suelo la obra de Don Bosco; todo está dispuesto para la inmediata fundación» 56
También el objetivo de la publicación estaba expresado abiertamente:
«Siendo empero, todavía la santa obra no muy conocida de todos, se está precisamente en el caso de (como ahora se dice) formarle atmósfera, para que conociéndola se la ame, y amándola se le ayude, y ayudándola se ponga en práctica sin tardanza. Y es puntualmente lo que me propongo con la traducción y publicación de las siguientes páginas, escritas en francés con cierta amenidad y buenos datos, por L. Mendre, Presbítero de Marsella».57
Prescindiendo del análisis del contenido del opúsculo, que no interesa al objetivo del presente trabajo, y que no es más que una síntesis de los momentos y aspectos más relevantes de la obra realizada hasta entonces por don Bosco, desde el encuentro con Bartolomé Garelli en diciembre de 1841, hasta la expansión alcanzada por la Congregación en América y en Francia, cuyas casas se analizan con mayor detención, quiero sí destacar el epílogo que el mismo Cayetano Fernández puso a la obrita de L. Mendre al concluir su publicación un mes y medio después. El traductor, ante todo, ratifica su objetivo: «He terminado, a Dios gracias, mi tarea de dar a conocer por menudo en España a Don Bosco y su admirable instituto Los TALLERES CRISTIANOS, con la traducción del opúsculo de L. Mendre, presbítero de Marsella»;58 y a continuación exhorta a sus conciudadanos a emular el apoyo que americanos y franceses prestaban a la obra de Do'n Bosco, convencidos de la misión providencial que estaba llamada a desempeñar en favor de los jóvenes y de una sociedad en cambio:
«Mas ahora lo que urge por todo extremo entre nosotros es venir a la práctica, traducir en hechos las convicciones que hemos podido adquirir, viendo y observando lo que los italianos principalmente y luego los franceses y americanos han hecho y continúan haciendo con Don Bosco, sus Talleres y sus Salesianos [...]; nadie que tenga ojos puede dejar de ver que las masas no serían de la revolución si, como Don Bosco hace, se santificasen las almas y se protegiese y santificase el trabajo de las clases pobres».59
Con una retórica apelación a los poderosos, ricos, clases acomodadas y católicos todos, Cayetano Fernández terminaba su epílogo pidiendo apoyo económico para una obra y una Congregación que, desde la humildad de su origen y la dulzura de su método, contribuirían a la paz social:
«Aportad recursos, edificad, organizad TALLERES CATÓLICOS, abrid las puertas a
26 «La Revista Católica» 135 (1880) 402.
'7 C. FERNÁNDEZ, Una obra grande de caridad, en «La Revista Católica» 135 (1880) 402.
" C. FERNÁNDEZ, «La Revista Católica» 141 (1880) 503. s9 Ibid., p. 504.
the Salesians Priests, that they will make of the children of the poor the friends you most need in this world and for eternity ".60
The delay of the founding of Utrera, scheduled for October 1880, provoked, together with the uncertainty of the arrival, an informative silence that only broke with the announcement of the imminent trip. Immediately, "The Catholic Magazine", faithful to its objective, began again to create atmosphere for the Salesian cause, publishing the commission, made to Don Bosco by the Pontiff, to continue in Rome the erection of the new church to the Sacred Heart of Jesus, to which a Salesian school would join. After this preparation, the news of the Salesian foundation of Utrera was inserted:
"According to reliable news, soon the diocese of Seville will be favored by the Salesian disciples of Don Bosco, called to direct in Utrera the work of the Christian Workshops" 61
The arrival of the religious and the beginnings of the foundation were silent until After the first months, the "Official Gazette of the Archbishopric of Seville" published a warm praise of the activity carried out by the Salesians on the occasion of the celebration of Carmen, which "Revista Católica" reproduced in its entirety from the Bulletin. Also in January 1882, the Journal took from the Bulletin the synthesis of the pastoral activities that Archbishop Lluch had carried out the previous year, among which was the establishment of the Salesians in Utrera.63
At the beginning of the year 1882, «The Catholic Magazine» revealed the zeal displayed by the Salesians of Utrera, on the occasion of the ninth and last Christmas party:
«God bless the efforts of such humble priests, who with tireless activity seek the salvation of the souls and especially of the youth on which lies the future of our society ", to finish exhorting all Catholics to become cooperators of such a worthy work:
" We wish that all true Catholics seek to realize the aims of this Congregation religious, becoming their Cooperators, whose fundamental purpose is their own sanctification and the exercise of charity towards their neighbor and particularly towards youth who are exposed to so many dangers in our days ".65
The invitation to cooperate in the Salesian work was a constant theme in «The
60 Ibid.
61 «The Catholic Magazine» 165 (1881) 63.
62 BOAS 1148 (1881) 390-392; «The Catholic Magazine» 195 (1881) 539-540.
63 «The Catholic Magazine» 218 (1882) 70.
64 "The Catholic Magazine" 214 (1882) 11. Ibid.
Catholic Magazine ", which published the odd article exposing, even, the spiritual industries proposed to the Catholic Cooperator for personal sanctification; 66 but, above all, he endeavored to make known how pontiffs, prelates and other ecclesiastical dignities were honored with the Cooperator title:
«The Association of the Cooperators founded the great Pontiff Pius IX, who approved and enriched it with many indulgences. The current Pope, Leo XLII, is the first of the Cooperators ", 67
who competed in generosity and enthusiasm with the population and the civil authorities, to support the Salesians in their worthy work and untiring sacrifice, which they already claimed for themselves, in Spain, other Andalusian cities.68
In accordance with the pre-established work, support and dissemination of the Salesian work and within the stream of sympathy that the same direction of the Magazine showed, the news that appeared in the following years, alluding to the celebrations, are inserted liturgical celebrations of the festivities of San Francisco de Sales and of the Virgen del Carmen, titular of the college of Utrera, and others to the spiritual fruits that these festivals reported to children and adults.69 The news related to the teaching activity of the same school and its Subsequent developments were published at the rate of their successes or needs, and so in 1882 the magazine announced the creation of night schools, to provide education to those who could not attend the daytime and wished that classes be established at a time compatible with their activities:«To that effect, despising these tireless workers the double sacrifice that the new work imposed on them, they opened about three months ago evening schools for children and adults, in which admittedly a number of young people even greater than those comfortably allowed the premises of the house they inhabit, to the great satisfaction of those generous souls who see their truly paternal request corresponded to the zeal and interest with which these new disciples come to hear his teachings. "with great satisfaction of those generous souls who see their truly paternal request corresponded to the zeal and interest with which these new disciples come to hear his teachings. "with great satisfaction of those generous souls who see their truly paternal request corresponded to the zeal and interest with which these new disciples come to hear his teachings. "
66 Spiritual industries proposed to the Salesian Cooperators, in «La Revista Católica» 264 (1882) 803-804.
67 Object of the work of Don Bosco, in «La Revista Católica» 398 (1885) 442.
68 A SALESIAN COOPERATOR, Ninth and religious function in honor of San Francisco de Sales in Utrera, in «La Revista Católica» 220 (1882) 103-104; A SALESIAN COOPERATOR, Salesian Fathers in Spain, in «La Revista Católica» 250 (1882) 573-576.
69 Los artículos publicados en «La Revista Católica» sobre los cultos salesianos en Utrera son los siguientes: Solemne novena en honor de San Francisco de Sales en Utrera, 219 (1882) 87-88;
Novena y función religiosa en honor de San Francisco de Sales en Utrera, 220 (1882) 103-104; Noticias: Los padres salesianos establecidos en Utrera, 271 (1883) 79; Solemnes cultos celebrados en la vecina ciudad de Utrera por la Congregación salesiana, 324 (1884) 88-89; La fiesta del Carmen en Utrera, 452 (1886) 473-474; Solemnes cultos a San Francisco de Sales en la inmediata ciudad de Utrera, 480 (1887) 91.
70 Escuelas nocturnas de los padres salesianos en Utrera, en «La Revista Católica» 231 (1882)
La creación del colegio de internos en la misma casa de Utrera también fue dada a conocer en las páginas de «La Revista Católica», con la explicación de su objetivo:
«El fin es de proporcionar así a los niños de las familias que no pueden pagar una mensualidad crecida, como lo exigen la mayor parte de los colegios particulares, como a los de la clase más menesterosa, una instrucción y educación religiosa y científica».71
Dentro de la línea de difusión de la obra salesiana, que había adoptado «La Revista Católica», cabe citar la publicación de otro tipo de artículos que, sin duda, tenían su fuente de información en el «Boletín Salesiano» y mediante los cuales, aunque considerados en su conjunto no pueda afirmarse que constituyen una historia del Oratorio, sí es cierto que cualquier lector asiduo de la Revista podía llegar a tener un conocimiento suficiente de la misión salesiana, de la santidad de su Fundador y de la prodigiosa expansión de sus casas por Europa y América.72 Incluso la Memoria redactada por don Bosco sobre el estado de su Instituto, titulada La Congregación salesiana en 1882, fue también publicada íntegramente en «La Revista Católica», proporcionando con ello al lector andaluz y al español en general, dada la amplia área de difusión de la Revista, un conocimiento bastante completo de la Congregación, tanto de sus éxitos y expansión como de sus necesidades, contribuyendo de este modo al objetivo que don Bosco se había propuesto con su escrito, según lo expresan sus propias palabras:
«Prestadme, pues, generosamente el apoyo de vuestra caridad en todas esas obras de religión y de verdadera civilización, yo por mi parte os prometo en retorno las más dulces bendiciones del Señor».73
El respaldo que a la Congregación salesiana daban las noticias que publicaba «La Revista Católica» acerca de las deferencias y la confianza que León XIII tenía con don Bosco, permitía a la misma Revista apelar, por cuenta propia, a la cooperación espontánea de la población católica para el sostenimiento de las obras salesianas: «ayuden los católicos a este hombre providencial y a esta ilustre "personalidad" del siglo presente; cada buen ciudadano se gloríe de concurrir con él a dar a la sociedad hombres morigerados y probos».74
n Nuestra Señora del Carmen en Utrera (Sevilla). Colegio de Primera y Segunda Enseñanza, en «La Revista Católica» 465 (1886) 536-537.
72 Los artículos que publicó «La Revista Católica» de Sevilla sobre la obra salesiana fuera de España, además de la traducción del folleto de L. Mendre, fueron los siguientes: Carta de Su Santidad a los misioneros de la Congregación salesiana de Buenos Aires, 77 (1879) 310-311; Los padres salesianos, 250 (1882) 573-576; Los salesianos llamados al Pará, 251 (1882) 589-591; Los salesianos en América, 257 (1882) 695-696; Las oraciones de don Bosco, 297 (1883) 491-492; B.F.D. ivoraE, El padre don Bosco y su obra, por Albert du Boys, 369 (1884) 804-807; Objeto de la obra de don Bosco, 398 (1885) 441:442; Misiones de la Patagonia, 575 (1888) 783.
" SACERDOTE JUAN BOSCO, La Congregación salesiana en 1882. Memoria del P. Bosco, en «La Revista Católica» 283 (1883) 262-266.
La visita de don Bosco a Barcelona en 1886 fue recogida por «La Revista Católica» a través de la «Revista Popular» de aquella capital, de la que reprodujo las noticias relativas a la llegada y despedida, así como la carta de agradecimiento enviada a Barcelona desde Turín por don Viglietti en nombre de don Bosco."
Transcurridos dos años, «La Revista Católica» vestía de luto sus propias páginas publicando en portada la dolorosa noticia: Don Bosco ha muerto. La sentida nota necrológica — firmada por el mismo ilustre eclesiástico, Cayetano Fernández, que ocho años antes diera a conocer en España la obra salesiana, mediante la traducción y publicación del opúsculo de L. Mendre76 — se abría con una reflexión profunda, densa en elogios:
«Todos los días estamos viendo a la muerte haciendo sin oposición sus víctimas a millares; y, sin embargo, nada nos sorprende tanto como ver a esta implacable enemiga del humano linaje, arrebatar en un momento a uno de esos hombres que, o por sus virtudes o por sus talentos o por sus obras, han merecido que con razón se les denomine grandes. [...] Don Bosco había edificado las almas con el aroma de sus virtudes; había morigerado la juventud con la enseñanza católica, santificado el trabajo con la invención de los Talleres Cristianos, esparcido por todo el mundo la buena doctrina en excelentes libros con la pasmosa fecundidad de sus prensas salesianas, enviado a los cuatro vientos sus operarios evangélicos, los cuales han penetrado ya hasta en los paises más apartados e incultos, en la Patagonia! y, en fin, para que sus obras no fuesen pasajero meteoro de luz que se apagase con su existencia, logrado había asimismo infundir su espíritu, comunicar su celo, repetirse por decirlo así, en cada uno de sus hijos, fundando el ya célebre Instituto, que el inmortal Pío IX puso bajo el patronato y advocación del Santo de los obreros, San Francisco de Sales. Y no obstante todo eso — doloroso es repetirlo — el Sacerdote ilustre Don Juan Bosco ha muerto! ».77
A continuación, el editorialista confiesa abiertamente la línea seguida por la Revista en relación con la obra salesiana y su predilección por la misma, de la que se había convertido en promotor de su causa y pionero de su conocimiento y difusión en España:
74 León XIII y don Bosco. Promoviendo la fundación de una iglesia y de un hospicio en Roma, en «La Revista Católica» 345 (1884) 419-421.
" Sobre el viaje de don Bosco a Barcelona, «La Revista Católica» publicó los artículos siguientes: El padre dom Juan Bosco en Barcelona, 439 (1886) 268-269; Despedida de Dom Bosco, 443 (1886) 330; Carta de Dom Bosco después de su viaje a Barcelona, 446 (1886) 481.
76 C. FERNÁNDEZ, Una obra grande de caridad, en «La Revista Católica» 135 (1880) 401-406; 141 (1880) 501-505. Cf. nota 55.
77 C. FERNÁNDEZ, Don Bosco ha muerto, en «La Revista Católica» 533 (1888) 97.
«Nosotros que desde esta misma Revista fuimos hace pocos arios los primeros en dar a conocer en España a Don Bosco y su inspirada obra, y que desde entonces, hemos profesado admiración sin límites al primero y predilección muy especial a la segunda, no podemos ver hoy con ojos serenos, la incalculable pérdida que la Iglesia y la sociedad acaban de sufrir con la muerte de este Justo, ni dejar de ofrecerle, como lo hacemos, nuestro humilde, luctuoso homenaje, en estas lineas necrológicas».78
La intuición de que había fallecido un santo quedaba también patente en la Nota: «Es piadoso y noble creer que desde la altura de los Cielos, Don Bosco será ahora más que nunca, el amantísimo Padre de sus hijos»,79 aunque con ello no se pretendiera, como se advertía expresamente, anticiparse al juicio de la Iglesia.
La carta de don Rua comunicando a la Familia salesiana la dolorosa pérdida, en la que también brillaba un gran párrafo de esperanza — «Don Bosco dijo que su obra no se menoscabaría con su muerte, porque estaba confiada a la bondad de Dios, protegida por la poderosa intercesión de María Auxiliadora y sostenida por la generosa caridad de los Cooperadores y Cooperadoras, que continuarán siempre favoreciéndola»g° —, fue publicada también como un nuevo homenaje que la prestigiosa Revista ofrecía a don Bosco y a su obra, a la que, como creo ha quedado demostrado, dio a conocer en España y allanó el camino de su primera andadura, creándole una cálida atmósfera, que Andalucía supo transformar en adhesión y cariño imperecederos.
La investigación realizada en los periódicos andaluces, y más concretamente en los de Sevilla, por ser ésta la única diócesis que contó con una casa salesiana al comienzo de los años ochenta del pasado siglo, ha resultado casi totalmente infructuosa.
La noticia de la fundación del colegio salesiano de Utrera no aparece en ninguno de los diarios que he podido consultar, así como tampoco aparece, años después, la visita de don Bosco a Barcelona. Sin duda, las circunstancias políticas de la nación, tendentes a la consolidación de un liberalismo cada vez más radical, que hacía temer a la Iglesia de España la reanudación de pasadas hostilidades, no permitían a los redactores de la prensa oficial o de opinión ofrecer noticias que ni por su carácter ni por su procedencia podían resultar gratas en la España de la Restauración. Unicamente el fallecimiento de una personalidad como la de don Bosco pudo romper el silencio informativo que caía sobre las noticias religiosas que no resultaban polémicas, siendo recogida por el diario político de Sevilla «El Español», que publicó escuetamente:
Ibid., p. 98.
" Ibid.
8° Carta del padre Miguel Rúa a los Salesianos, Hijas de María Auxiliadora, Cooperadores y
Cooperadoras Salesianos, en «La Revista Católica» 533 (1888) 107.
«Ha fallecido en Turín el conocido sacerdote Don Bosco al cual se deben las fundaciones de un sinnúmero de Colegios, dirigidos por los salesianos»."
Tras la brevedad de la noticia se podía intuir el conocimiento que la población tenía de los hijos de don Bosco, a los que no hacía falta presentar.
El carácter de periódico católico político, con que se definía el «Diario de Sevilla», le permitió una amplitud mayor en la Nota necrológica que dedicó, en primera página, a la noticia del fallecimiento de don Bosco:
«La muerte del ilustre fundador de la Congregación Salesiana ha cubierto de luto al mundo entero, que le conocía por sus obras y por sus fastos, y que manifiesta en estos momentos su dolor por medio de la prensa de todos los paises».82
A este concierto universal de dolor y de preludios de gloria se sumaba Sevilla, con parquedad informativa ciertamente, pero con explosión vital de amor y de simpatía hacia una obra que, en los aún cortos años de su existencia en el sur peninsular, había echado ya raíces profundas.
Sin pretender hacer en este apartado un estudio de los cauces de difusión, de las noticias impresas sobre la obra de don Bosco en España, desde la llegada de los primeros salesianos a Sevilla, sí deseo exponer en el mismo que, mientras no aparezcan nuevas fuentes para la investigación de este tema, cabe afirmar que fue a partir del conocimiento que de la Congregación salesiana se tuvo en Andalucía, con motivo de la fundación de la casa de Utrera y de la información que sobre don Bosco la precedió, cuando se difundieron por España las noticias salesianas, multiplicándose en periódicos y revistas por todo el área peninsular, como lo demuestran los testimonios que expongo a continuación.
Las Memorias biográficas son las que proporcionan la primera información en este sentido. Al referirse al desembarco en Gibraltar de los primeros salesianos destinados a Utrera, se afirma:
«Por la Península Ibérica se habían difundido las noticias de los salesianos. Los viajeros pudieron constatarlo muy pronto en Gibraltar. Perdido el barco que zarpaba todos los viernes con rumbo a Cádiz, se vieron obligados a esperar hasta el martes siguiente. [...] El Vicario Capitular y sus diez sacerdotes demostraron estar muy informados sobre Don Bosco y sus vicisitudes, de modo que aceptaron con agrado la invitación de inscribirse entre los Cooperadores salesianos».83
" «El Español», 2 febrero 1888, 2.
82 «Diario de Sevilla», 14 febrero 1888, 1.
83 MB XV, 321-322.
Esta información se completa con la enviada por Cagliero a don Rua en la carta que le escribió desde el mismo Gibraltar, con fecha 14 de enero de 1881:
«Mons. Narciso Pallarés es un viejecito simpático que hace ahora de Vicario Capitular. Apenas supo que éramos salesianos nos dio un fraternal abrazo. Por medio de La Revista Popular está informado acerca de Don Bosco y de las obras salesianas tanto como nosotros mismos» .84
La fuente de conocimiento sobre la Congregación de don Bosco, como ya se ha indicado anteriormente, partía del arzobispo de Sevilla mons. Lluch y Garriga de quien también se afirma en las Memorias biográficas:
«El arzobispo de Sevilla se había convertido en gran propagandista de la fama de Don Bosco, publicando en la Revista diocesana una historia del Oratorio documentada en el Boletín Salesiano».85
Pero la información sobre la obra salesiana que se publicaba en «La Revista Católica» de Sevilla, que era el título de la «Revista diocesana» a la que se alude en las Memorias biográficas, como también se ha demostrado en el apartado anterior, servía a su vez de fuente para otras publicaciones peninsulares. Un primer testimonio se encuentra en las propias Memorias al referirse a las publicaciones fomentadas por el arzobispo Lluch:
«A su vez, la Revista Popular de Barcelona y periódicos de Madrid y de otras provincias, reproducían los artículos de Sevilla, dando gran nombradía por toda España a las gestas del hombre de Dios».86
Esta información de las Memorias biográficas está ratificada también por otra carta de Cagliero a don Bosco, fechada en Sevilla en febrero de 1881, en la que escribía:
«Las cosas salesianas son aquí tan conocidas ya como en Italia y en Francia, porque el Sr. Arzobispo publica en la Revista diocesana de Sevilla la historia del Oratorio, la cual es reproducida por la Revista Popular de Barcelona y por otros periódicos de Madrid. Y así somos conocidos perfectamente por montes y mares de esta Península Ibérica»."
" Juan Cagliero a Miguel Rúa, Gibraltar 14 de enero de 1881, ASC 603 Missioni, 2, Pacco 40 (G.XV-40). Viaggio di D.G. Cagliero in Utrera (Espana) 1879-1881. El hecho que de esta carta se conserve sólo una copia sin fecha plantea la duda si Cagliero escribió «Revista Diocesana» o «Revista Católica» en lugar de «Revista Popular», dado que existe menor distancia de Gibraltar a Sevilla que a Barcelona, y mayor comunicación marítima y terrestre.
8' MB XV, 322.
Ibid.
87 Juan Cagliero a don Bosco, Sevilla, 23 de febrero de 1881. Cf. MARTIN GONZALEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 191.
Avalan los anteriores testimonios salesianos, los que proporciona la propia
«Revista Católica» de Sevilla, que se propuso, meses antes de la fundación de la casa de Utrera, crear un clima favorable de acogida a los nuevos religiosos, en el pueblo y clero de la diócesis:
«Siendo empero, todavía la santa obra no muy conocida de todos, se está precisamente en el caso de (como ahora se dice) formarle atmósfera».88
Posteriormente, el eclesiástico sevillano Cayetano Fernández escribía con ocasión de la muerte de don Bosco:
«Nosotros [...] desde esta misma Revista fuimos, hace pocos años, los primeros en dar a conocer en España a Don Bosco y su inspirada obra».89
El medio que escogió «La Revista Católica» para dar a conocer la obra salesiana fue la tradución y publicación del opúsculo de L. Mendre titulado Don Bosco presbítero, fundador de la Congregación de los salesianos, editado en Marsella en 1879."
El primer artículo, de los siete en los que se distribuyó la traducción de la citada obrita, apareció en el n° 135 de «La Revista Católica», de 27 de junio de 1880, terminándose su publicación en el n° 141, correspondiente al 8 de agosto del mismo año. En la reflexión con la que, a modo de epílogo, cierra la serie de artículos su traductor y editor, Cayetano Fernández, escribe:
«He terminado, a Dios gracias, mi tarea de dar a conocer por menudo en España a Don Bosco y su admirable Instituto Los Talleres Cristianos con la traducción del opusculito de L. Mendre, presbítero de Marsella. Y desde luego me felicito por la buena acogida de mi humilde trabajo, que he visto reproduCido y con recomendación en revistas y periódicos de la Península».91
Entre las revistas y periódicos de la Península a los .que se alude que reprodujeron el opúsculo de L. Mendre cabe destacar la «Revista Popular» de Barcelona que empezó a publicarlo literalmente, a partir del 4 de noviembre del mismo año 1880, con el título Don Bosco y los talleres cristianos, aunque sin consignar su fuente de información, y poniendo sólo las iniciales del traductor: C.F.
No cabe duda de que la reproducción que hizo la «Revista Popular» de Barcelona no fue la primera, porque como he indicado, el propio traductor Cayetano Fernández es quien aludía a la existencia de reproducciones en el n°141 de «La Revista Católica», correspondiente al 8 de agosto del 1880, y la «Revista Popular» no comenzó la publicación de la obrita hasta primeros de noviembre del mismo año. Es pues un aspecto por investigar aún, qué revistas o periódicos se anticiparon a la misma, lo que no afecta para nada a la tesis que trato de demostrar, ya que todas las reproducciones que se híceron, bebieron de la fuente sevillana.
C. FERNÁNDEZ, Una obra grande de caridad, en «La Revista Católica» 135 (1880) 402. 9° C. FERNÁNDEZ, Don Bosco ha muerto, en «La Revista Católica» 533 (1888) 98. 9° Cf. notas 55 y 57.
9° C. FERNÁNDEZ, Don Bosco presbítero, fundador de la Congregación de los salesianos. Noticia de su obra, del Oratorio de san León de Marsella, y de los Oratorios salesianos fundados en Francia, en «La Revista Católica» 141 (1880) 503.
La prestigiosa revista madrileña «La Cruz», dirigida por el publicista católico León Carbonero y So1,92 difundió también en sus páginas noticias salesianas, aunque con mucha menor profusión que las ya citadas. Como órgano oficioso de la jerarquía, dedicaba una especial atención a los intereses de la Santa Sede, por lo que no es extraño encontrar en ella un amplio artículo, publicado en 1881, sobre el encargo hecho por León XIII a don Bosco, de erigir en Roma un templo al Sagrado Corazón de Jesús.93 Otras noticias, sin embargo, tales como el establecimiento de los salesianos en Utrera o en Sarriá, son brevísimamente consignadas." En cambio, el viaje de Don Bosco a Barcelona en 1886 fue recogido por «La Cruz» con brevedad y respeto:
«El 8 de Abril llegó a Barcelona, siendo entusiastamente obsequiado, el venerable religioso Don Bosco, fundador de la Congregación de Padres salesianos, apóstol de los niños y cuya fama por sus virtudes es bien conocida en España, existiendo en Sarriá una fundación de su congregación»,95
aunque fue únicamente, para el período que estudiamos, la noticia del fallecí- liento de don Bosco la que mereció, por parte de la prestigiosa revista, una amplia nota en la que se hacía una apretada síntesis de la vida y obra del santo fundador, se reconocían sus virtudes y lamentaba su pérdida:
«El verdadero amigo de los pobres, el apóstol del siglo XIX, el fundador y caritativo Rdo. P. D. Juan Bosco acaba de morir»."
Con los datos hasta ahora aportados considero que se pueden completar las respuestas que R. Alberdi da a las preguntas que él mismo planteaba en su libro Una ciudad para un Santo:97 Antes de 1884, año de la fundación de los Talleres de Sarriá, « ¿quién supo entre nosotros del Fundador de la Congregación Salesiana? ¿quién asumió la tarea de hablarnos de él? >>.98
" Cf. nota 5.
" Templo al Sagrado Corazón de Jesús, con hospicio anexo, en el monte Esquilino en Roma, en «La Cruz» 3 (1881) 567-570.
9° Cf. «La Cruz» 2 (1880) 650; 2 (1884) 115.
9° Cf. «La Cruz» 1 (1886) 597.
" Don Bosco. Datos biográficos. Sus obras, su muerte y funerales, en «La Cruz» 1 (1888) 205-206.
" ALBERDI, Una ciudad para un Santo, p. 229. 98
Ibid. p. 70.
A los órganos de difusión que como respuesta a sus interrogantes R. Alberdi analiza en su libro, a saber, la «Revista Popular» de Barcelona y el folleto del entonces obispo de Milo Marcelo Spínola y Maestre, Don Bosco y su obra,99 creo que hay que añadir el «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado de Sevilla», que desde la sencillez de la noticia cotidiana de la vida de la diócesis, recoge en sus páginas los primeros pasos de la Congregación salesiana en tierras andaluzas y, sobre todo, «La Revista Católica» de Sevilla, primera en dar a conocer en España la obra de don Bosco y su fama de santidad.
La respuesta que ofrezco podría ampliarse aún, si se añade a lo ya expuesto una fuente oral de excepcional importancia, me refiero a la primera comunidad salesiana de Utrera y más concretamente a su primer director, don Juan Branda,m que se había formado en contacto directo con el Fundador y vivido las extraordinarias experiencias del Oratorio de Turín. Esta fuente oral debió ser, sin duda, el principal medio de información que pudo tener don Marcelo Spínola para escribir su librito sobre Don Bosco y su obra. Es cierto que como Cooperador, Spínola recibiría desde los primeros momentos el «Boletín Salesiano», en el que don Bonetti comunicaba a sus lectores noticias sobre el Oratorio de Valdocco, pues es el propio don Marcelo quien alude en su obra a fuentes escritas: «No es posible leer sin conmoverse [escribe] las escenas de que era teatro el pequeño Asilo de Don Bosco el año 1848».101 Pero es también cierto que tanto «La Revista Católica» de Sevilla como el «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado» proporcionan pruebas abundantes de la amistad y el afecto que el futuro cardenal hispalense profesaba a los salesianos, cuyo trato frecuentaba, y de cuyas conversaciones, que girarían constantemente en torno a don Bosco, su carisma e inquietudes apostólicas, no es aventurado deducir que Spínola recibiría la información que luego reflejó en su obra.
Entre las ocasiones del trato de don Marcelo Spínola con los salesianos, destaca su participación activa en las fiestas de San Francisco de Sales en el colegio de Utrera. Hasta su traslado en 1884 a la sede de Coria, era éste un hecho habitual, y así lo reflejan las crónicas diocesanas. Refiriéndose a la fiesta de 1882, la primera celebrada por los salesianos en tierras de España, escribe un Cooperador:
«Ha cooperado el Ilmo. Sr. Obispo de Milo, prestándose gustoso a honrar con su asistencia desde la víspera del día del Santo hasta la mañana del siguiente, estos cultos, tomando en el de la fiesta la principalísima parte de pontificar en ella, sin tener en cuenta las molestias que a su delicado estado había de proporcionar lo extraordinario de la hora, y no contento con esto, dando también una respetable limosna al mismo objeto».102
" M. SPINOLA Y MAESTRE, cf. nota 2.
" Don Juan Branda fue director de la casa de Utrera desde 1881 a 1883. Le sucedió don Ernesto Oberti durante los años de 1883 a 1889. Cf. MARTINI GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 187-197.
'I CARDENAL. SPINOLA, Don Bosco y su obra, 3' edición, Editorial María Auxiliadora, Sevilla 1947, p. 80.
102 UN COOPERADOR SALESIANO, Novena y función religiosa en honor de San Francisco de Sales en Utrera, en «La Revista Católica» 220 (1882) 103.
Queda asimismo constancia del deseo del obispo de convivir fraternalmente con los salesianos durante su estancia en Utrera, lo que sin duda posibilitaría el diálogo, desde los primeros encuentros:
«[...] el Sr. Obispo como el Sr. Magistral de Málaga no quisieron otro alojamiento que la modesta casa de los Padres salesianos, lo cual proporcionó a aquellos ilustrísimos señores reiteradas pruebas de consideración y afecto de este vecindario, siendo muchas las familias que a porfía proveyeron con caridad, cuanto los Padres salesianos necesitaban para atender y obsequiar dignamente a sus esclarecidos huéspedes».103
La fiesta de 1883 contó también con la presencia de don Marcelo Spínola:
«En la mañana del domingo 28, fue recibido en la estación de Utrera el Ilmo. Sr. Obispo de Milo por los Salesianos y el clero todo; su Ilustrísima asistió a los ejercicios de la tarde. El número de comuniones en la mañana del 29 fue muy considerable; a las once ofició de Pontifical el Ilmo. Sr. Obispo de Milo [...]; por la noche ocupó la Sagrada Cátedra el mismo Sr. Obispo. [...] El día 30 se celebró una Misa solemne de Requiera por el eterno descanso de los Cooperadores difuntos».104
Finalmente en la fiesta de 1884, a la que dio especial realce la presencia del nuevo arzobispo hispalense, Fray Zeferino González, la actuación de Spínola, como era habitual, ocupó un lugar destacado:
«Corona y remate de este memorable día fue la función nocturna. Rezado el santo Rosario y los actos del último día de la novena, subió al púlpito el Ilmo. Sr. don Marcelo Spínola, Obispo titular de Milo. [...] El pueblo de Utrera estuvo como extático por más de una hora, pendiente de los labios del orador».'°'
La óptima impresión que el arzobispo sacó de la fiesta, la refleja la Crónica:
«Creemos que los Padres salesianos estarán satisfechos pues nos consta que el Excmo. y Rvdmo. Sr. Arzobispo salió complacidísimo de Utrera, habiéndose afirmado y aún acrecentado en su alma, tan amante de todo lo bueno y todo lo grande, después de haber visto las Escuelas fundadas por los hijos de Don Bosco y asistido a la comida de los alumnos, la estima que ya tenía de la hermosa Institución del humilde sacerdote de Turín».'°6
La satisfacción del arzobispo se concretó en una sustanciosa aportación material, a la que unió la suya acostumbrada don Marcelo Spínola: «Su Excma. Rvdma. el Sr. Arzobispo dejó a la Congregación 200 pesetas para los gastos de las escuelas y el Ilmo. Sr. Obispo, su acostumbrada crecida limosna para los gastos del culto».
103 Ibid., p. 104.
" «La Revista Católica» 271 (1883) 79.
105 Solemnes cultos celebrados en la vecina ciudad de Utrera por la Congregación salesiana, en
«La Revista Católica» 324 (1884) 89; BOAS 9 (1884) 330. 1°6 Ibid.
De todo lo expuesto estimo que se puede concluir que la participación frecuente y activa en las fiestas salesianas, por parte de mons. Spínola así como su habitual limosna, que aparece constantemente en las citas, denotan por una parte el indudable aprecio que don Marcelo tuvo a los salesianos desde su establecimiento en la diócesis y, por otra, prueban indirectamente que el conocimiento profundo, al par que concreto y puntual, que de la obra salesiana y de su Fundador demostró tener en su libro iba más allá del que pudo recabar de las escasas publiCaciones hasta entonces existentes,108 o de las noticias que publicaba el «Boletín Salesiano» y que más bien fue fruto del diálogo, de la conversación cálida, de la información oral y directa de los hijos de don Bosco establecidos en Utrera.
Los objetivos del presente trabajo, orientados en principio a estudiar los contenidos y las formas de la propaganda salesiana que realizaba mons. Lluch y Garriga, desde su archidiócesis hispalense a comienzos de los años ochenta del pasado siglo, según se hace constar en las Memorias biográficas, se han visto superados por los resultados del mismo, ya que la investigación ha conducido al conocimiento del Origen de la literatura salesiana en España, que se identifica con la de Andalucía.
Mons. Lluch, en su intento de crear un clima favorable al establecimiento de los salesianos en su diócesis, propició el conocimiento de la obra de don Bosco a través de los principales medios de difusión de que disponía, que eran el «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado» y «La Revista Católica». Ambas publicaciones cumplieron su cometido, dentro de la peculiaridad de su respectivo carácter, más allá de los deseos del prelado y de los años de su existencia, almenos hasta el fallecimiento de don Bosco, límite cronológico del presente estudio.
El carácter específico de cada una de estas publicaciones hace que sea «La Revista Católica» la que contenga el material de mayor interés para este trabajo, ya que el «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado», por el carácter informativo que le era peculiar, contiene sólo noticias de las actividades desarrolladas por los salesianos tras su establecimiento en la diócesis hispalense.
«La Revista Católica» por el contrario, autodefinida como Semanario de
107 Ibid.
" La bibliografía que sobre don Bosco se conocía en España hasta 1884, además del opúsculo de L. Mendre, eran el libro de Ch. D'ESPINEY, Dom Bosco, Nice 1881, y el de A. Du BOYS, El padre don Bosco y su obra, sobre el que publicó «La Revista Católica» una amplia recensión, firmada por B.F.D. IvontE, en 369 (1884) 804-807.
Ciencias Eclesiásticas y Literatura Religiosa, tenía capacidad suficiente para insertar en sus páginas las noticias del mundo salesiano, que ya en aquellos años era intercontinental. La simpatía y el interés por la obra de don Bosco fueron una constante de su línea informativa, consciente de la cooperación que con ello le aportaba, reputando como timbre de gloria, y así lo publicaba en un editorial, haber sido «los primeros en dar a conocer en España a Don Bosco y su inspirada obra».'°9
La identificación de «La Revista Católica» con «La Revista diocesana» de Sevilla, de que hablan las Memorias Biográficas, deshace el error de considerar dicha expresión — «Revista diocesana» — como sinónima de «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado».
La difusión por España, a partir de las publicaciones de Se,. fila, del conocimiento de la obra de don Bosco, a través de prestigiosas revistas de Barcelona y Madrid, como la «Revista Popular» y «La Cruz» respectivamente, no dejan lugar a dudas de la prioridad que en este tema corresponde a Andalucía, como cuna también en la nación, de la propia obra salesiana.
Con relación a los cauces de información que se presentan, el «Boletín Salesiano » aparece como el de mayor importancia, ya que era el medio escogido por el mismo don Bosco para dar a conocer su obra, sus objetivos, sus necesidades, y para recabar por medio de él, las ayudas que necesitaba. El «Boletín Salesiano», como se demuestra, llegaba a los Cooperadores de España, cumpliendo de esta forma la finalidad de su publicación.
Los otros dos medios elencados: Prensa y Correspondencia, aunque aparecen como seguros y verificables, presentan un débil matiz informativo que sólo investigaciones posteriores podrán reforzar.
Por último, en el terreno de los cauces de información se incluyen las fuentes orales, que sí bien adolecen de una mayor carga de hipótesis que de verificación, no se las debe descartar, por lo evidente aunque no comprobable de los argumentos en que están basadas. El viaje de don Cagliero a Sevilla, y sus conversaciones con el arzobispo Lluch, así como las de éste con el director y la primera comunidad de Utrera, debieron proporcionar al prelado, sin duda alguna, una información tan amplia y cálida, como para hacer de él el «gran Propagandista de la fama de Don Bosco», como afirman las Memorias."°
También mons. Marcelo Spínola tuvo que beber, necesariamente, de la fuente oral que le proporcionaba su frecuente relación con los salesianos de Utrera, desde el establecimiento de la comunidad hasta 1884, año del traslado del obispo de Sevilla a Coria, y año también de la publicación de su folleto sobre Don Bosco y su obra, fruto del conocimiento que sobre el mismo había adquirido.
709 Cf. nota 89. 10 MB XV, 321.
Fuentes o cauces de información, órganos y medios de difusión, quedaron fuertemente enlazados en la tarea providente de conocer y difundir en España la obra de don Bosco como obra de Dios, en favor de la juventud y la niñez más pobre y necesitada. Cupo a Sevilla el protagonismo del conocimiento, de la acción y de la difusión. Desde ella partíeron a todo el ámbito peninsular las noticias salesianas y los hijos de don Bosco. Andalucía, siempre fecunda en el dar, se presenta en nuestro estudio con la riqueza de su fundación y de sus revistas, que parece ofrecer con premura a otras regiones y a otros hombres, que debían contribuir a cimentar y a difundir también la obra de don Bosco en todo el suelo español.
Constataba Max Scheler que, en el espíritu moderno y sobre todo en el espíritu alemán del XIX, se había producido una «traición a la alegría», como consecuencia de un «falso heroísmo» o de una inhumana «idea del deber», propugnada por el pensamiento «burgués» y «prusiano».'
Scheler se refería a la alegría como fuente y necesario movimiento concomitante de la vida moral; para él la alegría no es un fin en sí mismo sino una necesaria consecuencia de la acción moral.
Si hojeamos cualquier historia de la educación, podremos comprobar fácilmente que la alegría ni ha acompañado ni ha brotado espontáneamente del quehacer pedagógico; antes, por el contrario, ha estado muy lejos y en abierta oposición al mismo.
No parece sino que la escuela haya sido ideada como lugar de dolor, puesto que sus paredes han sido mudos testigos de las incontables lágrimas y horas de angustia de sus infelices moradores. La escuela más antigua de la que tenemos noticia, la eduba sumeria, de hace cuatro milenios probablemente, basaba toda su pedagogía en el terror:
«El que está encargado de dibujar (dice): ¿Por qué cuando yo no estaba aquí te levantabas? Y me pegó. El que está encargado de la puerta (dice): ¿Por qué cuando yo no estaba te marchaste? Y me pegó. El que está encargado de ... (dice): ¿Por qué cuando yo no estaba cogiste el ... ? Y me pegó. El que está encargado de los Sumerios (dice): Tú hablas ... Y me pegó».2
Y me pegó ha sido el estribillo de una pedagogía triste e inhumana, que ha estado vigente durante milenios hasta época muy reciente. «La oreja del joven está en sus espaldas. No escucha más que a quien le golpea», decía un viejo pensamiento egipcio.
El Antiguo Testamento — tan influido de los libros sapienciales egipcios y sumerios — apoya una pedagogía tan poco gratificante como la de sus modelos:
M. SCRELER, Amor y conocimiento, Buenos Aires, Sur 1960, p. 103.
2 S.N. KRAMER, Schooldays: A sumeriam composition relating to the education of a scribe, en «Journal of the American Oriental Society» 69 (1949) 199-215.
«Odia a su hijo el que da paz a la vara; el que le ama se apresura a corregirle» (Prov 13,24).
«La necedad se esconde en el corazón del niño, la vara de la corrección la hace salir de él» (Prov 22,15).
«La vara y el castigo da la sabiduría» (Prov 29,15).
«¿Tienes hijos? Instrúyelos, doblega desde la juventud su cuello» (Si 7,25).
«¿Tienes hijas? Vela por su honra y no les muestres un rostro demasiado jovial» (Si 26,13).
«El que ama a su hijo tiene siempre dispuesto el azote para que al fin pueda complacerse en él» (Si 30,1).
Esta pedagogía del temor y del castigo penetró con fuerza en el cristianismo y ha estado vigente hasta nuestros días. ¿Qué otro sentido tiene el dicho de la sabiduría popular castellana de «quien bien te quiere te hará llorar»? ¿Cómo justificar, de acuerdo con nuestro punto de vista y sensibilidad modernos, que el amor ha de ser doloroso?
Es sabido que el cristianismo no se ha nutrido únicamente de los veneros culturales judíos, sino también de otras fuentes como el helenismo. Judaísmo y helenismo coinciden en su visión optimista del hombre y de la naturaleza, aunque generen pedagogías distintas. Para el judaísmo la naturaleza es buena, como creada por Dios. El origen del mal no está en la materia creada por Dios sino en el ser; no existe dualismo cuerpo y alma, sino «carne», es decir, hombre, como principio único. La filosofía y la cultura judías giran en torno al axioma de la pertenencia al pueblo escogido y segregado entre los demás pueblos, guiado y conducido personalmente por Dios y por sus enviados. El centro de gravedad del pueblo hebreo está en Díos, mientras que para el pueblo helénico está en el hombre, concebido como la medida de todas las cosas. Este antropocentrismo, que impregna toda la vida del hombre griego como ciudadano, pensador y religioso y que se manifiesta en todas las manifestaciones culturales como son la arquitectura, la escultura, la poesía, el teatro y la música, se resume en una palabra que es el calmen de las aspiraciones del hombre bien educado: la kalokagathia, la belleza corporal y espiritual.
Antes de Sócrates, los griegos se habían inclinado más hacia la belleza física. Platón descubrió que, para llegar a la armonía entre el cuerpo y el espíritu, había que supeditar la paideia a la paidia, es decir, la educación al gozo, por lo que era preciso aprender jugando, divirtiéndose, bromeando.
«Quien no haya pasado por la escuela del gozo en los movimientos rítmicos y en la armonía de las canciones corales, es un hombre inculto. El hombre cultivado es el que posee el sentido de las bellas danzas»?
Obsesionado por la trascendencia del juego, Platón desarrolló una pedagogía lúdica inimaginada hasta entonces y redescubierta recientemente por los movimientos contemporáneos de vanguardia.
W. JAEGER, Paideia. Los ideales de la cultura griega, México, F.C.E. 1957, p. 1035.
En su opinión el niño adquiría con el juego el sentido del orden, del ritmo y del equilibrio, con el que era posible adquirir en una edad temprana un ethos adecuado. Tan convencido estaba de su descubrimiento que en el libro VII de Las Leyes estableció la ley de que había que aprender deleitándose, dejando plena libertad a los niños, para que ejercitasen su inventiva mediante los juegos, entre los tres y seis años. Terminada esta etapa infantil, no por ello terminaba la actividad lúdica sino que el juego se convertía en agente educativo, de la mano de los educadores expertos.
Desgraciadamente para el niño, estas sorprendentes ideas fueron sepultadas por el polvo de la historia. Los historiadores de la educación occidental querríamos hallar un puer luden, algún lugar donde haya existido una pedagogía gozosa y alegre, unas escuelas acogedoras, unos maestros optimistas y entusiasmados con su profesión, unos pueblos orgullosos de su sistema educativo así como unos muchachos satisfechos de sus esfuerzos y del resultado de sus afanes escolares.
Querríamos ignorar que la pedagogía del temor y del látigo magistral han destrozado ingenios y han hecho aborrecer el estudio, antes de que los niños fuesen capaces de saber lo que era. En vano aconsejó Quintiliano evitar en los primeros años al magister aridus, non minus teneris adhuc plantis siccum et sine umore ullo solum,4 dado que la amargura del primer aprendizaje podría extenderse más allá de la edad de la ignorancia.5
La realidad ha sido que el mejor y único recurso del maestro ha sido el látigo. Manum ferulae subducere era una perífrasis con la que se designaba la actividad del estudio. El orbilianismo fustigado por Horacio, el magister anidas denostado por Quintiliano y el doctor amaras de Aurelio Prudencio6 han sido los tipos de maestros de todas o de la mayoría de las escuelas del occidente europeo con muy pocas excepciones como las de Clemente de Alejandría, Ramón Llnll, Vittorino da Feltre, Erasmo, Vives..., defensores en vano de una pedagogía humana y alegre, que apenas si pasó del umbral de la escuela. Si bene non scribis — se decía en la Edad media — scribam tua dorsa flagellis, tua dura rumpantur dorsa flagellis.
Los cambios introducidos por el humanismo renacentista no fueron capaces de cambiar la escuela. Erasmo describió la escuela de su tiempo como escuela de terror y del látigo; más que escuelas le parecían muladares y calabozos. Otro tanto escribieron Rabelais, Palmireno, Boldacio y muchos otros.
La Ratio studiorum de los jesuitas no prescindió de los medios coercitivos.
Previó un corrector encargado de la administración de los azotes conseguidos en el aprendizaje. La Salle por su parte recomendaba en su Guía la vara y la palmeta.
M.F. QUINTILIANI, Institvtionis oratoriae libri dvodecim, 2.4, 8-9, Oxonii, Oxford Classical Texts 1950.
Ibid., 1.20.
A. PRUDENCIO, Passio sancti Cassiani Forocorneliensis, en: Himnos a los mártires. Edición, estudio preliminar y notas por M.J. Bayo, Madrid, CSIC 1946, pp. 140-144. .
Lancaster, propagador del sistema que lleva su nombre, flagelaba a sus alumnos atados a la columna, o bien los colgaba en un cesto. Llevaba razón Comenio cuando escribió lo siguiente:
«Para educar a la juventud se ha seguido generalmente un método tan duro, que las escuelas han sido vulgarmente tenidas por terror de los muchachos y destrozo de los ingenios, y la mayor parte de los discípulos, tomando horror a las letras y a los libros, se ha apresurado a acudir a los talleres de los artesanos o a tomar otro cualquier género de vida».
A lo largo de los siglos el aprendizaje escolar ha sido atroz. En Inglaterra el castigo nacional ha sido el látigo, considerado con carácter aristocrático y no como algo infamante. En Alemania se ha usado tradicionalmente el schlague, la «varita de junco», cuyo empleo ha estado reglamentado en las escuelas con rigor germánico, precisando el lugar donde podía golpearse, el número de golpes y el ceremonial litúrgico de su aplicación, a puerta cerrada y en la ausencia de los alumnos, a diferencia de castigos semejantes impartidos en el mundo anglosajón.
Un estudioso de los castigos corporales escolares de nuestro siglo llegó a contabilizar 34 tipos de castigos distintos, muchos de los cuales ha sufrido la generación a la que pertenezco.
Esta triste pedagogía ha tenido, no obstante, sus paréntesis y sus momentos placenteros, como han sido las fiestas escolares, principalmente la del obispillo, el teatro escolar, las fiestas de toros típicamente hispanas y más modernamente las competiciones deportivas.
La fiesta del obispillo, episcopellus o episcopus puerorum fue popular, a partir del siglo XIII en Inglaterra, Francia y España. El seis de diciembre, día de San Nicolás, patrón de los estudiantes, se escogía un obispillo entre los escolares de las escuelas catedralicias y ejercía su mandato hasta el 28 de diciembre, día de los Inocentes, en que volvía a reestablecerse el imperio de Herodes.
Más importancia adquirió el teatro escolar, las farsas escolares y los juegos de escarnio medievales, representados en fiestas señaladas ante las autoridades, a pesar de que con frecuencia eran el blanco de las burlas de los improvisados comediantes.
Con el tiempo los responsables de los estudios descubrieron el potencial didáctico de estas fiestas escolares y decidieron orientarlas desde el punto de vista educativo. En Salamanca el profesor de gramática estuvo obligado a representar con sus alumnos dos comedias de Terencío o de Plauto, alrededor de la fiesta de San Juan.
El incremento del teatro en Salamanca a finales del XVI fue tan considerable, que algunos daustrales elevaron su voz de alarma, llegando a prohibir que, en cualquier época del año, ni cómicos ni faranduleros representasen comedias ni tragedias, puesto que eran «grandísima ocasión de perturbar e alterar los estudios de los mancebos de esta Universidad e los echan a perder e inquietar e no studiar».7
De poco sirvió esta prohibición, puesto que la afición al teatro, tanto en Salamanca como en otras ciudades universitarias, siguió con extraordinaria fuerza. Las comedias se representaban en un corral público, en los colegios universitarios, en las casas de pupilajes y en las casas particulares. Los actores eran los estudiantes y compañías profesionales.
Los jesuitas comprendieron la virtualidad del teatro y lo incorporaron a su sistema educativo. Multiplicaron el número de representaciones, desarrollaron un mayor fasto y complicaron los recursos escénicos, hasta llegar a un exagerado barroquismo. No hubo género dramático que los jesuitas dejaran de cultivar: obras clásicas, alegóricas, teológicas, bíblicas y populares, con fines educativos y a la vez de propaganda fueron representadas en los colegios de jesuitas de España, Italia, Francia, Países Bajos y América ante la presencia de las autoridades locales.' Los escolapios prosiguieron la tradición jesuítica sin renunciar al teatro. San Juan Bosco no tuvo que empezar de cero, sino aprovechar los recursos y experiencias acumulados durante siglos en la tradición pedagógica católica, adaptándolos a las necesidades de cada momento. Pudo escoger entre una pedagogía autoritaria de fuerza, que era la que en su tiempo estaba mayoritariamente en vigor, y una pedagogía de la dulzura y de la alegría, que para muchos equivalía a un fracaso.
En la Historia de la Educación, don Bosco sobresale por su talante jovial, alegre y optimista, entendiendo por «talante» el hábito emocional de carácter entitatívo, el modo personal que determina o condiciona el modo de enfrentarse a la realidad, como piensa J.L. Aranguren. Bien es cierto que don Bosco no procede de un análisis previo, que le lleve a elaborar conscientemente un método, sino que va improvisando según Dios le da a entender en cada circunstancia, según él mismo confiesa.'
Este talante jovial y alegre aparece en la vida de don Bosco de modo permanente. En el seminario de Chieri funda con un grupo de amigos la «Sociedad de la Alegría», cuya obligación primordial era «suscitar conversaciones y pasatiempos que pudieran contribuir a estar alegres», prohibiendo «todo lo que ocasionara tristeza».
Libros de Claustros de la Universidad de Salamanca 57, 32 v.-33. Cf. L.E. RODRÍGUEZ-SAN PEDRO, La Universidad Salmantina del Barroco período 1598-1625, Salamanca, Publicaciones de la
Universidad de Salamanca,111, 1986, p. 426.
Cf. N. GRIFFIN, Jesuit school drama. A checklist of critical literature, London/Valencia,
Grand-Culter Ltd., 1976; F. SEGURA, El teatro en los colegios de los jesuitas, en «Miscelánea Comillensis» 43 (1985) 299-327; J.M. VALENTIN, Le Théatre des jesuites dans les pays de Langue Allemande (1554-1680), Frankfurt, 1978, 3 vols. y Répertoire bibliographique (1555-1773), Stutgart,1982, 2 vols.
9 «ll mio metodo si vuole che io esponga: ma se nemmeno io lo so! Sono sempre andato
avanti come il Signore mi ispirava e le circostanze esigevano» (cit. por P. BRAMO, Il sistema preventivo di Don Bosco, Zürich, PAS-Verlag 1964, p. 25).
'° Obras fundamentales de San Juan Bosco. Edición de J. Canals Pujol y A. Martínez Azcona,
Es significativo que sus oratorios fuesen festivos y que en ellos su creador asumiese el papel de animador sociocultural, tan de moda en la novísima pedagogía social. «Tengo la impresión de encontrarme en un paraíso terrenal escribió Domenico Ruffino — porque todos están alegres, con una alegría verdaderamente de cielo, y sobre todo cuando don Bosco se encuentra en medio de nosotros »."
La alegría es el secreto de la pedagogía de don Bosco. Comprendió a la perfección que, si existe alegría en el quehacer pedagógico, no es preciso imponer la disciplina, porque brota espontáneamente y es aceptada de buen grado, no como algo que viene del más fuerte, sino como una necesidad del trabajo pedagógico. Esta alegría que es preciso buscar y practicar es aconsejada por don Bosco como fórmula de vida:
«Si quieres hacerte bueno practica sólo tres cosas, y todo irá bien.
— ¿Y cuáles son esas cosas?
— Helas aquí: alegría, estudio, piedad. Este es el gran programa, y si lo pones en práctica, podrás vivir feliz y hacer mucho bien a tu alma».12
Alegría, estudio y piedad vienen a ser el carácter distintivo de la pedagogía bosquiana. El estudio y la piedad son consustanciales con la historia de la educación cristiana de todos los tiempos; durante el Renacimiento se insistió con especial énfasis en la pietas litterata como el programa pedagógico de la época, pero no se prestó atención a la alegría, lógica consecuencia de una piedad estudiosa o de un estudio piadoso. Tampoco era costumbre en algunas familias tratar con dulzura a los hijos, por considerarlo como negativo para la educación. Es preciso recordar el comentario de Vives respecto a su madre, de la que dice que casi nunca le sonrió ni le demostró indulgencia ninguna, a pesar de que quería a su hijo con la mayor ternura." Don Bosco posee la originalidad de presentar la alegría como el máximo exponente y como el fruto más sazonado de una vida de piedad y de estudio. A su discípulo Domingo Savio le aconseja como algo primordial «una constante y moderada alegría»," como santa Teresa pedía a sus monjas. 15 Alaba reiteradamente la constante jovialidad «hiciese bueno o mal tiempo»,'6 incluso a las puertas de la muerte.
Madrid, B.A.C. 1978, p. 368-369.
" Carta a un amigo (1857), en: Ibid., p. 156.
Obras fundamentales, p. 302. Algo semejante escribió en la biografía de Miguel Magone: «El pulso indicaba que estaba a las puertas de la muerte y, sin embargo, su aire sereno, su jovialidad y el perfecto estado de su razón eran de una persona en completa salud» (Ibid., p. 261).
13 L. VivEs, Formación de la mujer cristiana, Lib. II, cap. XL en: Obras completas, vol. I. Traducción de L. Riber, Madrid, Aguilar 1947, p. 1144.
" Obras fundamentales, p. 508.
" El aviso 24 dice lo siguiente: «Cuando estuvieres alegre, no sea con risas demasiadas, sino con alegría humilde, modesta, afable y edificativa». En la carta 267 enviada a las carmelitas descalzas de Sevilla les dice: «Procuren estar alegres y considerar que — bien mirado — todo es poco lo que se padece por tan buen Dios».
San Pablo había aconsejado insistentemente a los cristianos de Filipo que estuviesen siempre alegres en el Señor: Gaudete in Domino semper; iterum dico: gaudete; y don Bosco utiliza la fórmula davidiana de Servite Domino in laetitia, aconsejándola a los jóvenes y a las religiosas. No es cierto que los jóvenes hayan de llevar una «vida melancólica y privada de toda diversión y placer» — escribió en El joven cristianos' — ni que las monjas hayan de vivir en su retiro compungidas y sumidas en la tristeza. No sólo les aconseja que se mantengan «alegres, sanas y santas»,1° sino que les obliga estatutariamente a estar siempre alegres y de buen humor: «Las TIMA estarán siempre alegres con las hermanas, reirán, bromearán, etc. ».19
La justificación de la alegría no se apoya para un cristiano en razones de índole filosófica, que pueden empujar más bien hacia la desesperación y pesimismo, sino en razones de tipo religioso. Sólo la fe justifica el optimismo, porque sólo ella garantiza la vida más allá de la vida biológica. San Juan Bosco escribió que únicamente «la práctica constante de la religión puede hacernos felices en el tiempo y en la etemidad»,20 afirmación que todo cristiano acepta, porque la fe proporciona la seguridad que al hombre le falta, al saberse y sentirse en precariedad óntica. El cor irrequietum del hombre únicamente recupera la paz y con ella la alegría al saberse hijo de Dios. Sólo de esta creencia dimana, como de río desbordado, la alegría; sin ella el hombre se ve empujado inexorablemente al hedonismo, al agnosticismo, a la angustia y en algunos casos al suicidio.
Don Bosco estuvo obsesionado por que en sus oratorios, en sus centros educativos y en sus comunidades reinase la alegría y se manifestase externamente como el mejor reclamo pedagógico para los observadores. Sí hay alegría, si los muchachos se divierten y están alegres, hay garantía de que todo marcha bien y de que el espíritu del maligno está lejos:
«Si dia ampia facoltá di saltare, correre, schiamazzare a piacimento. La girmastica, la musica, la dedamazione, íl teatrino, le passeggiate sono mezzi efficacissimi per ottenere la disciplina, giovare alla moralitá ed alla santa»?'
«La gioia — añade por su parte Pietro Braido — é per Don Bosco forma di vita, ch'egli deriva da un'istintiva valutazione psicologica del giovane e dallo spirito di famiglia. Don Bosco, in un tempo generalmente austero par l'educazione familiare, comprende che il ragazzo é ragazzo e permette e vuole che lo sia; sa che la sua esigenza piú profonda é la gioia, la liberta, il gioco, la " Societá dell'allegria"».22
" Obras fundamentales, p. 508.
" Plática del 23 de agosto de 1885, en: Ibid., p. 699.
19 Art. 114 de las Reglas o Constituciones del Instituto de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora.
20 Obras fundamentales, p. 339.
21 Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 168.
22 P. BRAMO, Esperienze di pedagogía cristiana nella storia, vol. II: Sec. XVII-XIX, Roma, LAS
1981, p. 370.
Con el transcurso de los años los oratorios festivos, al parecer, acabaron perdiendo la frescura y espontaneidad de sus primeros tiempos, afectando inevitablemente a la alegría. Así lo vio su fundador al final de su vida. Una noche, al rezar las oraciones que de niño le había enseñado su madre, recuerda el espíritu de los primeros oratorios festivos y los compara con los de entonces, disciplinados, pero poco espontáneos:
«Mi pareva di essere nell'antico Oratorio nell'ora della ricreazione. Era una scena tutta vita, tutta moto, tutta allegria. Chi correva, chi saltava, chi faceva saltare. Qui si giuocava alla rana, lá a tiara rotta, ed al pallone. In un luogo era radunato un crocchio di giovani che pendeva del labbro di un prete il quale narrava una storiella. In un altro luogo un chierico che in mezzo ad altri giovanetti giuocava all'asino yola e al mestieri. Si cantava, si rideva da tutte parti e dovunque chierici e preti, e intorno ad essi giovani che schiamazzano allegramente. Si vedeva che fra giovani e Superiori regnava la piú grande cordialitá».23
Don Bosco pedía a los educadores que no sólo fuesen maestros de cátedra o predicadores de púlpito, sino amigos de los muchachos, compañeros de sus juegos, capaces de ganarse su amistad y confianza: «Aflora regnera nell'Oratorio la pace e l'allegrezza antica».24
Estoy convencido de que este mensaje de don Bosco conserva hoy día toda su frescura. Los pedagogos y educadores de nuestro tiempo se afanan intentando conseguir la eficacia de sus actuaciones planificando al milímetro, desmenuzando el currículum, inventando nuevos sistemas cibernéticos y esforzándose por aplicar a la educación las más novedosas tecnologías. Todo ello es laudable y aconsejable; no se pueden cerrar los ojos al mundo que nos rodea ni tiene sentido practicar una pedagogía obsoleta y anacrónica. Es comiM el deseo de hallar métodos infalibles, que hagan aprender a los inapetentes muchachos; que reduzcan al mínimo, o lo hagan desaparecer, el alarmante y creciente fracaso escolar y que justifiquen ante la sociedad la inversión cada vez mayor de los presupuestos del Estado en un sistema educativo que hace aguas por todas partes.
Sin embargo a toda la moderna barahúnda pedagógica le falta algo esencial que don Bosco practicó y predicó: la alegría, la simpatía, el amor al educando. Comprendió muy bien que una pedagogía triste es una triste pedagogía.
Desde nuestro punto de vista actual cabe preguntarse a qué se debe que la alegría esté tan alejada de los centros educativos y por qué no ha sido capaz de arrasar prejuicios, rutinas, prácticas y métodos que impiden la comunicación cálida y humana entre el educando y el educador. ¿Por qué los centros llamados educativos siguen ocupados mayoritariamente por maestros áridos, malhumorados y descontentos con su profesión?
23 Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 286.
24 Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 297.
Es indudable que son múltiples y variadas las causas que provocan la frialdad educativa. Es cierto también que el viejo proverbio de «la letra con sangre entra» no tiene hoy más valor que el de una frase incluida en una colección de expresiones en desuso. Es cierto que ha desaparecido la coacción física, pero sigue en pleno vigor otro tipo de coacción más sutil quizás, que se manifiesta en la sobrecarga de los deberes escolares, en el sistema de las evaluaciones, en las relaciones nada cordiales y en la función docente ejercida sin entusiasmo y sin alegría. Las escuelas modernas no son ya muladares ni calabozos, pero tampoco son centros en los que la alegría tenga su sede.
Un siglo después de don Bosco los educadores seguimos sin resolver satisfactoriamente el reto de ofrecer una pedagogía amable, atractiva y gozosa de la que brote espontáneamente una alegría profunda y duradera.
Este estudio es una reflexión sobre la Carta de Roma, del 10 de mayo de 1884, enviada por don Bosco a Turín. Sigo el texto de la edición española recogida en las Constituciones y Reglamentos de los Salesianos de Don Bosco (1985).
Parto del supuesto de que, en la Carta, se recoge lo esencial de la concepción educativa de don Bosco. Hablo de modelo, y lo considero como síntesis lógica y dinámica de la realidad viva reflejada en la Carta. Su lectura me ha sugerido un Modelo de organización educativa estructurado en tres niveles, con una distribución de nueve elementos, o fases programáticas del proyecto educativo.'
Es el conjunto, sistema, de elementos ideales y experienciales de que se trata. Toda organización se concibe como sistema; sistema se refiere a la unidad esencial y funcional de la realidad organizativa compleja, en su constitución y en su funcionamiento. El contenido de este modelo educativo se refiere a Dios y al hombre, por eso hablo de «Modelo Humanista de Educación Cristiana».
Me refiero a términos o conceptos de la Carta, y señalo con un número la línea en que éstos aparecen en la edición española citada. De P. BRAIDO, La lettere di don Bosco da Roma 10 maggio 1884 (Roma, LAS 1984), tengo en cuenta el manuscrito K (pp. 41-62) de la edición crítica, como contraste de fidelidad en la edición española. Esta redacción, muy reducida, a los efectos de la publicación, puede sugerir un modelo de lectura de la Carta de Roma, que es la que directamente ofrece su mensaje educativo, con Plenitud de sentido y con fuerza de evidente convicción de principios.
En referencia a la organización, hablo de tres niveles, entre los que se distribuyen los nueve elementos:
I. Definición configuradora (elementos 1, 2, 3);
II. Activación productora (elementos 4, 5, 6, 7);
III. Logro de producto (elementos 8, 9).
Se subraya la esencia permanente de un espíritu educativo, apelando al pasado, sistema (230), personas (314).
a) Se contraponen dos funcionamientos antitéticos.
b) Se establecen los principios de identidad, unidad y acción, de caridad y obediencia (53), de unidad en caridad (356).
c) Se definen los fines que dan razón de la existencia de la organización, fines: de fiesta eterna (275), anticipada en el tiempo (2), compartida en convivencia (341), vivificada por la Gracia (278).
Garantiza el funcionamiento óptimo, según normas y funciones.
a) No es fría, facilita la cordialidad en comunicación de corazones: «No se puede substituir el amor por la frialdad de un reglamento» (220).
b) No es rígida, estimula la espontaneidad y la alegría (33, 61, 167). Deben reinar vida, movimiento, alegría (37).
c) No es represiva: es carta de paz en familia de Dios con rostro humano. Familiaridad (184), felicidad (230), confianza (246): todo conduce suave y libremente por la «senda del Señor» (367).
La organización funciona con un «modelo» de aprendizaje orientado a un ideal con espíritu, actuaciones y efectos concretos, previstos.
a) La modelación resulta de la dinámica de la pedagogía de Dios. La educación se sitúa en horizonte de salvación (105), en presencia salvífico-modeladora de Dios, actuante en la relación de la práctica cristiana (19, 52, 86 ).
Jesús aparece con ejemplaridad y fuerza modeladora activa y positiva (346); es también modelo para los educadores (201). Se despliega una estrategia de Gracia promovida y defendida (235, 239, 241, 309).
b) La modelación corresponde también a la dinámica de la pedagogía del hombre. Humanidad, por la esencia humana del amor y la expresión humanizada y humanizante del amor (142). Pedagogía de rostro humano, regado con sangre de trabajo y sacrificio (112), eficaz en la respuesta que se provoca: «Lo consiguen todo de los jóvenes» (197). Se sigue al individuo, se le habla al oído(195).
c) Se da una modelación eficaz por la pertenencia a una familia viva, que es núcleo estimulante de aprendizaje social. En la familiaridad confluyen como causa y efecto todos los factores educativos (49); ella es el núcleo del estilo que se invoca, garantía del éxito (49, 183). Es la expresión auténtica del amor que realmente existe (116). Don_Bosco, centro de una «familia», es el modelo de sus seguidores (160). No falta, en esta familia, la Madre, la Santísima Virgen (354).
La comunicación asegura la vitalidad de la organización.
a) Se da una comunicación de corazones identificados en unidad de intenciones: «El amor lo regulaba todo» (151). El amor es eficaz, despierta sintonía (196). Comunicación ideal, en que reinan «la mayor cordialidad y confianza» (46). Hay que «formar un solo corazón y una sola alma» (176). Comunicación de un amor que se tiene y que se expresa (185), para el bien de los jóvenes (231).
b) Communication of lives, of participative coexistence in reciprocity of interest and action. Positive motivation is fundamental: young people will be pleased with what is pleasant and will be willing to do what is difficult (123). Educators give themselves with sacrifice (270), and feel an indelible joy (33). Intrinsic motivation is established in young people as a consequence, that is the reward for educators. Here has been established a principle of participation with motivating dynamics. Communication of life, "always with young people" (149).
c) There is a whole communication of goods, in the service of the guiding dialogue, of the modeling orientation. Love has a listening communication (232); in the listening they are discovered, and thus they can be remedied, in the climate of trust, the needs (198), of all kinds, spiritual and temporal (234).
Familiarity defines the essence of the functional climate of the organization. Love defines the type of educational interaction, the type of this form of organization. Love is necessary, and "without affection, affection is not demonstrated" (184). Young people need to feel loved, and educators are responsible for the initiative of the tests of gratuitous love (200, 222).
a) It is about familiarity with essence and presence of "human humanism" for reason and love. The entire Charter is a well-conceived and well-oriented project. The common sense system is not lacking, which is no small reason; It does not lack logic. It abounds in psychosociological implications, very much within the reach of experience and science, both religiously and humanly. It is not the moment to adduce the correspondence of phrases and concepts with humanist and existentialist theories of current behavioral sciences. The convictions, and the results of the application, presuppose in Don Bosco the intimate association between love and intelligence in human existence, in educational functioning, in communication that is essentially human.
Concrete allusions refer to the intellectual formation of educators (270) and the intellectual assets of young people (90). These goods will be achieved, within an integral formation, in the dynamics of a love offered, felt and reciprocated (98). Love appears as a stimulating principle, as intrinsic motivation of the learning process (125, 96). The Charter is a reasoned argument and a foundation in love.
b) Familiarity is communication that is expressed in trust, cordiality and affection. This is how everything is achieved (197, 84, 229). Affection tests place young people in a pleasant experience of humanity, and they respond to it in a familiar way (116, 123). The imitation of Jesus Christ, "master of familiarity" (225, 250), gives weight to this burden of humanity. The exact observance (247) and the necessary obedience (160, 179) give way to the sense of order in the family on the basis of love: one should not "substitute love for the coldness of a regulation" (220). Familiarity indicates that it is love that makes the structures intelligent and makes them easy to scale educational ascent.
c) Familiarity is encouraged with the spirit of religion, which also allows the Help of Christians to be Mother: it is a family of God with a very human incarnation and face. In the organization, God is present as a source of peace (279), in time and for eternity (375). God is a provident Father (235), whose fatherhood Jesus Christ is an expression of human familiarity, in which He is also a model of educators (225). The Blessed Virgin Mary Help of Christians is the Lady of her "home" (354), who encourages and protects on earth and waits in the Father's house (375).
The reciprocity offers criteria of information on the control of the functioning in the educational organization, the system, the Oratory.
a) Reciprocity is given in the signs of acceptance of a love that awakens love: "He who wants to be loved, must show that he loves" (185). This principle has its concrete translation: "Amen (educators) what pleases young people, and young people will love what pleases superiors" (167). This is how "it is established as an electric current between young and old" (198). This is how educational effectiveness is guaranteed. Educators, because they love, are loved; and thus "they get everything, especially from young people" (197).
b) La reciprocidad se muestra en un amor sin condiciones que despierta confianza: «Sin la familiaridad no se puede demostrar afecto, y sin esta demostración no puede haber confianza» (184). La iniciativa les corresponde a los educadores (183), que sólo así podrán derribar «la barrera fatal de la desconfianza» (175). La confianza que se da es aceptación de la persona en quien se confía; la confianza engendra confianza, como el amor, como la familiaridad: «La familiaridad engendra afecto y el afecto confianza» (49).
c) La reciprocidad supone comprensión desde la autenticidad que despierta sinceridad y compromiso. Las experiencias de amor y confianza suponen transparencia y tienen un alcance directo de autenticidad. La situación facilitadora es la de la espontaneidad (33, 61). No hay temores ni inhibiciones, se da la sinceridad (50); ahí se da la familiaridad (49), como la cordialidad y la confianza (45), que son componentes esenciales de la autenticidad. Ahí se descubre, en el educador, a un hermano (188), en el predicador, a un amigo (191), y se da la conversión hacia el mejor yo (194). Se trataría de un aprendizaje social por y hacia la autenticidad, en el compromiso.
La alegría es una expresión de paz en un ambiente de familia.
a) Es marca de identidad y prueba de buen funcionamiento, en la aproximación a los ideales (37). La situación ideal es «de vida, de movimiento, de alegría» (37). La alegría es reflejo y estímulo de apertura, en sinceridad, en docilidad estimulada por amor y por amor ejercida (50). La alegría está fundada en la paz (278), y como la paz es interior y social, elemento dinámico en el ambiente de aprendizaje social, en el que se modelan las individualidades en la medida en que individualmente se alcanzan y se expresan. Se da en la espontaneidad (37), acompaña a la reciprocidad del amor, de la confianza, de la interacción agradable (123).
b) La alegría es símbolo de unidad en la comunicación de los espíritus y en la participación de la vida. El nervio de la unidad recorre la esencia y el funcionamiento de la organización en el sistema, por el principio unitivo y operativo del amor, y por el estado de paz personal y social que de él se deriva (279, 180): la dinámica paz-alegría es de unión. La alegría auténtica resulta del compartir y dispone a compartir.
c) Es estímulo de eficacia de la acción de cara a fines de ideal ilusionado. La alegría no es sólo un buen postre que da fin a un buen banquete: la alegría es «el mejor plato en una buena comida» (249). La alegría dispone a la acción con características de disposición y de prontitud, da impulso al peso del querer. La alegría salta del corazón feliz a la expresión bulliciosa (45), su llama se mantiene con el éxito y facilita el éxito en la acción. Es impulsora y contagiosa. Es rostro del amor, participa de la eficacia del amor.
El estado de paz certifica la pertenencia viva de cada uno a la organización, al tiempo que es indicio de un buen «tranquilo» funcionamiento.
a) Se da en primer lugar la paz con Dios, comunicación con el motor primero de la organización (278). Paz que se mantiene y se recupera por los sacramentos, en la vida de piedad (86, 294). Es paz que reclama intimidad decidida, propósitos firmes (296, 303). Es paz que revierte en las relaciones sociales, pero que también resulta facilitada por la familiaridad experimentada (52). Es, pues, fundamento del bienestar reinante en el sistema (282).
b) La paz consigo mismo, en la intimidad de sí, encuentro transparente consigo mismo, encuentro de vivencia de autorrealización, de sentido de la existencia. Se expresa en «vivacidad, alegría, expansión» (96), en «dichosa despreocupación» (67). Se da en lo personal, psicológicamente, y con posibles referencias a la paz con Dios (278), y con sus derivaciones de paz social (238, 72, 68).
c) La paz con los otros aparece en el fondo ennoblecido de sí, transparente fundamento de comunicación humana por el corazón. Es cierto que la paz con Dios asegura la paz con los demás (278); pero la paz con los demás, en la medida én que llega a otra persona, y llega por la caridad (196), se convierte en estímulo de paz. Dios es paz por su gracia (278): en los pacíficos Dios se hace presente, y desde ellos Dios apela a la necesidad de paz de los insatisfechos. La fuerza de modelación de la organización llega hasta ahí.
La salvación consumada en el paraíso se constituye como cumbre de la pirámide jerárquica de valores.
a) La salvación aparece como fundamento y corona de una educación integral. Se trabaja para la tierra y el cielo (2); se proporciona pan, albergue y formación, pero sobre todo se busca la salvación de las almas (102). Se adivinan las líneas de lo que llamaríamos socialización, profesionalización, personalización, humanización, cristianización. Ciudadanos felices en el tiempo, cristianos destinados a la fiesta eterna del paraíso (376).
b) La religión es energía vital en el funcionamiento humano-divino del organismo sobrenatural enraizado en Jesucristo. Lo sobrenatural es connatural en el modelo. La eternidad feliz es el objetivo (2); el proceso educativo termina en la fiesta eterna (376). La «santa Gracia de Dios» (279) va dando sentido y profundidad a todo y en todo se busca la mejor realización. La comunicación integral, la formación integral se anima en caridad que se fundamenta en Jesucristo y estimula al máximo rendimiento. La práctica religiosa anima todo el proceso de autorrealización en el modelo.
c) La pedagogía de Dios es pedagogía de la salvación, en una organización «evangélica», centrada en Jesucristo y en la presencia de la Santísima Virgen. Se trata de una pedagogía de la felicidad que anima un funcionamiento del modelo en programa de bienaventuranzas. Jesús es el Maestro (225), el modelo de humanidad cristiana, que pasó haciendo el bien, y todo lo hizo bien.
Dios es amor. En el modelo de don Bosco, la caridad, como sistema de funcionamiento humano, se hace pedagogía de la comunicación. Esta comunicación funciona en esos dos niveles humano y divino. La alegría humana es un preanuncio de la fiesta eterna, que se logra trabajando en este mundo en paz y por la paz, con amor. Todos los términos, fundamentalmente los elementos del modelo, son aspectos de la misma realidad: tienen significado y valor en cada uno de los tres niveles de la organización. Están en la definición de objetivos, son fuerza impulsora de realización y se alcanzan como logro de plenitud salvadora, personal y social, religiosa.
1. Agradezco mucho la invitación que se me hizo a tomar parte en la clausura de este ter Congreso Internacional de Estudios sobre San Juan Bosco.
Confieso no sentir ninguna simpatía hacia cierto ejercicio de las llaves: «abrir o cerrar» un congreso, sin haber participado en sus trabajos y sin conocer a fondo los resultados de sus estudios.
Por fortuna, no es éste el caso. Pero aun prescindiendo de las diferencias, la calidad de los oradores de esta tarde da valor sustancial a la clausura. Por no hablar de las relaciones íntimas que me ligan a un Congreso de gran altura y bien logrado.
2. No hablo por lo que he oído decir, gracias a la, posibilidad de una participación, que en este caso me parecía obligada. Pero ha habido además una presencia de otro tipo, que me agrada dar a conocer ahora.
Más de uno de los participantes me ha preguntado con cierta preocupación: «¿No os molestaréis vosotros, los salesianos, si nosotros, por respeto a la historia, damos la impresión de querer suprimir ciertos pedestales un poco superfluos o inconsistentes?».
La primera reacción, instintiva, para quien se encuentra por deseo del Papa cuidando la Biblioteca y los Archivos, fue referirme al pensamiento de León XIII, cuando puso los documentos hasta entonces secretos, a disposición de los estudiosos de todo el mundo: «La primera ley de la historia es no atreverse a decir nada falso; y después, no callar nada verdadero». F.1 latín me parece aún más fuerte: «Primam esse historiae legem ne quid falsi dicere audeat; deinde ne quid veri non audeat».
Como estudiosos, los salesianos que gastan su vida, por obediencia, en el mundo universitario, saben también que están siempre al servicio incondicional de la verdad; la cual — sigue hablando el Papa — «obscurari aliquanto potest, extingui non potest».' Los hijos de don Bosco saben que su Padre es una obra de arte; y que la realidad no sufre ningún retoque, aun cuando se haga con buena intención. Deseo verlo como es, no como alguno quisiera que fuese.
LEO XIII, Saepe numero considerantes, 18 Aug. 1883, en ASS 3 (1884) 268.
3. Con vuestro permiso, quisiera dispensarme de seguir la norma que establece que, antes de dar la palabra a los oradores, el que preside diga que éstos no tienen necesidad de presentación, para pasar luego a presentarlos, a lo mejor con un largo discurso. Los nuestros no tienen necesidad de que se recuerden sus títulos y publicaciones, porque todos los conocen. Pues bien: ahorremos el tiempo de una presentación superflua y ofrezcámoselo a los conferenciantes.
El Profesor Scoppola tiene mucho que decir sobre un binomio sugestivo: «Don Bosco» y la «modernidad». Todos estamos sumamente interesados en oír, sobre un concepto tan denso y controvertido, el parecer de un especialista de la historia moderna. Los miembros de la Familia salesiana recuerdan la apertura del Centenario en Turín y se sienten felices al saber que será el mismo profesor Scoppola quien precise la relación de don Bosco con el otro término del binomio.
Don Braido (un nombre ligado ya inseparablemente al «Sistema preventivo») desarrollará luego el tema «Perspectivas e iniciativas de la investigación
sobre don Bosco». Muchos de nosotros tienen muy presente el balance lucidísimo publicado con ocasión del Centenario en «La Civiltá Cattolica». Concluía el artículo invitando a conservar la tradición recibida de don Bosco, a recoger su aportación original y a superar, por último, el horizonte del siglo pasado, pero a la luz de una metodología no trasnochada. Tenemos curiosidad por saber los caminos concretos que nos va a sugerir don Braido en base a sus reflexiones y aportaciones del Congreso, que toca ya su conclusión.
Volviendo a la Biblioteca y al Archivo del Vaticano, pienso poder decir no sin cierto orgullo — que también en la UPS está en vigor la norma dada a los archiveros por Pablo VI. Es decir, que también nuestros historiadores profesan «el máximo respeto por los monumentos» y por los documentos. Porque también ellos sienten que tener ese culto por los papeles es, «como reflejo, tener el culto de Cristo, tener sentido de Iglesia, darnos a nosotros, dar a los que vengan, la historia del paso de esta fase del transitus Domini en el mundo».2 Y, como Él decía en una ocasión parecida, es apasionante evocar la historia de la Iglesia a partir de datos seguros. Porque «también el más modesto de los documentos, conservado con este espíritu, se convierte en un signo de su presencia en el mundo, en argumento de su misión, en una huella del Cuerpo Místico en el camino secular de la historia».
Y a ella pertenece don Bosco, cuyos rasgos fisonómicos intentan precisar con rigor, a partir de los documentos, los dos ilustres especialistas.
2 PABLO VI, 26 set. 1963, Insegnamentil, 1963, p. 614.
El tema «Don Bosco y la modernidad» puede, tal vez, ofrecer un punto de vista interesante para una valoración de conjunto del papel de don Bosco en la vida de la Iglesia y en la historia italiana. El tema no es nuevo: una aportación muy significativa en esta dirección la ha ofrecido el precioso volumen dirigido por Francesco Traniello, editado por la SEI hace poco más de un dio: Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, y en él, en particular, el estudio de Piero Bairati;1 y también un ensayo del mismo Traniello sobre Don Bosco e il problema della modernita.2
Los motivos que han movido, tratándose de don Bosco, a hablar de modernidad son muchos, de diverso orden y ya conocidos: Don Bosco es moderno por un método educativo que valoriza la libre expresión del joven, sus recursos más íntimos y personales, en vez de someterlo a modelos preconstituidos. Pero veremos enseguida lo complejo y controvertido que es el sentido de la palabra «modernidad». Pietro Prini, en la introducción al volumen de Palumbieri,3 ha visto en don Bosco una anticipación de algunas intuiciones del humanismo personalista de nuestro siglo. Don Bosco es moderno porque utiliza un instrumento antiguo de formación juvenil como el «Oratorio», transformándolo, sin embargo, en un medio eficaz de inserción y de presencia de la Iglesia en la nueva realidad urbana. Es moderno por su atención, y yo diría predilección, por la ciudad en contraposición a una cultura católica dirigida más bien a favorecer el campo.
1 P. BAIRATI, Cultura salesiana e societá industriale, en: F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, Torillo, SEI 1987, p. 331-356.
2 F. TRANIELLO, Don Bosco e il problema della modernita, en: Don Bosco e le sfide della modernita (Quaderni del Centro Studi «C. Trabucco», 11), Torillo, Stabilimento Poligrafico Editoriale «C. Fanton» 1988, p. 39-46.
En la presentación del volumen de S. PALUMBIERI, Don Bosco e Nom° nell'orizzonte del personalismo, Torillo, Gribaudi 1987.
Es moderno por haber sabido realizar un sabio equilibrio, como ha puesto en evidencia Luciano Pazzaglia,4 entre escuela, formación profesional y trabajo en unos años en los que el problema estaba completamente ausente de la legislación italiana. Y aún más: este sacerdote, nacido en una pequeña aldea campesina, se muestra capaz de encontrar y seguir un camino original dentro de la realidad del naciente capitalismo italiano, de crear una espiritualidad cristiana, que alimenta actitudes y virtudes de iniciativa, de responsabilidad y de solidaridad; de hecho contribuye, en cierto modo, a dar un alma a la nueva economía, mereciendo, como es sabido, la estima de los grandes magnates de la industria. Estos aspectos de la obra de don Bosco han sido discutidos y estudiados en profundidad en este Congreso. Ciertamente tiene razón Tramontin cuando en su comunicación invita a no ceder a la tentación de ver en don Bosco «anticipaciones filosóficas o teológicas». El juicio sobre las anticipaciones es siempre peligroso en campo histórico porque puede hacer perder el sentido del contexto en el que una figura y una obra han de ser situadas. Pero aun con esta observación, el problema, como trataré de explicar, sigue totalmente abierto, porque don Bosco sobrepasa a su tiempo en el sentido que supera, de hecho y en varias direcciones, sus límites, tanto en el plano de la mentalidad, como en el de las obras emprendidas.
Sin embargo, la intención de mi intervención no quisiera ser el de resumir estas cosas, sobre las cuales, por lo demás, tuve ya ocasión de llamar la atención hace un año al recordar la figura de don Bosco en Turín con ocasión de la celebración del centenario de su muerte.5 Tal vez para matizar mejor alguna afirmación, mi propósito hoy quisiera ser el de situar esta reflexión acerca de la modernidad de don Bosco en el contexto más amplio del debate abierto en los últimos años sobre el tema de las relaciones entre Iglesia y modernidad; con el fin de verificar sí, y en qué medida, el caso de don Bosco puede contribuir a orientarnos en una cuestión que se presenta muy complicada.
¿Qué es la modernidad? El concepto, como se sabe, es uno de los más complejos y ha estado durante mucho tiempo ligado al modelo y a las categorías procedentes de occidente. Pero Habermas en un «discurso filosófico» sobre la modernidad6 ha disociado en cierto modo el concepto de modernidad de los lazos que lo unían a las categorías de la racionalidad occidental: no existe un camino único hacia la modernidad; los procesos de modernización han de ser considerados y valorados dentro de las diferentes realidades históricas. Esta reflexión, que también Traniello menciona en su ensayo antes citado,
4 L. PAZZAGLIA, Apprendistato e istruzione degli artigiani a Valdocco, en: TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 13-80.
Se puede ver ahora el cuaderno: Don Bosco e le sfide della modernitá (cf. nota 2).
6 Cf. J. HABERMAS, Il discorso filosofico della modernitá, Bari, Laterza 1987.
hace más problématica, y me atrevería a decir más abierta, la cuestión sobre las relaciones entre modernidad y valores.
La modernidad no es necesariamente un criterio de valor. Si llega a serlo, no puede ser asumida en el sentido corriente de adecuación al proceso histórico real, de aceptación de lo nuevo, sino que debe implicar un cierto significado más profundo y más extenso en el plano humano. De lo contrario, lo que viene después debería necesariamente valer más de lo que está antes, ¡incluido el nazismo con respecto a la República de Weimar! Un estudioso inglés, Tim Mason, ha subrayado todas las ambigüedades inherentes al uso ideológico de los términos moderno, modernidad, modernización para llegar a la conclusión: «que todo concepto válido que comprenda en sí la nota de modernidad o modernización debe estar inspirado en juicios de valor y, por tanto, en un compromiso moral de futuro. [...] Decir modernización significa decir algo sobre aquello que nosotros queremos, sobre aquello que aún queda por alcanzar».' Conviene, por tanto, distinguir entre una modernidad entendida como valor, como progreso humano, y una modernidad entendida simplemente como realidad nueva que se manifiesta en el proceso histórico.
Ulteriores precisiones han sido formuladas por Gino Germani,8 para quien la modernización no sólo no es un juicio de valor, sino que ni siquiera es referible al concepto genérico de novedad o de modernidad: ésta implica una referencia precisa a aquellos procesos que caracterizan la sociedad europea en el nuevo siglo y que la primera guerra mundial aceleró fuertemente y que han contribuido a la creación de la sociedad de masas en el sentido actual del término.
A mí parecer, al historiador le conviene no cargar la modernidad de contenidos axiológicos, sino limitarse a registrarla como un dato del proceso histórico real, definiendo y precisando sus contenidos en relación a circunstancias de tiempo y de ambiente (en este sentido puede ser útil el concepto específico de modernización). De manera que cuando se define moderna o antimoderna una concepción o una acción, no se formula necesariamente un juicio.
Esta consideración vale mucho más cuando se trata de la Iglesia. No se puede asumir la modernidad como criterio de juicio en relación a las actitudes de la Iglesia. Cuando un estudioso, por otro lado agudo y siempre estimulante como es Ernesto Galli della Loggia, denuncia la «absoluta aversión de la tradición católica hacia los desarrollos sociales del mundo moderno» y «la inadecuación propia de los católicos para secundar y controlar desde un punto de vista ideológico y cultural, el crecimiento moderno del país »,9 no sólo violenta la realidad histórica, sino que también utiliza implícitamente un criterio de valor que no se puede dar por descontado.
' T. MASON, Moderno, modernitá, modernizzazione: un montaggio, en «Movimento Operaio e Socialista» 10 (1987) 1-2, dedicado al tema: «Storia contemporanea oggi. Per una discussione».
8 G. GERMANI, Sociologia della modernizzazione. L'esperienza dell'America Latina, Bari, Laterza 1971.
9 E. GALLI DELLA LOGGIA, Ideologie, classi e costume, en: V. CASTRONOVO (ed.), Italia contemporanea 1945-1975, Torino 1976.
Gabriele De Rosa ha llamado repetida y justamente la atención sobre los riesgos que pueden derivarse de la aplicación de categorías tomadas de la historia política y social — entre las cuales está ciertamente también la modernidad — a la historia de la Iglesia, a sus hombres, a los movimientos, que sólo dentro de ella tienen sus raíces. «No podemos ignorar — ha observado él — la estructura de la Iglesia, que es secular, la conciencia que ella tiene de su misión, su lenguaje, que saca su propio alimento de una ciencia, la teología, ajena al mundo laico ».'°
Es evidente que observaciones metodológicas de este tipo han de ser tenidas muy en cuenta ante una figura como la de don Bosco. Es necesario superar la simple constatación de su capacidad para anticiparse en tantas intuiciones e iniciativas, a orientaciones educativas o formas de comportamiento que sólo en años posteriores a él serán normalmente corrientes en la sociedad italiana y en el mundo católico; y es necesario, en cambio, preguntarse por el nexo que existe entre esta apertura a lo nuevo y el mundo de sus valores, el modo de ser católico, su ser sacerdote en la Iglesia de su tiempo. Toda su obra en favor del mundo juvenil, por ejemplo, con los elementos de modernidad a los que se ha aludido, resulta incomprensible si no nos remontamos a la preocupación religiosa y espiritual — entendida en los términos más antiguos y tradicionales de «salvación de las almas» — que la animó constantemente. ¿Cómo conviven, entonces, en él la apertura al mundo moderno en el proceso educativo con los presupuestos más tradicionales de su labor de sacerdote entre los jóvenes?
Un análisis profundo de las relaciones entre Iglesia y modernidad ha sido llevado a cabo por un joven y valioso estudioso, Renato Moro, en un ensayo, recientemente aparecido, que se refiere explícitamente al período fascista, pero cuyo interés, sobre el plano historiográfico, va mucho más allá del objetivo para el que ha sido concebido." Al autor le interesa en particular el efecto inducido por los procesos de modernización, en el significado especifico propuesto por Germani, al cual se ha aludido, en el mundo católico; es decir, le interesan las transformaciones que tales procesos han provocado en la mentalidad católica y en la estructura misma de la presencia católica en el período fascista. Es evidente que esta parte del análisis no es utilizable para nuestro
Cito de la intervención de G. De Rosa sobre la ponencia de A. MONUCONE, Religiositá popolare e coscienza civile da Pio XII a Giovanni XXIII, in «Sociologia» (1984) 115.
" Cf. R. MORO, II modernismo buono. La «modernizzazione» cattolica tra fascismo e post-fascismo come problema storiografico, en «Storia Contemporanea» (agosto 1988).
tema. Muy útil para nuestro tema es, en cambio, la reflexión que el autor desarrolla sobre las diversas interpretaciones que se han propuesto sobre las relaciones entre lo moderno y lo antimoderno en la vida de la Iglesia.
En la historiografía han surgido dos hipótesis fundamentales en lo concerniente a estas relaciones en la vida de la Iglesia. Por un lado estas relaciones han sido entendidas en el sentido de una inestable dicotomía, tal como parece sugerir Giorgio Campanini cuando señala en el conflicto entre «tradición» y «modernidad» «una discriminante fundamental en el desarrollo global del movimiento católico».'2 Por otro lado, en cambio, se ha definido esta relación en términos de una con-presencia y de una dialéctica entre dos elementos, como sugiere, por ejemplo, Émile Poulat en su ensayo Église contre bourgeoisie.0
En realidad, las dos posiciones conviven durante algún tiempo, pero en su conjunto se suceden históricamente: tras la superación de las posiciones más coherentemente antimodernas del tradicionalismo demestriano, una cierta dialéctica moderno/antimoderno caracteriza toda la historia del movimiento católico. Incluso las posturas más atentas y más abiertas a las exigencias de la modernidad — ya se trate del catolicismo liberal en el primer Ochocientos, ya de la democracia cristiana a finales de siglo — expresan también siempre una reserva crítica, no se pueden reducir a una «rendición» ante lo moderno. De Rosa, en la intervención a la cual me acabo de referir, insiste sobre los motivos irrenunciables de reserva y de oposición de la Iglesia frente a la sociedad surgida de los procesos de industrialización del siglo XIX.
No se trata, evidentemente, de aceptar esta idea de la relación dialéctica modemo/antímodemo como una fórmula abstracta y cómoda en la cual todos los contrastes desaparecen y todo se justifica. Se trata, por el contrario, de verificar cómo esta relación se expresa en las diversas figuras del movimiento católico y de la historia de la Iglesia en la edad contemporánea.
Como es sabido, se puede precisar, no sólo para algunos grupos o iniciativas particulares, sino para la Iglesia en su conjunto, un momento que marca el paso del puro y simple rechazo de principio de la modernidad a una posición más compleja y estructurada: este momento coincide con la sucesión de León Xffl a Pío IX. El pontificado de Pío IX había estado dominado, tras una fase inicial, por la «psicología del estado de sitio», por la posición defensiva, por las actitudes incondicionalmente negativas hacia la modernidad, que los historiadores concordemente han subrayado, aunque sea dentro de un cuadro de valoraciones diversas. Una síntesis coherente y significativa entre el objetivo de la restauración católica y la toma de conciencia de la nueva realidad surgida de la revolución liberal se esboza, en cambio, en el magisterio de la Iglesia a partir del pontificado de León XIII.
. G. CAMPANINI, II movimento cattolico fra tradizione e modernitá, en «Istituto per la Storia della Resistenza in provincia di Alessandria» 14 (1984) 44-45.
" E. POULAT, Église contre bourgeoisie. Introduction au devenir du catholicisme actuel, Tournai, Casterman 1977.
Es a partir de aquel pontificado cuando los movimientos católicos organizados irán asumiendo, al menos en plano instrumental, las connotaciones modernas que caracterizan su historia posterior; es a partir. de aquel pontificado cuando se puede hablar — como ha hecho Antonio Acerbi — de un «proyecto histórico», que guía la acción de la Iglesia."
Por tanto, para el movimiento que se inspira en una incondicional fidelidad al Papa — distinta es naturalmente la cuestión para el catolicismo liberal — el momento del paso de una posición de simple contraposición a una más estructurada, que no excluye una apertura, aunque sea sólo instrumental, a la modernidad, se sitúa en el último cuarto de siglo.
Ahora bien, lo que llama la atención al considerar la obra de don Bosco es que, aun habiéndose realizado ésta en su mayor parte en el pontificado de Pío IX y partiendo aún de una posición de intransigente fidelidad al Papa e ignorando por ello las distinciones propias de la cultura y la mentalidad católico-liberal, especialmente en el tema del poder temporal, se adelanta en mucho al movimiento intransigente en lo que se refiere a la atención, la comprensión y el uso más abierto — hasta se podría decir más sin prejuicios —, de algunos datos nuevos ofrecidos por la realidad de su tiempo. Es decir, don Bosco no se puede encuadrar en una visión dicotómica entre lo moderno y lo antimoderno.
Pero la apertura de don Bosco a lo moderno — y este es un punto sobre el cual quisiera llamar la atención — no es asimilable ni a una matriz católico-liberal o neogüelfa, ni a la linea del nuevo proyecto que se delinea a partir del pontificado leonino, en el cual la restauración católica es confiada a la participación del pueblo cristiano con los instrumentos, por tanto, de la democracia. Don Bosco, como es sabido, compartió por un momento las esperanzas neogüelfas, pero cuando éstas fueron liquidadas por el mismo Pío IX con la alocución de abril del 48, se distanció claramente de los sucesivos desarrollos del movimiento: mientras la mayor parte de los neogüelfos dirigían sus esperanzas patrióticas hacía Piamonte y la Casa Saboya, don Bosco permaneció temporalista.
Indudablemente el temporalismo tuvo también para don Bosco un valor táctico: su fidelidad al Papa era una condición esencial para la eficacia de su obra; era una garantía y una cobertura para una tarea, que, de hecho, lo llevaba a una constante confrontación, y frecuentemente a una colaboración, con los hombres y con las instituciones del Estado liberal.
" Cf. el ensayo de A. ACERBI, La Chiesa nel tempo. Sguardi sui progetti di relazioni tra Chiesa e societá civile negli ultimi cento anni, Milano, Vita e Pensiero 1979.
Pero el temporalismo no llevó a don Bosco a las filas del movimiento de los católicos intransigentes, es decir, a las filas de una oposición programada contra el Estado, que, aunque motivada por razones religiosas, tuvo indudablemente un fuerte valor ideológico y político antiliberal. Don Bosco fue temporalista, pero se mantuvo apartado de la política intransigente; de un modo más general, excluyó la política de su obra.
El rechazo de la política, sin embargo, no excluye, como es sabido, una serie de valores civiles: el respeto proclamado y practicado hacia la autoridad constituida y hacia las leyes del Estado y un empeño coherente y constante por la formación de virtudes cívicas en sus alumnos y discípulos. Por ello su obra incide también en el plano de la política. La recomendación hecha por don Bosco a sus alumnos repecto al Estado y a las leyes se puede hacer remontar a los viejos cánones de la alianza entre el trono y el altar, antes que ver en ella el germen de un sentido moderno del Estado. Pero queda el hecho de una posición original y diversa respecto a aquella intransigencia, con la cual por otros aspectos don Bosco se relaciona. No es posible, pues, colocar a don Bosco en las filas del conciliarismo, pero tampoco nos está consentido agregarlo a la intransigencia, que se desarrolla vigorosa a partir de la mitad de los años sesenta. Sus relaciones con la modernidad nos parecen ajenas al proyecto de reconquista católica con los instrumentos ofrecidos por el Estado liberal y por la naciente democracia, que irá tomando forma en Italia después del pontificado de Pío IX. La figura y la obra de don Bosco no se encuadran en una visión dicotómica de las relaciones entre tradición y modernidad, pero tampoco se prestan a una interpretación dialéctica de la relación entre los dos elementos.
Se ha insistido, y justamente, en el pragmatismo de don Bosco. Stefano Privato, al afrontar de modo muy agudo el tema del teatro popular, pone en claro la síntesis entre conservadurismo ideológico y modernidad pragmática en don Bosco. Giuseppe Tuninetti, al tratar nuevamente en su comunicación, el tema del conflicto entre don Bosco y el obispo Gastaldi, al cual ha dedicado una importante investigación," subraya el comportamiento, francamente desenvuelto, de don Bosco, que primero favorece el nombramiento del obispo con la esperanza de tenerlo como amigo y después se dirige a Roma para salvar las resistencias del obispo mismo en el tema de la ordenación de la naciente Congregación salesiana.
¿Pero un pragmatismo que llega tan lejos, que compromete incluso las relaciones con la autoridad eclesiástica, no se convierte, a su vez, en una categoría mental?
" Cf. G. TUNINE I u, Lorenzo Gastaldi 1815-1883, 2 vol., Roma/Casale Monferrato, Piemme
1983-1988.
¿No toca los fines mismos de la acción? En suma, coma en el campo moral hay una relación entre medios y fines, de suerte que los medios califican el fin mucho más de cuanto están justificados por él, ¿cómo es posible imaginar la copresencia de un conservadurismo intransigente y una independiente modernidad de medios sin cuestionar una interacción entre los dos elementos?
¿Pero cuáles son, entonces, las raíces de la modernidad de don Bosco, de su original y personalísima síntesis entre fidelidad católica y papal y su apertura a los tiempos nuevos de la sociedad italiana? Don Bosco parece que se resiste por todas partes a cualquier intento de ser insertado en una de las muchas categorías dentro de las cuales el movimiento católico y la obra misma de la Iglesia han sido estudiadas y encuadradas históricamente. Se podría ver en esto simplemente una confirmación de la fragilidad y de la inadecuación de las categorías históricas, a las que, sin embargo, nos vemos obligados a recurrir, si no por otra cosa, al menos, para hacer comprensible el proceso histórico, para expresarnos y discutir los temas de nuestra investigación. Pero tal vez haya algo más. También la fórmula de la relación dialéctica entre lo moderno y lo antimoderno aplicada a la Iglesia y al movimiento católico debe ser relativizada y considerada en su dimensión histórica.
La época de los proyectos históricos, en el sentido propuesto por Antonio Acerbi, ligada precisamente a la hipótesis de la restauración de la cristiandad con los instrumentos proporcionados por la nueva realidad, tiene un comienzo, como se ha dicho, pero tiene también un momento de crisis y, tal vez, un final. Más exactamente debemos decir que está continuamente en crisis desde su primera expresión en el período leonino, porque el uso instrumental de la modernidad da lugar a tensiones que obligan a repensar los valores mismos de la tradición; porque, queriendo expresarse en términos filosóficos, la relación tradición-modernidad más que dialéctica, en el sentido de dar lugar a una síntesis, es simplemente conflictual en el sentido de poner sucesivamente en crisis uno de los dos elementos: la tradición o la modernidad.
La época de los proyectos parece acabarse cuando se abre el pontificado
de Juan XXIII por una diversa intuición religiosa y espiritual, por parte del nuevo Papa, del rol y del servicio papales. Angelo Roncalli — como recientes investigaciones han puesto en evidencia 16 - permaneció sustancialmente extraño, desde los años de su formación, a la cultura del proyecto histórico, y precisamente en razón de este extrañamiento, quedó, en cierto modo, indemne del binomio dialéctico moderno/antimoderno que caracteriza y divide profundamente la vida de la Iglesia en la época contemporánea.
16 Cf. la obra dirigida por G. ALBERIGO (ed.), Papa Giovanni, Bari, Laterza 1987; se puede ver, para una clarificación de la interpretación a que me refiero en el texto, mi recensión: Intorno a Giovanni XXIII, en «Rivista di Storia e Letteratura Religiosa» 24 (1988) 1.
En las investigaciones recientes, las raíces de su religiosidad de cristiano y de pastor aparecen situadas en una zona más profunda y estable, menos expuesta a las polémicas culturales y a las laceraciones que traen consigo. Aparecen colocadas en la Biblia, en los Padres y en la gran tradición del pensamiento cristiano. Él, como es sabido, pudo atraversar sin laceraciones y tormentos interiores la crisis modernista: no fue modernista, pero tampoco antimodernista; entendió la importancia de la historia y su método crítico como instrumento para alcanzar la riqueza de la tradición cristiana.
Creo que con don Bosco hay que proceder en el mismo sentido y con el mismo método: hay que remontarse a su formación religiosa, como han hecho en sus comunicaciones Marcocchi y Pazzaglia, a la influencia ejercida en él por don Cafasso, al ejemplo de un doblegarse amoroso de la Iglesia, en algunas de sus grandes figuras, ante la condición humana débil, sufrida y pecadora. La formación religiosa de don Bosco, como la del Papa Juan, se mantiene al margen de las grandes controversias ideológicas del tiempo; como Roncalli está profundamente marcado por la espiritualidad de la fuga del mundo y tiene un gran amor a la Imitación de Cristo; pero, como Roncalli, — lo ha señalado agudamente Maurilio Guasco al establecer más de una analogía entre don Bosco y el Papa Juan" — sustituye el binomio «salvación-temor» por el de « salvación-alegría»; y, como el futuro Papa del concilio Vaticano II, toma como modelo a Francisco de Sales, el santo de la amabilidad.
Su modernidad, sí de modernidad queremos hablar, no tiene, pues, raíces ideológicas, no es referible a ningún proyecto cultural o político. Tiene sus raíces en una espiritualidad fresca y espontánea, que alimenta una actitud de libertad hacia todos y hacia todo. Como bien ha subrayado Francesco Traniello, la misma inspiración religiosa que hace nacer «tendencias ultramundanas, devocionales o moralistas... obra también como factor propulsor y motor de innovación alimentando la sensibilidad específica donbosquiana hacia los problemas más agudos y particulares de la sociedad moderna».
Por tanto la modernidad de don Bosco no se pone en una relación dialéctica con la tradición, sino que tiene las mismas raíces interiores de la apelación a la tradición y convive con la tradición en un equilibrio interiorizado, que no se puede reducir a ninguna fórmula ideológica, sino que es un dato de espiritualidad y de vida interior. Ciertamente don Bosco es un personaje incómodo para los estudiosos de historia: no se encuadra fácilmente en sus categorías, los instrumentos de análisis son limitados cuando se trata de llegar al secreto de la vida interior.
Esto ayuda también a comprender la fecundidad de su obra: precisamente porque no está encerrada en una fórmula intencional o en un esquema ideológico, ha podido desarrollarse con la historia de la sociedad contemporánea — y de la Iglesia en la sociedad contemporánea — y ha permanecido abierta a los nuevos retos de la modernidad.
" Cf. M. GUACO, Don Bosco nella storia religiosa del suo tempo, en: Don Bosco e le sfide della modernitá, p. 21-37.
Bajo este aspecto, diría — séame consentida una pequeña digresión fuera de los limites de la exposición histórica — que la palabra última sobre la modernidad de don Bosco no la pueden decir sino sus sucesores con sus decisiones y su trabajo cotidiano. Una palabra ya importante la han dicho en este Congreso con la libertad de espíritu con la cual han abierto esta reflexión histórico-crítica sobre su Fundador. Y, a mi entender, no hay que temer en absoluto que el don Bosco que salga de la crítica histórica, tan querido a don Pietro Stella, esté en contraste con el don Bosco que sus discípulos han interiorizado como inspiración de su acción. Si las observaciones que he venido desarrollando tienen algún fundamento, hay que creer más bien que el don Bosco que sale de la crítica histórica, liberado de tantos particulares inútiles de una imagen, que es también ella misma un interesante argumento de historia de la cultura popular — en cuanto el mismo santo, según parece, ha contribuido a crearla —, será un inspirador aún más eficaz y significativo por obra de sus sucesores.
Pietro BRAMO
A la última intervención del Congreso no le compete presentar balances o sacar «conclusiones». Resultará, en cambio, provechosa si puede contribuir a prolongar la intensa colaboración de estos días con la invitación a compromisos concretos de estudio e investigación. Sería deseable que se sintiese comprometido en ello el mayor número posible de «operadores»: estudiosos e investigadores, solos u organizados en equipo, titulares de actividades didácticas y científicas en instituciones universitarias, en centros de estudio, en institutos históricos. Y otros interesados en la esfera de una seria y digna divulgación y animación, los que lo utilizan.
Las reflexiones sobre «perspectivas e iniciativas» se agrupan en torno a cuatro núcleos.
Hay que considerar prioritaria la exigencia de verificación y de escucha ponderada de testimonios antiguos, atraídos desde los años 60 del siglo pasado por las «dotes grandes y luminosas» y por los «hechos extraordinarios» de don Bosco, incluidos los autores de las Memorias biográficas:) autores de « crónicas» y de «memorias», utilizadas o seguidas después por testigos en los procesos canónicos para la beatificación y canonización, biógrafos y panegiristas en torno a las grandes fechas de celebraciones salesianas (1907, 1915, 1929, 1934, 1950 y 1954, 1975, 1988), «nuevos» biógrafos, intérpretes de la pedagogía, de la espiritualidad, de la pastoral, de la acción social, de la psicología, etc. Las jornadas del Congreso, sobre todo a través de las conferencias dadas a nivel de alta dignidad científica, han podido ofrecer criterios metodológicos de elaboración, interpretación y lectura, válidos y atendibles.
Se hizo notar esto ya al comPnzar las actividades del «Istituto Storico Salesiano»: «L'aspetto del "meraviglioso" inciderá nella selezione e nella raccolta del materiale documentario e, probabilmente, nell'intera storiografia di don Bosco, ponendo problemi che esigono soluzioni non avventate né semplicistiche. Del resto don Bosco stesso ha contribuito ad accentuare questo aspetto della sua storia [...]. In questa scia si snoda tutta un'agiografia e una storiografia, che ha inizio ben presto, vivente ancora don Bosco, spesso ricca di pathos emozionale, pur preoccupata dell'obiettività storica, singolarmente sensibile al fascino del protagonista, alle sue eccezionali capacità realizzatrici, alio straordinario e rapido irraggiamento sociale. Non vi si sottraggono nemmeno tre compilatori delle MB [...]. É desiderata una ricerca bibliografica, che di tale letteratura colga le caratteristiche e i fondamentali orientamenti metodologici,. con la progressiva evoluzione verso forme ed espressioni scientificamente vigilate» (en RSS 1 [1982] 20-22).
Sin embargo, no parece justificada ninguna operación neoiluminista. Además de la riqueza de la documentación, de valor inestimable, recogida y transmitida por los diligentes «memorialistas» y cronistas, y por los mismos compiladores de las Memorias biográficas, ha de apreciarse en alto grado y cribarse seriamente la «especificidad» de su singular testimonio. También esa literatura «hace historia»: de don Bosco, de la tradición salesiana, de las «mentalidades» (del protagonista, de los discípulos, de los continuadores, de todo el mundo que los rodea). También sobre este punto han aparecido en el Congreso, desde el principio, criterios de lectura y de valoración: nadie ha hecho «antihagiografía». Han brotado más bien indicaciones útiles para un juicio equilibrado, fruto, al mismo tiempo, de rigor y de sabiduría historiográfica.
Se ha escrito ya mucho sobre el nexo inseparable — para una comprensión e interpretación correctas — entre los escritos de don Bosco y su personalidad de hombre de acción, el contexto, los destinatarios, los fines (Siena, Farina, Braido...).2 De aquí nace la exigencia de un uso «interactivo», «interrelacional» de los mismos.
Se' pueden añadir otros dos problemas, metodológicamente importantes, sobre los que conviene que reflexione cualquiera que se aventure en el estudio de la personalidad de don Bosco y de su pensamiento:
1) la medida de implicación de don Bosco en cada uno de ellos (por ejem
2 Cf. P. BRAIDO, Significato e limiti della presenza del sistema educativo di don Bosco nei suoi scritti, en: S.G. Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo nell'educazione della gioventú, Brescia, La Scuola 1965, p. XL-LVII; ID., Los escritos en la experiencia pedagógica de don Bosco, en: S. J. BOSCO, Obras fundamentales, edición dirigida por J. Canals Pujol y A. Martínez Azcona, Madrid, BAC 1978, p. 1-32. R. Farina afirma: «11 yero don Bosco é quello che risulta da una considerazione globale, unitaria e vitale, di tutti i suoi scritti, di tutte le sue realinazioni e scelte operative e di tutta la sua vita» (Leggere don Bosco oggi, en: P. BROCARDO [ed.], La formazione permanente interpella gli istituti religiosi, Leumann [Torino], Elle Di Ci, 1976, p. 351).
plo, La forza della buona educazione es, en gran medida, simple traducción de un opúsculo popular francés): de ahí la urgencia de una historia literaria que precise la autenticidad de cada uno, su origen, su dependencia;
2) el grado de «objetividad» de los testimonios, escritos y orales, de don Bosco sobre sucesos que se conectan con su persona y su obra: las conferencias, las conversaciones, los numerosos «apuntes históricos», las «memorias», las «exposiciones» y «noticias»; pueden resultar debilitados en su valor «histórico» propiamente dicho, aunque enriquecidos de otros significados, del entramado y superposición de otras intenciones y objetivos: animación de los colaboradores, edificación, logro de aprobaciones civiles o eclesiásticas, subrayados teológicos, denuncias, instrumentos «ad captandam benevolentiam» y para
obtener ayuda.'
- Desde la fundación (decr. 23 dic. 1981, en vigor desde el 31 en. 1982), el «Istituto Storico Salesiano» ha elaborado un vasto programa de trabajo, comenzando por la edición genético-crítica de las fuentes consideradas como indispensables para cualquier tipo de investigación. Ofrece amplias posibilidades de colaboración, en parte ya en marcha, de estudiosos y de institutos científicos.
Se ha hecho ya la edición de escritos «menores» en cuanto al volumen, pero fundamentales para el conocimiento de la doctrina pedagógica y espiritual. No hay que olvidar las complejas ediciones de las Constituciones SDB e HMA, editadas por F. Motto y C. Romero (1982, 1983). Esperan los sermones, las conferencias, etc.
Está prevista la edición de los escritos que sacó impresos, sobre todo si existen redacciones autógrafas de don Bosco o varias ediciones significativas.
Merecen atención prioritaria los Regolamenti (del oratorio, de las casas y otros para actividades particulares), de gran relieve pedagógico y normativo y sobre los que existe un rico legado manuscrito autógrafo de don Bosco y de sus más próximos colaboradores.
Un ejemplo: en documentos «históricos» diversos, redactados en tiempos y con finalidades diferentes, don Bosco indica fechas no idénticas al origen real (¿ideal?) de la Sociedad salesiana: cf. P. BRAMO, L'idea della societi salesiana nel «Cenno istorico» di don Bosco del 1873/1874, en RSS 6 (1987) 256-260.
Son merecedoras de especial atención por la excepcional importancia que les atribuye don Bosco, que — como declara en sustancia en la página de introducción — no las entiende principalmente como autobiografía o como «historia», sino, sobre todo, como reevocación «teológica» de los orígenes y de los primeros pasos del «Oratorio» en función de proyecto y norma.
Don Bosco, fundador, superior y educador, desempeña un papel determinante en la vida de la Sociedad salesiana. Debe reservarse, pues, un lugar privilegiado a la edición de documentos importantes que se refieren al gobierno de la Congregación salesiana, en los que se perciben intervenciones asiduas y densas de don Bosco: las Actas y las Crónicas de las Conferencias generales de los directores de las casas, las Actas de las reuniones del Capítulo superior (ahora Consejo general) y, desde 1877, las Actas y los Documentos de los Capítulos generales (1877, 1880, 1883, 1886).
Son fuentes ampliamente utilizadas por los compiladores de las Memorias biográficas. Pero falta una visión unitaria y crítica del vasto y heterogéneo material y una valoración adecuada en relación con la personalidad de los diversos redactores, con el contexto, con su credibilidad.
Sobre todo en la última fase de la vida de don Bosco, aparecen figuras significativas que trabajaron en el Viejo y en el Nuevo Continente (Rua, Bodrato, Cagliero, Costamagna, Cerruti, Barberis...), que compartieron con don Bosco
responsabilidades importantes. Con frecuencia, algunos de ellos están en posesión de conocimientos y de interpretaciones de problemas y de proyectos no siempre iguales a los de don Bosco que se encuentra lejos: esto vale especialmente para una definición de la postura real de don Bosco frente a los problemas de los emigrados y de las misiones. La edición de documentos y epistolarios (iniciada ya con la edición de la Crónica de L. Lasagna por A. Ferreira da Silva, y del Epistolario de F. Bodrato por J. Borrego) podrá iluminar zonas aún inexploradas de la historia de don Bosco y de los suyos.
El programa delineado presenta una vasta área de investigación, que, naturalmente, no quiere ser monopolio del ISS, sino que está abierta a todos los estudiosos y centros de estudio que lo deseen. Está en marcha una primera coordinación de iniciativas. Por lo demás, trabajan ya desde hace añós en esta dirección el «Centro Studi Don Bosco» y las Facultades de la Universidad Pontificia Salesiana.
El trabajo sobre las fuentes y otras documentaciones no atenúa la espera de una «nueva» síntesis biográfica total sobre don Bosco, una «historia» que trace con rigor las líneas de su vida y sus obras, sus ideas y sus proyectos, su significado y su influencia a lo largo del siglo XIX y después.
Son, sin duda alguna, útiles y deseables las aportaciones monográficas con distintas ópticas: biografía, hagiografía, pedagogía, espiritualidad, psicología, sociología, cultura, apologética, teología, etc.4 Pero para su-validez no se puede prescindir en ellas de una buena base histórica. No basta escribir «nuevos» libros sobre don Bosco si no se parte de un modo mejor y más al día de «hacer historia»?
Con ocasión del Centenario, han aparecido ensayos estimulantes, aunque de valor desigual; por ejemplo: S. QUINZIO, Domande sulla santitl. Don Bosco, Cafasso, Cottolengo, Torino, Gruppo Abele 1986; F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nena storia della cultura popolare, Torino, SEI 1987; S. PALUMBLERI, Don Bosco e l'uomo nell'orizzonte del personalismo, Torino, Gribaudi 1987; G. DACQUINO, Psicologia di don Bosco, Torino, SEI 1988; P. BRAIDO (ed.), Don Bosco nella Chiesa, Roma, LAS 1988; M. GUASCO - P. SCOPPOLA - F. TRANIELLO, Don Bosco e le sfide della modernitá, Torino, Centro Studi «C. Trabucco» 1988; R. GIANNATELLI (ed.), Pensiero e prassi di don Bosco, Roma, LAS 1988; C. NANNI (ed.), Don Bosco e la sua esperienza pedagogica, Roma, LAS1989.
Cf. BRAIDO, en RSS 7 (1988) 465; C. NANNI, Conclusioni, en: Don Bosco e la sua esperienza pedagogica, p. 236-239.
En esta perspectiva, como ya se ha hecho notar,6 aparecen como ejemplares — en relación con otros tiempos y con mentalidades diferentes — en las intenciones y por su diseño total, aunque no siempre por el método y la ejecución, los biógrafos clásicos de don Bosco — Lemoyne, Amadei, Cenia — con obras de síntesis, que acompañaron y completaron el trabajo realizado en torno a las Memorias biográficas. Los tres procuraron atender «a la potencial totalidad de la imagen»,' desde la Vita escrita por Lemoyne (1911-1914), al Don .Bosco e il suo apostolato de A. Amadei (1929, 1940) y al Don Bosco nella vita e nelle opere (1938) de E. Cenia. Con denso sentido de lo esencial, les sigue y supera P. Stella con el primer volumen (Vita e opere) del trabajo fundamental Don Bosco nella storia della religiositá cattolica. Está en marcha ahora un valiente intento de F. Desramaut que, con un primer fascículo (el VIII) de sus Etudes préalables pour une biographie de saint Jean Bosco (Lyon 1988), seguido de otros ocho, prepara una extensa biografía de don Bosco.
Parece indispensable tener presentes al menos dos orientaciones preliminares básicas:
1) no «sectorialización» de don Bosco (o santo o manager o educador o maestro de espiritualidad o editor o soñador o apologeta, etc.), sino referencia constante, en cualquier estudio especializado, a la realidad unitaria de su figura: que es la de sacerdote-educador del siglo XIX con una mentalidad y cultura determinada, con méritos y límites; 8
2) igual llamada constante a su individualidad concreta, singular (y original), de la que hace falta poner de relieve la imposibilidad de reducir a «esquemas» y subrayar líneas típicas de realismo, oportunidad, vitalidad, disponibilidad ante los acontecimientos, etc.
Parece lógico tener presente la exigencia de mirar hacia el dinamismo de don Bosco y la evolución de su vida y de sus obras, aun en la identidad básica y la tenaz fidelidad a los principios. En esta línea se han hecho sugerencias valiosas, sobre todo en la conferencia de Pazzaglia y en la comunicación de Schepens, además de los interesantes puntos de vista sobre la «modernidad» ofrecidos por Traniello, Scoppola, Stella. Es un tipo de investigación que sor
6 Cf. BRAmo, Presentazione del vol. Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 6-9.
7 Ibid., p. 7.
Cf. P. STELLA, Le ricerche su don Bosco nel venticinquennio 1960-1985, en: BRAmo (ed.), Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 387-388, y Lo studio e gli studi su don Bosco e sul suo pensiero pedagogico-educativo. Problemi e prospettive, en: J. VECCHI - J.M. PRELT EZO (eds.), Prassi educativa pastorale e scienze dell'educazione, Roma, Editrice SDB 1988, p. 32-33.
prenderá positivamente a quien esté acostumbrado a ver a don Bosco grande y programado desde la infancia, puro ejecutor de un plan ya preconcebido en otro lugar (confundiendo teología con historia, causalidad trascendente y «causas segundas»).
En este devenir entran, como elementos integrantes, impulsos, colaboraciones, resistencias, que provienen tanto del mundo «interno» (el Oratorio de Valdocco, ante todo) como del «externo»: el mismo ambiente físico (la pobreza y las estreches), la «cultura» que envuelve a los jóvenes, los colaboradores, los bienhechores, los admiradores y los detractores, las autoridades civiles, políticas y religiosas. Óptimas aportaciones en esta línea ofrecieron los estudios de P. Stella, especialmente en Don Bosco nella storia economice e sociale 1815-1870 (Roma 1980), y, en el curso del Congreso, la conferencia de J.M. Prellezo (pero ya antes sus investigaciones sobre la Lettera sui castighi da infliggersi nelle' case salesiane de 1883 y sobre la lectura del sistema preventivo hecha por parte de los primeros colaboradores de don Bosco) y la comunicación de Bracco. Una investigación biográfica sobre don Bosco difícilmente puede prescindir del estudio de figuras como Borel, Cafasso, Rua, Cagliero, Durando, Bonetti, Cerruti, Lazzero, etc.
Del conjunto de las consideraciones anteriores, parece inevitable pensar, para una «historia» tal, en un complejo de referencias, fuentes y métodos: «distinguir para unir», «componer, más que oponer».
De una visión global de las vicisitudes biográficas de don Bosco y de las aportaciones traídas a este Congreso, parece que se pueden señalar algunos puntos «críticos» o 'especialmente relevantes, que merecen una atención especial por parte de estudiosos e investigadores.
Uno de los puntos capitales, al que parece estar condicionada la comprensión global de la personalidad de don Bosco, es el conocimiento y la valoración de los que él mismo, frecuentemente, evoca como «comienzos»: de la propia vida, de los estudios, del Oratorio. Es decisivo reconstruirlo más allá de las «proyecciones» posteriores a los hechos y, a veces, muy lejanas a ellos. Se mezclan varios tipos de consideraciones, favorecidos por él mismo, con frecuencia único testigo: de crónica, teológicas, funcionales, práctico-operativas, que el investigador debe cribar con circunspección y equilibrio crítico.
Se ha subrayado acertadamente la complejidad del problema, que nace de Una difícil mezcla de eclesiología teórica y eclesialidad vívida (ponencia de Laboa). Don Bosco es «sacerdote católico», actúa «totalmente» en la Iglesia. No es posible «hacer historia» de él si no se parte de esa primaría situación existencial. De ahí nace la necesidad de profundizar en las variadas relaciones con la autoridad eclesiástica: papas, obispos (ante todo, Fransoni, Riccardi di Netro, Gastaldi, Moreno, Ghilardi, Ferré, Aneiros...), curia romana (cardenales, prelados, consultores...); teniendo muy presente la conciencia que él se forja de la propia «misión» a favor de la juventud, de las responsabilidades de «fundador» y, por tanto, el consiguiente entramado de libertad, coordinación y subordinación ante las instituciones y jerarquías en el momento en que actúa (la comunicación de Tuninettí ha descrito una fase traumática).
En una perspectiva análoga, puede ser un útil objeto de investigación el puesto que asigna don Bosco al laicado en la Iglesia y en el ámbito del «movimiento salesiano»: colaboradores, bienhechores, «cooperadores», sin contar las largas filas de simpatizantes y opositores.
Las ponencias de Poulat, Traniello y Scoppola nos han sugerido reflexiones sustanciales sobre este punto, con la posibilidad de verificar (como una referencia al tema de la Iglesia) la hipótesis de una oposición-composición entre una relativa rigidez «cultural» de principio por una parte y una praxis sumamente flexible y anticipadora por otra.
La ponencia de Traniello y la comunicación de Malgeri han señalado caminos fecundos a la investigación. Entre otras cosas, está en juego el mismo carácter «popular» de toda la empresa religiosa, educativa y social de don Bosco y la posibilidad de irradiar con amplitud el «sistema salesiano» (Traniello).
Se podría proponer como campo significativo de investigación el empeño de don Bosco «escritor y editor para el pueblo».
P. Stella ha ofrecido sobre el tema una primera síntesis -en el primer volumen de la obra Don Bosco nella storia della religiositá cattolica (Le missioni d'America, p. 167-186). J. Borrego, basándose en amplias investigaciones anteriores, presentó en síntesis a los congresistas los rasgos esenciales del «proyecto misionero» de don Bosco.
Ahora y en adelante, al poder disponer de nuevas fuentes (editada por el mismo J. Borrego ha aparecido. recientemente la edición crítica del Epistolario del primer inspector salesiano en América, F. Bodrato; y está en preparación, como trabajo de A. Ferreira da Silva, el de L. Lasagna), se ha hecho posible una profundización más realista de los diversos problemas: ante todo, como fundamental, la coincidencia o disparidad entre la conciencia que don Bosco tenía desde lejos de la realidad y de los proyectos y la experiencia directa de las situaciones y de las posibilidades reales que tenían los que trabajaban en el lugar.
No se trata sólo de «historia de familia» si don Bosco ha incidido con los salesianos de algún modo en la historia de la Iglesia y de la sociedad.
Se han afrontado ya con notables avances (Stella, Desramaut, Motto, Braido) muchos problemas relativos al desarrollo, a los tiempos de la aprobación, al tipo de sociedad religiosa. Queda, en cambio, casi totalmente por estudiar — además del de los «orígenes» — el problema de la estructuración y «fundación» efectiva desde dentro: en sustancia, la aportación real de don Bosco al plasmar la Congregación como realidad «religiosa» y «educativa», al modelar su rostro característico y su «espíritu»; y, como consecuencia, el empeño en organizar el currículo formativo, inicial y permanente, de los miembros eclesiásticos y laicos, en la triple dimensión de educadores «religiosos» profesionalmente competentes.
Los primeros notables resultados de las investigaciones llevados a cabo por Sor Deleidi y Sor Posada han puesto de manifiesto la oportunidad de proseguir el valioso trabajo que está en marcha, para profundizar en el plano histórico concreto, y no tanto jurídico-formal, la «relatio confundatorum» sobre la que insistió el Promotor de la fe en el curso del Proceso para la beatificación de Santa María Dominga Mazzarello. De las dos esclarecedoras comunicaciones al Congreso, ha resaltado la conveniencia de una colaboración interdisciplinar, a la que deberían aportar su específica cooperación los estudiosos de don Bosco.
Además de una literatura acrítica y de divulgación, hay sobre la materia una buena aportación de P. Stella (Don Bosco nella storia della religiositá cattolica, vol. II, p. 507-569) y de Sor C. Romero (I sogni di don Bosco, edición crítica de diez importantes sueños de los que existen manuscritos autógrafos de don Bosco). Pero el tema en su conjunto está todavía por explorar: edición y crítica de las fuentes, estudio, profundización.
En conclusión: es un vasto programa, que supone planes de ejecución detallados; pero exige, sobre todo, la máxima gama de colaboraciones, dirigidas a un único objetivo: conocer más y mejor a don Bosco, que trabaja en la Iglesia y en la sociedad, por parte, ante todo, de los que hoy se entregan al trabajo en la misma Iglesia, aunque metidos en sociedades y culturas diferentes.
ÍNDICE DE NOMBRES DE PERSONA
ACCORNERO F., 164 (n. 11), 173 (n. 41).
ACERBI A., 532 (y n. 14), 534.
ADIUANO VI, 154.
AGATHON Fr., 284.
AGNELLI G., 106, 249 (y n. 44).
AousrIN (s.), 147, 149.
AIGRAIN R., 49 (n. 39).
ALARA G.A., 163, 172.
ALASONATFI V., 81.
ALBALAT Y PUIGCERVER C., 199.
ALBANO S., 341.
ALBERA P., 225 (n. 31), 354 (n. 58), 335 (n. 7),
351 (n. 48).
ALBERDI R, 11, 12, 31, 179, 182 (n. 25), 184 (n.
38), 186 (n. 46), 191 (n. 80), 193 (n. 87), 335
(n. 7), 351 (n. 48), 475 (y n. 1), 499 (y n.
97).
ALBEIUCH E., 132 (n. 101), 359 (n. 11), 366 (n.
37).
ALBEIUGO G., 17, 534 (n. 16).
ALExANDRE B., 96 (n. 3).
ALFONSO DE LIGORIO (s.), 131, 149, 150 (y n.
22), 160 (y n. 3), 161, 164, 165 (y n. 13),
166, 169 (y n. 27), 171, 172 (y n. 36), 264,
296, 385, 389.
ALLBERTI G., 35 (and No. 31).
AuvRERA J., 1922 195.
ALZON E. d ', 94.
ALLamANo G., 161, 170 (No. 30).
ALLAVENA GB, 462 (n.22).
ALLIEVO G., 319 (n.8).
AMADEI A .. 37, 38 (and nn 7, 8, 9), 45, 51, 60, 62,
117 (n.31), 200 (n.4), 542.
AMADEO DE SABOYA (S.), 155
AMADEO IDE SABOYA, 157, 188.
Atvua P., 256 (No. 77).
ANDRÉS GALLEGO J., 187 (No. 57).
ANEIROS LF, 544.
ANFOSSI GB, 44, 141, 325.
ANGELINI G., 131 (No. 98).
ANSELMETIT E., 434 (n.16).
ANTÓN A., 120 (n.43), 130.
BARICCO P., 314 (and No. 29), 337 (No. 11).
BAROLO FALFITI G. ni, 167 (n.18), 170 (n.33),
174 (and n.48), 225 (n.29).
BARRAQUER C., 192, 195.
BARRUEL A., 151 (n.24).
BAasorn D., 172 (n.35).
BASART V., 195.
BAUDELAIRE, 451
BAYO MJ, 507, 540, 541.
BEAUVOIR, 341
BECCHIO C., 341.
BEDESCIII L. van, 417 (No. 10), 430 (No. 6).
BEEMOVEN L., 451, 452.
BELARDINELLI M., 122 (and n.55), 128 (n.82), 147
( n.7 ).
BELAEmEsio R. (s.), 254 (No. 68).
BELMONTE D., 347, 354.
BELTRAMI A., 39.
BELZA J., 458 (n.5), 462 (n.23), 458 (n.5).
BELLERArE B., 12, 17, 31, 317 (and n.1), 323 (n.
20), 361 (and n.21).
BELLI A., 377 (No. 15).
BENDISCIOLI M., 286 (No. 93).
BENEDICT XII 151 (n.24).
BENEDICT XIV, 141 (No. 24), 152.
BENEDICT XV, 228 (No. 41).
BERCASTEL A.-H., 146.
BERENGO M., 423 (No. 31).
BERGIER NS, 384 (No. 54).
BERNARD C., 297.
BERNASCONI A., 341.
BERN P., 341.
BERNÓN (s.), 155
BERRONE A., 44.
BERT A., 376.
BERTAGNA G., 44, 161.
BERTELLO G., 326 (No. 32).
BERTH G., 41, 42, 44, 51, 62, 83, 215 (No. 40).
BERTOLINO G., 245 (No. 29).
BERTON AP, 435
BERTONE T., 11, 18.
BERTONI G., 165, 167.
BERTONI JOVINE D., 414 (number 5), 416 (number 8), 423
(number 32).
BÉRULLE P., 171.
BESUCO F., 42, 178.
BESUCCO F., 178, 282 (and No. 81), 311, 312 (and nn.
25, 26), 327, 365, 374 (number 5), 375, 376, 378
(number 17), 384 (and number 57), 386 (number 67, 68), 388,
390 (n. 81), 394, 430, 447 (No. 29).
& num) Ch., 47 (n.34).
BErn G., 409.
BIANCARDI A., 409.
BIFFI G., 352 (n.52).
Bulo L., 403.
BINEr A., 297.
BINI P., 341.
BIRAGHI L., 165
BILUCENBIEHL J., 83.
Bisio GB, 44
BISOGNI S., 11, 18.
BLANCA F., 324.
Bosaio N., 35
BODRATO F., 405 (n 58), 465 (n 32), 540, 545.
BOFARULL AND DE PLANDOLIT P., 191.
BOFARULL AND DE PLANDour M 'A. de, 190.
Bomo G., 341.
BOLGIANI F., 33, 34 (and n.26).
BOLOGNA G., 354 (n 58).
BOLLATI G., 417 (No. 12).
BONA C., 160 (nn 2, 3), 249 (n 47).
BONALD VGA, 160 (No. 3).
BONCOMPAGNI C., 319 (and nn. 6, 7).
BONET I BALTÁ J., 189 (n.66), 203 (n.141).
BONETTI G., 42 (y n. 16), 43, 46, 48 (y n. 36),
55, 56, 81, 132, 148, 180 (n. 19), 208 (n. 6),
306 (nn. 13, 15), 309 (n. 20), 348 (n. 40),
408 (n. 92), 446, 500, 543.
BONGIOANNI D., 44.
BONGIOANNI M., 431 (n. 8).
BONGIOVANNI G., 402.
BONOMELLI G., 157 (y n. 43), 428 (n. 54).
BORDAS T., 82 (y n. 6), 83, 84 (n. 12).
BOREL G., 81, 161, 233, 300, 304, 396, 543.
BORIO E., 341.
BORREGO J., 11, 12, 17, 31, 457, 458 (n. 5), 462
(nn. 21, 23), 468 (n. 40), 541, 544, 545.
BORRONEO C., (s.), 147, 156, 328, 429.
BORSARELLI R.M., 170 (n. 33).
BOSELLI P., 400 (n. 32).
BossuEr I.-B., 160 (n. 3), 254 (n. 68).
BOTTA B., 414 (n. 3), 445.
Boura£, 47 (n. 34).
BoyE G., 462 (y n. 23).
BGWERS E., 74 (n. 11).
BRACCO G., 12, 17, 77 (n. 16), 231 (y n. 1), 351
(n. 49), 543.
BRAMO P., 11, 12, 17, 22 (n. 4), 23 (y n.7), 24
(n.8), 25, 26 (n. 13), 29, 30 (y n. 21), 37 (n.
3), 58 (n. 59), 77 (n. 16), 106, 114 (n. 21),
122 (n. 55), 124 (n. 62), 125 (n. 66), 127 (y
nn. 74, 77), 131 (n. 97), 132 (n. 102), 134 (y
n. 110), 147 (nn. 6, 7, 9), 162 (n. 7), 172 (n.
37), 240 (n. 17), 244 (n. 28), 245 (n. 32), 247
(n. 39), 253 (n. 65), 255 (n. 71), 259 (n. 2),
260 (y mi. 3, 4, 6), 261 (mi. 7, 8), 262 (n.
10), 263 (n. 15), 265 (nn. 22, 23), 266 (n. 28), 267 (n. 29), 268 (mi. 31, 33), 272 (mi. 49-51), 273 (mi. 52, 54), 274 (y nn. 55, 57), 279 (n. 71), 280 (n. 74), 281 (n. 78), 284 (y nn. 86, 88, 89), 288 (mi. 99, 101), 299 (n. 1), 300 (n. 3), 304 (n. 10), 306 (n. 15), 307 (n. 17), 314 (n. 30), 317 (y n. 4), 320 (n. 9), 322 (y nn. 18, 19), 326 (n. 30), 339 (n. 16), 359 (n. 12), 360 (y n. 17), 361 (n. 17), 365 (y n. 34), 373 (n. 1), 391 (y n. 85), 392 (y nn. 86, 87), 416 (n. 8), 419 (n. 19), 420 (nn. 21, 23), 426 (n. 50), 441 (y n. 2), 449 (n. 31), 455, 458 (nn. 5, 6), 465 (n. 32), 469 (y n. 43), 471 (n. 49), 509 (n. 9), 511 (y n. 22), 515 (n. 1), 526, 538 (y n. 2) 539 (n. 3), 541 (mi. 4, 5), 542 (nn. 6-8), 545.
BRANDA G., 44, 48, 192 (n. 85), 354, 500 (y n. 100).
BRASIER V., 168 (n. 20).
BRAVO G.M., 237 (y n. 1), 416 (n. 8).
BRESCIANI A., 159, 417 (y n. 10).
BRE= C., 151 (n. 25).
BRIGNOLE G.C., 160.
BROC.ARDO P., 73 (n. 10), 86 (n. 16), 128 (n. 83), 373 (n. 2), 538 (n. 2).
BRONSINO, 303 (n. 9).
BRUNO C., 31, 458 (n. 5), 466 (n. 36), 470 (n. 45).
BULFERETIT L., 416 (n. 8).
BURDÉUS A,, 179 (n. 7).
BURZIO G., 264 (y mi. 19, 20).
BUZZETIT G., 347, 402.
CACCIATORE G., 164 (n. 12), 169 (n. 27).
CAFASSO G. (s.), 33 (n. 25), 42, 52-54, 131 (n. 98), 136, 155, 161, 162, 164 (y n. 11), 168, 170 (n. 30), 173 (y n. 41), 174, 233, 238, 245 (n. 30), 260, 261 (y n. 7), 264, 300, 304, 305, 310, 375, 376, 383, 390, 396, 541, 543.
CAGLIERO Giov., 44, '48, 122 (n. 56), 180 (n. 14), 192 (n. 85), 211 (n. 17), 216 (y n. 41), 222 (mi. 15, 16), 223 (nn. 16, 17), 228 (y n. 41), 348 (n. 42), 388 (y n. 77), 408, 453, 462 (n. 22), 465 (n. 33), 468 (nn. 41, 42), 478481 (y mi. 22, 23), 484, 489, 497 (y mi. 84, 87), 503, 540, 543.
GAGUEA() Gius., 408.
CAIROLI B., 248 (n. 42).
CALABIANA L., 402.
CALAFELL Y CALAFELL S.M., 192.
CALONGHI L., 26 (n. 13).
CALOSSO G., 46, 52, 53, 364.
CALvEsio, 131, 151, 152 (n. 26), 154.
CALmAiu P., 161(n. 5).
CALLOIU C., 400 (n. 32).
CAMACHO CARBAJO V., 488 (n. 52).
CAMAIANI P.G., 96 (n. 1), 128 (n. 80), 151 (n.
25).
CAMIN A., 204.
CAMPANINI G., 531 (y n. 12).
CAMPI G., 211 (n. 17), 213 (y n. 29), 223 (mi.
15, 16).
CAMPS Y FABRÉS A., 192.
CANALS PUJOL J., 509 (n. 10), 538 (n. 2).
CANDELORO G., 413 (n. 2).
CANESTRI G., 319 (n. 8), 346 (n. 36), 423 (n.
32).
CArrni C., 415 (n. 6), 417 (y n. 9), 418.
CAPErn G., 31, 221 (n. 10).
CAPPELLARI M., 148.
CAPR1LE C., 151 (n. 24).
CARBAJAL L., 464 (n. 27), 465 (n. 31), 466 (mi.
35, 36), 467 (n. 38), 469 (n. 44).
CARBONERO Y SOL L., 476 (y n. 5), 483, 499.
CARLO ALBERTO, 237, 393, 416 (y n. 8).
CARLO FELICE, 318.
CARLOMAGNO, 55, 56.
CARPANO G., 305.
CARTIER L., 352.
CASACCIA G., 377 (n. 15), 379 (y n. 25).
CASALIS G., 308 (y n. 19).
CASAÑAS S., 192, 193 (n. 88), 195 (y n. 102).
CASATI (min.), 279, 319 (y n. 8), 336, 401.
CASATI M., 254 (y n. 68).
CASELLE S., 54 (n. 51).
CAsorn M., 360 (n. 13), 368 (n. 42).
CASSANO G., 216 (n. 41), 228 (n. 41).
CASTELLANI A., 172 (n. 35), 261 (n. 9), 339 (n.
17).
CASTELLI F., 414 (n. 3).
CASTELLINO 0., 436.
CAsrais J.M., 188 (n. 59).
CASTILLO LARA R., 457 (n. 1).
CASTRONOVO V., 529 (n. 9).
CAVAGLIA P., 31, 208 (n. 3).
CAVIGLIA A., 29 (n. 20), 209 (y n. 11), 267 (n.
29), 281 (y n. 79), 391 (y n. 83), 458 (y n.
4), 464 (y mi. 28, 30).
CAVOUR C., 73, 161(n. 5), 238 (n. 5).
CAVOUR G., 73.
CAVOUR M., 161 (n. 5), 233, 234, 300 (y n. 3).
CAYETANO DE THIENE (s.), 156.
CAYS C., 125 (n. 69), 179 (y n. 4).
CECCA F., 389 (n. 79).
CECCARELLI P., 457 (n. 2).
CERIA E., 23 (n. 7), 24, 27, 37, 39 (y n. 10), 40,
45, 48, 51, 56, 60, 61, 62 (y n. 65), 63, 64, 71
(n. 7), 75 (y n. 12), 76, 78, 191, 209 (n. 10),
333, 350 (n. 46), 452, 453, 457 (n. 3), 542.
CERRATO N., 31.
CERRUTI F., 22 (y n. 3), 31, 42, 44, 324 (n. 23),
327, 328 (n. 39), 329 (y mi. 40, 41), 330 (y
n. 43), 540, 543.
CÉSAR J., 39.
CESAR' A., 169 (n. 28), 172 (n. 35).
CESSAC M. de, 63 (n. 70).
CLAN L., 361 (y n. 22).
CIBRAMO L., 157.
CICERONE M.T., 39.
CimArri V., 362 (y n. 27).
CINI Ch., 132 (n. 102).
CIPOLLA C., 436 (nn. 28, 30).
CIPRIANO D., 341.
CLÉMENCEAU, 102, 104.
Q.P.marr A., 48 (y n. 37).
CLEMENTE DE ALEJANDRÍA, 507.
Coccm G., 161, 244, 261 (y rt. 9), 262 (y n.
10), 301-305, 310, 311, 337 (u. 11), 396 (n.
9).
CODIGNOLA E., 23.
COFFELE G., 11.
CTA.= A., 34 (n. 28).
COLBACHINI P., 463 (n. 25).
CoLomso A., 11.
CoLomso R., 455.
CoLomPo U., 156 (n. 40).
COLL Y VEHI J., 191 (n. 82), 197 (y n. 115).
COLLAVERI F., 151 (n. 24). .
CoLLET P., 389 (n. 79).
Coal C., 209 (y n. 12), 359 (n. 10).
COMBES E., 102, 104.
COMBONI D., 459 (y n. 10).
COMENIO A., 508.
Como= L., 42, 177 (y n. 61), 249, 263 (y n.
18), 264 (n. 20), 365, 375, 376, 380 (y n.
35), 382 (y ti. 42), 384 (y n. 57), 386 (n. 66),
388, 430, 444 (y n. 13).
CONDREN Ch. de, 171, 172 (n. 35).
CONFORTOLA F., 405 (n. 58).
CONGAR Y.M., 130.
CONSALVI E., 159.
CONSTANTINO (Imp.), 36
CORAZZIN L., 435 (and n.24).
CORNO G., 44.
CORNOLDI CM, 146 (and No. 2).
CORRENTI C., 285 (and No. 91), 286.
CORTÉS D., 90, 98, 99, 149, 195.
COSTA A., 207 (No. 2).
COSTA G., 361 (n.17), 365 (n.34), 419 (n.19).
COSTAMAGNA G., 216 (and No. 42), 229, 388, 453,
462 (No. 22), 471 (No. 51), 540.
COTTOLENGO G., (s.), 33 (n.25), 155, 160, 170
(and n.332), 237, 238 (and n.6), 398, 541 (n.4).
Commune PA, 96 (No. 3).
CIUSPI F., 157.
CRISPOLTI F., 25.
CRIvELLIN EW, 435 (n.23).
CROCE B., 417 (No. 9).
CUFFIA (Hnos.), 409
CURCI C.M '., 119, 124, 146 (and nos. 2, 3), 156,
157 (n.22).
CUSMANO G., 242 (and n.25).
CZARTORYSKI A., 405 (n 58).
CHATEAUBIUAND F.-R., 149.
CHAUTARD J.-B., 104.
CHAuvEr LM, 393 (n 93).
CHENES C., 11.
CHERUBINI A., 246 (n.34).
CHERUBINI L., 453.
CHULA C., 464 (n. 29), 465 (n. 35), 467 (n. 39),
405 (n. 58).
CHIAVEROTTI C., 161 (n. 5).
CHIEREGATI F., 154.
CIEROTTI L., 170 (nn. 30, 31).
CHIESA G.B., 341.
ClitOCCHEITA P., 458 (n. 10).
Cmosso G., 12, 262 (n. 10), 266 (n. 28), 299,
361 (n. 17), 363 (n. 32), 416 (mi. 7, 8).
CarrroLimi G., 165 (n. 15).
CHOPITEA DE SERRA D., 179, 187, 190, 191, 192
(y n. 85), 195 (n. 102).
D'AGUAN° R., 160, 161.
D'ALzom E., 94.
D'ORstomv A., 462.
D'AZEGLIO C., 329, 443.
DA FELTRE V., 507.
DA POIRINO C.F., 377 (n. 13), 378 (n. 20), 379,
380 (n. 27), 388 (n. 78), 446.
DA VAI.ENZA E., 378 (n. 20).
DACQUINO G., 32 (y n. 24) 155 (n. 37), 239 (n.
10), 242 (n. 25), 245 (y n. 31), 246 (n. 33),
251 (n. 54), 253 (n. 61), 255, 361 (y n. 23),
368 (n. 42), 369 (n. 43), 541 (n. 49).
DAGHERO G., 403.
DAL CovoLo E., 11, 18.
DALmAzzo F., 44, 83, 175 (n. 49).
DALLE NOGARE L., 414 (n.
DALLY, 462.
DANNA C., 308 (y n. 18).
DANTE A., 453.
DAVICO M., 341.
DAVIS H.F., 156 (n. 41).
DE AGOSTINI A., 250, 463 (n. 24).
DE FORT E., 414 (n. 5).
DE LUNA G., 414 (n. 4), 430 (n. 4).
DE MARTINO E.;413 (n. 3).
DE 1VIArro P., 382 (n. 43).
DE MAURO T., 436 (y n. 29).
DE ROSA G., 164 (n. 12), 165 (n. 13), 433 (y n.
15), 435 (n. 22), 443 (n. 11), 530 (y n. 10).
DE SANcrts F., 413 (y n. 2), 417 (y n. 9), 418 (y
n. 16), 429 (y n. 2).
DE SANTA F., 435 (n. 25).
DEL BUFALO G. (s.), 165 (y n. 14), 167.
DELEHAYE H., 49.
DELEIDI A., 11, 12, 31, 207.
DELGADO B., 12, 505.
DELGROSSO G., 341.
DELUMEAU J., 153 (n. 31).
DELLA PERLITA F., 430 (n. 5).
DESANCTIS L., 376 (y n. 10), 377 (n. 15), 379 (y
n. 25).
DESCARTES R., 145.
DEsPAmAur F., 12, 17, 24, 25 (y n. 11), 57 (n.
57), 72 (n. 8), 116 (n. 28), 119, 120 (n. 41),
121 (n. 49), 133 (y n. 108), 155 (n. 37), 180
(n. 10), 292, 294, 395 (n. 3), 405 (n. 64),
542, 545.
DESROCHE H., 297.
DÉrrom G.M., 162 (n. 8).
DEVECCHI G., 341, 388.
DHOTEL J.C1., 378 (y n. 19).
DI LIBERO G., 165 (n. 14).
DI MEO V., 170 (n. 32).
Di Pot, RS., 351 (y n. 49).
DIESSBACH N.J. de, 160 (n. 2), 249.
DCILLINGER L von, 118.
DOGLIANI, 388, 453.
Domihrta E., 225 (y nn. 29, 30).
Dom-PÉ E., 42.
DONAT CArrIN C., 33.
DONTZETIT G., 453.
DOUCHESNE L., 49.
Du BOYS A., 502 (n. 108).
DUGINI D., 74 (n. 11).
DUPANLOUP F., 99, 111, 118, 284, 296, 329.
DUPUY M., 259 (n. 1).
DURÁN Y BAS M., 187.
DURANDO C., 69 (n. 4), 323 (n. 21), 349 (n. 42).
DURANDO F., 543.
DURANDO M., 170 (mi. 30, 31), 310.
DURICA M., 168 (n. 20).
ENIUA P., 42, 44, 246 (y n. 35), 255.
ENRIQUE VIII, 154.
ENRIÚ, 341.
EtsiTRAtoAS R., 458 (n. 5), 465 (n. 32), 466 (n.
35), 467 (n. 38).
ERASMO, 507.
ESCOLANO A., 192 (n. 85).
ESPINEY Ch. d', 502 (n. 108).
ESPINOSA J.M., 6.
FABRITIO F., 439 (n. 40).
FAGNANO G., 132 (n. 103), 404, 457 (n. 2), 462
(n. 22), 468 (n. 41), 471 (n. 51).
FALZONE M.T., 242 (n. 25).
FAmautu G., 436.
FARINA G., 341.
FARINA M., 11.
FARINA R, 12, 17, 73 (n. 10), 81, 128 (n. 83), 86
(n. 16), 472 (n. 52), 538 (n. 2).
FARREL VINAY G., 444 (n. 22).
FASSATI E., 177, 178 (n. 62).
FAYA C., 70 (n. 5).
FAVALE A., 457 (n. 1), 458 (n. 7), 461 (n. 15).
FELIPE NERI (s.), 150, 155, 167, 169 (y nn. 26,
29), 175, 176 (y n. 54), 177 (n. 60), 254 (n.
68), 264 (y n. 22), 265 (y n. 25), 296, 400.
FELIÚ Y PÉREZ B., 183, 193 (y n. 90), 194 (n.
93), 204, 206.
FENYCI V., 81 (n. 1), 83, 84 (y n. 11).
FERNÁNDEZ C., 488 (n. 52), 489, 490 (y mi. 57,
58), 491, 494 (mi. 76, 77), 498 (y nn. 88, 89,
91), 499.
FERNANDO VII, 481 (n. 20).
FERRARI A., 417 (n. 10).
FERRARI° G., 462.
FERRÉ A., 544.
FERREIRA DA SILVA A., 31, 272 (n. 48), 541, 545.
FERRER BENEVIELI J.A., 151 (n. 24).
FERRERO C.A., 254, 340 (n. 20).
FERREITINO G., 226.
FERRY J., 97.
FIERRO TORRES R., 25, 113 (n. 12), 129 (n. 85).
Fu RPFT T o G., 44.
Fimo S., 435 (n. 23).
FLORA L., 209 (y n. 12).
Fmarri E., 11, 448 (n. 29).
FLAMIDIEN F., 104.
FoA S., 270 (n. 39).
FOGAZZARO A., 242 (n. 23), 248 (n. 42).
FOGLIO E., 37 (n. 1).
FOLENA G., 73 (n. 10).
Fusa Y DE BOTER J. de, 192, 194 (n. 91), 195, 203 (n. 140), 206.
FONTANA M., 169.
FONTCUBERTA C. de, 192.
FONTCUBERTA T. de, 192.
FRANCESCONI M., 463 (n. 25).
FRANCESIA G.B., 42, 44, 81, 209 (y n. 8), 210 (n.
14), 278, 324, 463 (n. 25), 384 (n. 56), 387 (y n. 70), 446, 463 (n. 25).
FRANCISCO DE Asís (s.), 52, 155, 251.
FRANCISCO DE SALES (s.), 63 (n. 70), 110, 167 (y n. 20), 168 (y nn. 20, 22, 23), 169, 171, 173 (n. 41), 174 (y nn. 48, 49), 175 (y n. 49), 177, 259, 264 (y n. 22), 265, 266 (y n. 25), 271, 296, 471, 447 (n. 29), 492, 494, 500, 535.
FRANCO G.G., 123 (n. 60).
FRANCO S., 390.
FRANCHE (card.), 287, 461 (n. 20), 468 (n. 40). FRANCHINI F., 246 (n. 34).
FRANSONI L., 77 (n. 15), 137, 305, 342, 400, 544.
FRASSINETTI G., 165, 211 (y n. 17), 212 (y n. ' 20), 217, 221 (n. 8), 222 (y n. 14), 223 (n.
16), 389 (n. 78), 405, 446.
FRÉMIOT DE CHANTAL JF (s.), 63 (No. 70), 168 (No. 20).
FREUD S., 32.
GALINO A., 12.
GALOT JM °., 151 (n.24).
GAIII DELLA LOGGIA E., 529 (and No. 9).
GALLINA G., 157 (n 43).
GALUZIA PG, 167, 168 (and n.20).
GALLTZ2I GB, 39 (n.11).
GAMBARO A., 319 (nos. 6, 8).
GARCIA JM, 6
GARCÍA SARMIENTO (can.), 486.
GARCÍA VERDUGO A., 6.
GARCÍA VILLOSLADA R, 186 (No. 50).
GARELLI B., 260, 261, 490.
GARGANO F., 337 (No. 11).
GAIUGLIO B., 423 (n.33), 424 (n.36), 425 (n.
43).
GAIUN E., 74 (n.11).
GARTNO G., 42.
GaRuta JM, 476 (No. 4).
GASTALDI L., 62, 63 (and No. 66), 72 (No. 9), 135 (and
No. 1), 136-143, 147 (and No. 7), 162 (No. 8), 310,
369, 397, 403, 408 (n 88), 428 (n 54), 446,
533 (and n 15), 544.
GATELL I., 196.
GAUME JJ, 329, 390
GEBHARDT V., 190 (No. 71), 192.
GELABERT JORDA. M * .A., 190 (No. 69).
GEMELLI G., 437 (n.34).
GEmmEnalto G., 34.
GENET F., 164.
GENGHINI C., 210 (n.14), 233 (ñ.15).
GÉRANDO JM de, 263 (n.13).
Rubber, 160 (No. 3).
GERMAN 'G., 529 (and n.8).
GERRATANA V., 413 (No. 2).
GBIGuorro F., 42.
GUILARDI (mons.), 376.
GHILARDI GT, 341, 544.
GHIONE A., 341.
GHIVARELLO C., 354 (No. 58), 404.
GIACCONE GM *., 254 (No. 68).
GIACOMILII G., 44.
GIAMMUSSO S., 165 (n.13).
GiaNErro U., 359 (number 11), 366 (number 37).
GIANNATELLI R., 11, 18, 131 (No. 101), 221 (n.
9), 362 (n.28), 375, 541 (n.4).
GINZBURG G., 417 (No. 12).
GIOBERTI V., 122 (n.53), 269 (and n.35).
GIORDANO F., 264 (No. 19).
GIOVANNINI L., 418 (n.15), 421 (n.25), 422 (n.
29), 423 (n.34), 424 (n.37), 425 (nn.440
44), 426 (nn.46,47,49), 430 (n.3), 433 (n.
12), 441, 442 (n.6), 443 (n.12), 445 (n.
2. 3).
Grullo CI, 302 (and n.7), 329.
GOBETTI, 238 (No. 5).
GOBINET Ch., 168, 381 (n. 37), 266 (n. 27), 331
(n. 37).
GOETHE J.W. von, 453.
GOGARTEN F., 158 (n. 46).
GONELLA M. (cav.), 47.
GONZALEZ G., 6.
GONZÁLEZ Y DÍAZ TUÑÓN Z., 486 (y n. 44), 501.
GOUNOD Ch., 453.
GOUSSET Th., 161(n. 5), 390.
GRAMSCI A., 238 (n. 5), 413 (y n. 2), 417 (y n.
10).
GRASSDIO G., 401.
GRATRY A., 118.
GREGORIO 0., 165 (n. 13).
GREGORIO XVI, 114 (n. 17), 148.
GRESINO G., 42.
GRIBAUDI D., 463 (n. 24).
GRIFFIN, 509 (n. 8).
Giusaa J., 470 (y n. 47).
GROETHUYSEN B., 96 (n. 2).
GROPPO G., 386 (n. 65).
GRZESZCZYK T., 14 (n. 1).
GUALA L., 136, 137, 161, 162 (y n. 8), 164, 168,
170, 245 (n. 30), 260, 264, 300, 383, 390.
GUANELLA L. (s.), 131 (n. 98), 177 (n. 60), 403,
404, 409 (n. 90).
GUARDINI R., 158 (n. 46).
GUASCO M., 35 (and No. 32), 107, 238 (and No. 4), 437
(No. 32), 535 (and No. 17), 541 (No. 4).
GUERBER J., 161 (and n.5).
WAR A., 405.
GUERRA J., 31
Gurnots A., 389 (No. 79).
GUINNARD A., 462.
GutoL C., 400.
GUSMANO C., 83.
Guzzo A., 34
HABER / his J., 528 (No. 6).
HALINAN D., 399.
Hamo. L., 340.
HARMEL T., 408.
HAYDN Fj., 453.
HEGEL GF, 451, 452, 455.
HEINE H., 451.
HERBART JF, 323 (n.22).
HERVÉ DE LA CROIX Fr., 148 (n 10).
HOFFMANN ETA, 451, 455.
HOMAIS H., 94.
HOMOLA J., 84 (No. 11).
HORACIO, 507
HuGurr JMJ, 389 (n.78), 390.
HUMBERT H., 385
HUYSMANS JK, 25
ISIDRO LABRADOR (S.), 421.
IvomE BFD, 493 (number 72), 502 (number 108).
JAEGER W., 506 (No. 3).
Jarrus, 118
JavnEaRE JW, 475 (No. 2).
JAVIERRE ORTAS A., 12, 525.
JENOFONTE, 39
JERONIMO (s.), 39. 132 (No. 103).
JIMÉNEZ F., 12, 395.
JOERGENSEN J., 25
Jou H., 49
JUAN B. DE LA SALLE (S.), 508.
JUAN DE DIOS (S.), 155
JUAN DE LA CRUZ (S.), 166
JUAN EUDES (s.), 166
JOHN PAUL II, 256
PAN XXIII, 99 (and No. 4), 114, 530 (No. 10), 534 (
No. 16), 535.
JUANA DE ARCO (S.), 94.
1mA J., 196.
KLEIN J., 72 (n.8). KORCZAK J., 331.
KRAMER SN, 505 (No. 2).
Lima JM °., 12, 17, 109, 544.
LABIUOLA A., 74 (n.11).
LACATTA CG, 346 (n.37), 414 (n.5).
LACAN J., 32.
LACROIX F., 462.
LaFACT LCF, 153.
LAGO A., 404, 405 (No. 58).
LAMBRUSCIHNI R., 416.
LAMENNAIS FR, 94, 110 (and No. 3), 160 (No. 3).
LANARO S., 415 (No. 6), 417 (No. 12).
LANTERI B., 159, 160, 161 (and n.5), 162 (n.8),
164, 168, 170, 249, 390.
LANZA G. (minister), 73, 125 (number 65), 157, 319.
LANZA G., 167 (n.18).
LASAGNA L., 175 (n.49), 462 (n.22), 471 (n.
51), 541, 545.
LASTREILLE C., 110 (No. 2).
LAZZERO G., 42, 83, 335, 343 (n.27), 345 (n.
31), 349 (and nn 42, 43), 354 (and n 58), 543.
LE CAMUS É., 168.
LE NAIN DE Tape / tour, 49 (and No. 38).
LE PLAY F., 97.
LEMOYNE GB, 24 (and No. 9), 25, 27, 30 (and No. 21),
37 (and No. 3), 38-40 (and No. 13), 41, 42 (and No. 16) ,
43 (and No. 18), 44-46 (and No. 26), 47 (and No. 31,
33), 49, 50-54 (and No. 50), 55-58 (and No. 59) , 59,
60 (and n.63), 61-64, 115, 121 (n.49), 123 (11.
59), 133, 155 (n.37), 208 (n.7), 217 (and n.
43), 446, 464 (n.29), 542.
LEON XIII, 73, 106, 142, 199, 200, 462 (n.22),
488, 489, 492, 499, 525 (and n.1), 531, 532.
LEONARDI P., 165
LEONARDO DE PUERTO MAURICIO (s.), 389 (n.
78).
T.pssoNa M., 421 (n.26).
LEVI-STRAUSS C., 32.
LHOMOND Ch.-F., 389 (No. 79).
LIGORIO L., 302 (and No. 7).
LIOY P., 421 (No. 26).
LISIAS, 39
LivilDER R., 471 (No. 49).
LORIQUET J.-N., 146.
LOTH A., 204 (No. 144).
LUCATELLO E., 44 (n.22).
Lunovic M., 466 (n.36).
Luis DE FRANCE (s.), 94.
Luis GONZAGA (s.), 155, 167, 251, 254, 381 (and n.35), 383 (and n.43), 387, 429, 444.
LUPO T., 161 (n.5).
LUTERO M., 111 (No. 6), 131, 145, 151, 152 (and No. 26), 154.
Light [G., 75 (n.12).
LLAUDER L.1W de, 192, 198 (n.120), 199 (n.112).
LLUCH AND GARRIGA J., 475, 476 (and No. 4), 477, 478 (and No. 15), 479, 480 (and No. 19), 481 (and No. 23, 25), 482-486 ( No. 44), 488, 489, 491, 497, 502, 503.
Li.m. R, 507.
MACCAGNO A., 212 (and No. 20), 221 (No. 8), 226.
MACCONO F., 207 (n.2), 209 (and nn.8, 9), 210
( n.14 ), 211 (nn.16, 17), 222 (n.13), 223
(nn.15, 16).
MACHIAVEIII N., 329.
MAGNANI L., 455.
MAGONE M., 42, 47, 178, 281 (No. 79), 282 (and n.
81), 311, 312 (and n.26), 327, 394, 420, 430,
375, 376, 385 (nn 59, 60, 62), 386 (n.68),
388, 394 (and n. 96), 510 (n.12).
MAISTRE J. de, 109 (and No. 3), 149, 160, 179.
MALATESTA A., 436 (n.34).
MALAURIE J., 96 (n.3).
MALGERI F., 12, 17, 161 (n.3), 422 (n.29), 441,
435 (n: 22).
MANNING HE, 124, 377 (No. 13).
MANOLINO G., 44
1VIANTEin B., 414 (n.3).
MANZONI A., 111, 156 (and No. 40).
MAFIÉ AND FLAQUIBt J., 187.
MARANGON P., 241 (n.23).
MARCEL G., 451.
MARCHIS V., 351 (No. 49).
MARCHISIO S., 42, 44, 46.
MARCOCCEII M., 12, 17, 159, 264 (n.22).
MARCORA C., 157 (n.43).
MARENCO G., 62 (n.65), 355 (n.60), 481 (and n.
2. 3).
MARFSC.ALCHI A., 436.
MARET (mons.), 118
MARGOTTI G., 444 (and n.22).
MARTA CRISTINA (queen), 480 (and No. 20).
~ ni G., 160, 250.
Marrriffisi J., 34 (and No. 28), 145 (and No. 1).
MARROU H.-I., 47 (n.35), 50 (n.242), 317 (n.
two).
MARSIII S., 393 (No. 91).
MARTÍ C., 193 (n 88).
MARTÍ GELABERT L., 190 (No. 69).
MARTÍ M., 74 (n.11).
MARTÍ AND CODOLAR J., 190 (No. 69).
MARTÍ-CODOLAR L., 187, 190, 191.
MARTÍN A., 83, 180 (n.14), 341, 477 (n.10,
11), 478 (mi.12-14), 479 (n.17), 480 (n.
19), 481 (n.22-25), 482 (n.28), 487 (n.46),
488 (n.51), 497 (n.87), 500 (n.100).
MARTÍN AND BEYA M., 204 (No. 146).
MARTINA G., 5, 12, 111 (No. 6), 118 (No. 36), 119
(No. 38), 120 (No. 42), 123 (No. 60), 127 (No. 78),
150 (n.20), 220 (and nn.3.5).
MARTmEin A., 132 (No. 102).
MARTINELLI GM, 165
1V1ARTINELLI R., 74 (n.11).
MARTDIENGO F., 446.
MARTÍNEZ AZCONA A., 509 (number 10), 538 (number 2).
MARTINI CM °., 17.
MASFERRF.R J., 196.
MASON T., 529 (and No. 7).
MASSARA L., 162 (n.8).
~ OS GAGO F., 476.
MATrAi G., 34.
MAUPASSANT G. de, 96 (n.3).
MAzzARELLo A., 341.
MAzzARELLo F., 226.
~ REID M * .D. (s.), 207-218, 219-230, 341,
545.
MAZZARELLO P., 211, 212 (and No. 25), 226.
MAzzARELLO DI GIUSEPPE M *., 226.
MAZZINI G., 453.
MEDICA G., 116 (n.26).
MEILLE JP, 376
MELLA L., 192
MENDRE L., 489, 490, 493 (No. 72), 494, 498,
502 (No. 108).
METASTASIO, 329
METz JB, 158 (n.46).
MEZZADRI L., 150 (n.20), 166 (n.16).
MIALARET G., 342 (n.24).
MICCOLI G., 165 (n.15).
MiainErii A., 436
MmAn M., 11, 17, 124 (number 62), 209 (and number 12),
210 (number 13), 230 (number 51), 373 (number 2).
MIELE M., 147 (No. 9).
11112s. AND FONTANAIS M., 187.
MHANESI G., 262 (No. 12), 288 (No. 101).
MILANESIO D., 469 (No. 44).
MINGHETTI M., 73
MOCQUEREAU, 453
MOGLIA D., 46.
MOGLIA Gior., 44, 46 (and n.28).
MOGLIA Giov., 46
MOHANIED II, 153.
MOLA A., 151 (n.24).
MOLINARI F., 12, 114 (n.21), 129 (n.87), 145,
147 (n.9), 151 (n.24), 155 (n.37), 161 (n.
4), 420 (n.23).
MOIINEIUS M., 29 (No. 20).
MONTALE B., 442 (n.22).
MONTALEMBERT Ch., 111.
MONTBOISIER H., 55
MOI'mcoNE A., 530 (n.10).
MORAZZETTI SP, 225 (n.29).
MORENO (mons.), 375 (no.9), 423, 443, 445,
462, 544.
MORÉ and Boscs J., 204 (No. 146), 191.
MORÉU LACRUZ E., 190 (No. 74).
MORGADES AND Gni J., 187, 195, 203.
MORGANTI E., 168 (No. 20).
MoRicHim CL, 262 (and n.13).
MORO R, 438 (n.35), 530 (n.11).
MORO T. (s.), 154 (n.36).
MossE GL, 422 (n.28).
Morro F., 11, 12, 17, 28 (and n.17), 29, 42 (n.
15), 53 (n. 48), 146, 147 (and n.6), 67, 281 (n.
76), 300 (n.2), 370 (n.46), 539, 540, 545.
MUCCI G., 119 (n.37), 146 (n.3), 157 (n.42).
MONTADAS AND VILARDELL JF, 187 (n.53), 197 (n.
117), 199 (n.124), 201 (n.131).
Munaloo L., 44, 155, 161, 170 (n.30), 171,
172 ( n.35 ), 233, 238, 261 (n.9), 339 (and n.
17).
MUIUALDO R., 262.
MescEnA C., 413 (n.2).
NAI L., 354.
NAMUNCURA C., 467 (No. 38).
NAMUNCURA M., 467 (No. 38).
NANNI C., 16 (number 2), 29 (number 18), 260 (number 3), 275
(number 59), 367 (number 40), 541 (number 4, 5).
NAPOLEÓN, 148, 149.
NAZARI CALABIANA (mons.), 428 (No. 54).
NEGRI B., 377 (n.15).
NESTI A., 414 (No. 4).
NEWMAN E., 98, 111, 120, 130, 156 (and No. 41).
NORDERA L., 121 (No. 51), 254 (No. 68).
NÚÑEZ M`.F., 12, 475, 476 (mi 4, 6).
OBERTI E., 500 (No. 100).
OCCHIENA M., 41
ODASSO G., 245 (No. 29).
OLIER JJ, 171.
° UVERAS AND DE ESRAÑoL JM °. of, 192.
ORBIGNY A. d ', 462.
ORIOL DODERO J., 194.
ORLANDI G., 164 (n.12), 165 (n.13). ORTEGA M °., 47 (and n.34).
ORTOLEVA P., 414 (No. 4), 430 (No. 4). OssOLA C., 415 (No. 6), 417 (Nos. 11, 13). OZANAM F., 161, 180.
PAUL VI, 145, 626 (No. 2).
PABLO DE LA CRUZ (S.), 165 (and No. 14).
PADILLA A., 471 (No. 49).
PAESA P., 458 (No. 5), 470 (No. 45).
PAGANI GB, 172 (No. 35).
PAGANO T., 169.
PAGLIA F., 341.
PALESTRINA GPL, 453.
PALUMBIERI S., 31, 241 (n.22), 358 (n.5), 363
( n.30 ), 527 (n.3), 541 (n.4).
PALLARÉs N., 478, 497.
PALLAVIcINI CE, 390
PALLAVICINO P., 160.
PALLarri V., 165 (and No. 14), 166, 396.
PANFILO L., 351 (n 48).
PAPA ER, 246 (n.34).
PARK A., 83.
PARRAVICINI LA, 418.
PASCUAL DE BOFARULL C., 190
PASCUAL DE BOFARULL MM *, 190 (number 74), 204.
PASCUAL DE BOFARULL N.M '., 187, 190 (and No. 74),
206, 284 (No. 146).
PASCUAL DE BOFARULL 0., 190
PASCUAL DE BOFARULL P., 190
PASCUAL DE BOFARULL S., 190
PASCUAL E INGLADA SA, 190 (and No. 71), 192.
PASOLINI G., 250.
PASSAGIIA C., 117.
PASSAVANTI J., 377 (No. 13).
PASZTOR L., 81 (n.2).
PAVERIO 405 (and n 58).
PAVIA (gen.), 189.
PAVIA G., 279 (No. 70), 341.
PAZZAGLIA L., 12, 17, 64, 238 (number 4), 259, 262
(number 10), 272 (number 47), 280 (number 73), 286 (number 93),
309 (number 21), 344 (n 30), 348 (n 41), 351 (n.
50), 363 (n.32), 420 (n.21), 528 (and n.4).
PEDRINI A., 172 (n.41).
PELLEGIUNO M., 34 (and n.27).
PELLEREY M., 11, 362 (and No. 29), 363 (and No. 31).
PELLICO F., 73, 159.
PELOSO C., 43
PENCO G., 389 (No. 80).
PERADOTTO F., 370 (n.47).
PERRINI M., 240 (No. 15).
PERROT P., 354 (and n 58).
PESTARINE D, 211 (nn 16, 17), 212 (and n.27),
213, 216, 217, 221 (n.8), 222 (and n.13), 224 (n.22), 223 (Nos. 15-20), 224 (Nos. 24, 25,
27), 226 (and Nos. 32, 34), 227, 228 (No. 42).
PEI MI DI RORETO CI, 262, 263 (n.13).
PEYRON A., 310.
Pucarrnsio G., 341
Pro GB, 44
PILCA J., 11, 168 (n.22), 175 (n.50).
Picattn..Lo C., 157 (n 42).
PIEDRA BUENO L., 462.
PIEPER I., 252 (No. 60).
PrE, Rarri A., 170 (n ° 30).
PINAMONIT GP, 160 (n.3).
Pius IX, 73, 77, 99, 111 (and n.6), 115, 117 (II.
29), 119 (and n 39), 120 (n 42), 121 (n 51),
123, 127 (and nn 74-79), 131, 133, 136, 139
141, 147 (and n 6), 151 (and n.25), 157, 166,
186 (n 49), 199, 278, 279, 307, 396, 406,
439, 470, 492, 494, 531, 532, 533.
Pius VI, 149.
Pius VII, 149, 159.
P10 X, 228 (n.41), 254 (n.68), 393 (n.91).
Pius XII, 151 (n.24), 530 (n.10).
Pum P., 159 (n.1).
PIRRO D., 409.
PISA B., 285 (No. 91).
PLSCETTA L., 44.
PIVA F., 435 (n.22).
PIVATO S., 12, 32, 365 (No. 34), 367 (No. 40, 41),
415 (No. 6), 418 (No. 15), 419 (No. 19), 422 (No.
28) 429, 431 (number 7), 434 (number 17), 436 (number 26),
438 (number 36), 442 (and number 9).
PLANS AND PUJOL F., 194 (No. 91).
PLATON, 506.
PLONGERON B., 158 (n.47).
POLACEK J., 83.
PONS AND SERRA I., 191.
PONTE P., 311.
PORCIANI I., 423 (No. 32).
PORTEI.LI A., 414 (No. 4), 430 (No. 4).
POSADA ME, 12, 31, 207, 208 (n.3), 209 (n.
12), 210, 211 (n.15), 214 (n.33), 216 (n.
41), 217 (nn 43, 44), 219, 221 (nn 8, 9),
222 (n 14), 224 (n 23), 229 (n 49).
POULAT É., 17, 93, 531 (n.13), 544.
POUPARD P., 12.
POURRAT P., 49
PRELLEZO GARCÍA JM, 6, 11, 12, 16 (n.1), 17,
22 ( n.5 ), 29 (y n.18), 30 (and n.21), 36 (n.
34), 277 (n.67), 283 (n.85), 324 (n.24), 326
(n.32), 333, 337 (n.13), 542 (n.8), 543.
PRINI P., 241 (and n.22), 527.
PRINZIVALII V., 436.
PROVANA DI COLI FGNO L., 160, 161.
PROVENA F., 42, 402. PROVERB G., 366 (No. 38). PRUDENCIO C., 507 (No. 6). PUIG AND BENTTEZ A., 190. PULINGATHIL M., 282 (n.82). PUTHOTA B., 11.
QUADRUPANI CG, 160 (n.3).
QUESADA V., 462.
QUINTIIIANO MF, 507 (and n.4).
QUINZIO S., 33 (and No. 25) 238 (No. 6), 248 (and
43), 541 (No. 4).
RABAGLIATI E., 47 (and n.34).
RAMELLO G., 324.
RASTELLO S., 388 (No. 77).
RATrAzzi U., 147, 157, 272, 273 (and n.53), 402.
RAVENNA G., 55, 56.
RAVINA F., 426 (No. 45).
RAYNEIU A., 254 (No. 67).
REFFO E., 261 (n.9), 304 (n.9), 310 (and n.23).
REINHARD W., 35 (No. 29).
REMOM T., 341.
RÉMY J., 21 (n.1).
RENAU F. de A., 196.
RENZI G., 22 (n.14).
REPOSSI C., 435 (No. 20).
REVELLI M., 414 (No. 4), 430 (No. 4).
REVIGLIO F., 44, 251.
KING A., 165 (n.14).
REY-MERmEr Th., 164 (n.12).
RIBER L., 510 (n.13).
RICALDONE P., 23, 26, 252 (No. 56), 317 (and
No. 2, 3), 326 (No. 30).
RICASOLI B., 73, 132 (n.100), 157.
RiccAitni DI NErRo A., 137, 544.
RICCERI L., 27, 457 (No. 3), 463 (No. 26).
RICUPERATI G., 319 (n.8), 346 (n.36), 423 (n.
32).
RiGolani M., 367 (No. 40), 455.
RILKE RM, 455.
RINALDI F., 39, 404, 470.
RINGEISEN D., 398 (n.24).
RimER11., 159 (n.1).
RIPA P., 116 (n.27), 129 (n.86).
RIvA C., 150 (c.21).
RIZZINI F., 246 (n.36), 247 (n.37), 250 (n.49).
RosEwri GB, 177 (No. 61), 178 (No. 61).
ROBESPIERRE M. de, 151, 152, 153 (No. 30).
RocA (president), 469
RoccA G., 220 (No. 4), 228 (No. 44), 341.
ROCCIIMITI G., 401.
RODA G., 29
RODRIGUEZ SAN PEDRO LE, 509 (No. 7).
RODRIGUEZ-CARBALLO J.M's., 205.
ROJAS R., 469 (No. 44).
ROMANÍ AND PUIGDENGOLAS F., 198 (n.120), 199
( n.112 ), 200.
ROMANO L., 54 (and No. 50).
ROMEO R., 161 (n.5), 342 (n.24).
ROMERO C., 31, 221 (number 9), 227 (number 39), 539,
545.
Romo JJ, 483 (and n.31).
ROMUALDO (s.), 155
RUNNING GB, 352, 354 (No. 58).
ROOTHAAN G., 159 (and No. 1), 162 (No. 8), 164.
ROSA E., 63
Rogara A., 21, 58, 73, 111 (and No. 7), 118, 125,
150 (and No. 21), 156 (and No. 41), 160, 162, 169 (and
No. 29), 250, 302 (and n.8), 396, 416.
Rosas GF, 157 (n.43), 450 (n.8).
Rossi A., 248, 354.
Rossi G., 44, 46 (n.27), 478, 484.
Rossim G., 453. ROSTAGNO, 141. ROUQUAUD E., 462.
ROUSSEAU 145, 151, 153 (n ° 30), 377.
ROUSSEAU 0., 393 (No. 91).
RUA M., 30 (No. 21), 37 (No. 3), 38, 39, 42-44, 81, 83, 123 (No. 57), 223 (No. 19), 224 (No. 22, 24), 226 (n.31), 278, 318 (n.5), 327, 330, 334 (and n.4), 340 (n.20), 341, 355 (n.59), 402, 408 , 479, 495 (and n.80), 497 (and n.84), 510, 540, 543.
RUFFINO D., 42, 43, 46, 81.
RuscoNI R., 165 (n.14).
Rimo L., 413 (and No. 1).
SABAITNI A., 33.
SACCARELLI CA, 168 (No. 20).
SACCARELLI G., 314.
SAINT-SIMON Cl.H., 153 (and No. 31).
ROOM A., 42, 340 (No. 19), 354 (No. 58).
ROOMS JH, 459 (No. 9).
SALOM C., 25
SALZANO TM, 147 (No. 9).
SANS J. de, 197, 199 (n.124), 200, 201 (n
131).
SANTUCCI U., 83.
SARDA AND SALVANY F., 192, 196, 201, 206 (and
148), 475.
SARmtErrro (president), 469.
SAVIOR Ang., 44, 48.
SAVIO Asc., 44, 53 (and n.49).
SAVIO D. (s.), 42, 178, 282 (and No. 81), 311, 312 (No. 26), 327, 365, 375, 376, 380 (and No. 35), 388, 391 (No. 83), 394 (and n.96), 430, 447 (n.29).
SCALABRINI GB, 147 (n.7), 157 (and n.43). SCIANDRA G.11 *., 226.
Scir Lic, or P., 31.
SCOPPOLA P., 12, 17, 34, 35 (No. 29), 49, 50 (No. 40), 107, 238 (and No. 5), 240 (No. 16), 241 (and No.
21), 359 (n.9), 419 (n.19), 442 (and n.7), 466
(and n.37), 470, 471 (n.48), 541 (n.4), 542 ,
544.
Sconi P "463 (n.24).
Scuitim C., 12, 357 (and n.1).
SCEIEEBEN MJ., 111
SCHEIBE S., 74 (n.11).
Scherel M., 505 (and No. 1).
ScHauNG FWA, 451.
SCHEPENS J., 11, 12, 18, 29 (and n.19), 64, 164 (n.
11), 174 (n.46), 375 (n.8).
ScHLAPFER G., 83.
SCIIMIECHEN JA, 35 (No. 29).
SCHOPENHAUER A., 455.
SCHUMANN, 451
SEATON WATSON C., 146 (No. 5).
SEGUR G. de, 389 (No. 78), 390.
SAFE, 509 (n.8).
SEmERARo C., 252 (n 60).
SEME1UA G., 438 (n.38).
SERRA JIM., 191.
SERRA AND CHOPITEA 11/1 ° J., 187.
SERRA AND MuÑoz JW, 187, 190.
SERVET M., 154.
SFORZA G., 12, 451, 455.
SINISTRERO V., 319 (nn 6, 7).
SMEDT Ch. De, 49
SMILES S., 421 (No. 26).
SOAVE F., 146.
SOCRATES, 506
They are 'M., 367 (n 40).
SOLDAN 'S., 336 (nos. 9, 10).
SOLDEVITA F., 189 (No. 65).
SOPEÑA A., 12, 515.
SPINI G., 270 (n 39).
SPINOLA AND MAESTRE M., 499, 500 (and my 99, 101),
501-503, 475 (and No. 2).
STAGNOLI S., 367 (n 40).
STELLA P., 11, 12, 17, 22 (n.6), 24 (n.8), 31 (n.
22), 36 (n.34), 44, 81 (n.2), 83, 86 (n.15), 112 (n.8), 116, 117 (nn.29, 30), 120 (mi. 47, 48), 121, 122 (and n 54), 124 (and mi 62, 64), 125 (n 70), 129 (n 84), 131 (n 96), 147 (n. 8), 150 (n.22), 157 (n.44), 160 (n.2),
162 (n 8), 163 (n 10), 164 (n 11), 168 (nn 21-23), 169 (n 26), 172 (nn 35, 36), 173 (n. 40), 175 (n.49), 178 (n.63), 220 (n.6), 225 (n.31), 230 (n.51), 243 (n.26), 245 (n.30) ), 246 (No. 35), 247 (No. 37-39), 250 (and No. 4850), 254 (No. 67), 255 (No. 69), 263 (No. 14, 17), 264 (Nos. 21, 22), 266 (and No. 27), 269 (and Nos. 34, 36), 271 (Nos. 42, 44), 276 (No. 63), 278 (No. 68), 279 (No. 72), 280 (No. 74), 284 (And No. 86), 285 (No. 90), 301 (No. 5), 306 (No. 14), 309 (No. 21), 313 (n.28), 314 (nn.30, 31, 32), 315 (n.33), 317 (y n.4), 322 (nn.16, 19), 326 (n.31), 335 ( No. 7), 336 (No.8), 337 (No.12), 338 (No.15), 339 (No.16), 366 (No.38), 369 (and No. 44), 373 (No. No. 2), 375 (No. 7), 383 (No. 44), 384 (No. 55), 385 (and No. 59, 63), 387 (and No. 69, 71), 388 (No. 73-76), 389 (n 80), 394 (n 97), 395 (nn 1, 2, 3), 397 (n 17), 398 (n 19), 400 (nn 31, 32), 401 (n.35), 402 (nn 36, 40), 404 (n 50), 405 (n 64), 408 (n 89), 418 (u 15), 420 (n 24), 423 (nn 30, 34, 35), 424 (nn 36, 39), 425 (and nn 41-43), 426 (nn 46, 47, 48), 427 (nn 51-53), 441 (and nn 1, 5), 444 (and n.21), 445 (n.24), 446 (n.27), 449 (n.31), 458 (nn.5, 7), 459 (n.8) ), 461 (nn 15, 16), 471 (u.50), 538, 542 (and n.8), 543, 544, 545.
STRAFFORELLO G., 421 (No. 26).
Sum 'VM, 167.
STRANIERO ML, 153 (n.32), 358 (nn.2-4), 424 (n.38).
STRANO S., 385 (No. 61).
STEuS J., 168 (n.22), 174 (n.50).
STURZO L., 435 (and n.22).
SZANTO E., 462 (n.21), 470 (n.45).
TALAMANCA A., 286 (n 93).
TALAMO G., 319 (n.8), 416 (u.7).
TAIIBURINI L., 21 (n.2).
TAPARELLI D'AZEGLIO C., 160.
TAPPARELLI D'AZEGLIO P., 318.
TAVANO L., 83.
TAVERNA, 418.
WEAVING JM, 476 (number 5), 483 (number 32).
TERESA DE JESÚS (S.), 166.
TERRONE L., 179.
TmIVENOT X., 31, 57 (and n 58), 361 (and n.24),
368 (n.43).
THOURET A., 160, 170 (No. 30).
TmoN-DAvro J., 340.
Trio Livio, 39
Tow F., 433 (No. 14).
TOMA'FIS D., 462 (n.22).
TOMMASEO N., 73.
TONELLI A., 336 (No. 9).
Toms A., 82 (n.7), 85 (n.14).
TORRAS AND BAGES J., 196.
Cough ', 172 (U 35).
TRABUCCO C., 435.
TRAMONTIN S., 12, 18, 237, 247 (n.39), 254 (n.
68), 528.
TRANFAGI1A N., 414 (No. 4), 430 (No. 4).
TRANIELLO F., 12, 17, 21 (and nn.1, 2), 22 (n.6),
31-33 (n.24), 35 (n.29), 64 (n.72), 107, 146
(nn.3, 4), 157 (n.43), 162 (nn.8, 9), 238
(nn.4, 7), 262 (n.10), 270 (n.40), 306 (n. n.
15), 309 (number 21), 358 (number 8), 361 (number 32), 365
(number 34), 366 (number 36, 38), 418 (number 15), 419 (number .
17), 420 (nn.20, 21), 422 (n.28), 423 (n.
33), 437 (n.33), 438 (n.37), 442 (and nn.8,
10), 446, 458 (n.8), 527 (and n.2), 528 (and n.
4), 535, 541 (n.4), 542, 544.
TRANSFT F GT, 74 (n.11).
TREBILIANI M ° .L., 32.
TRIONE S., 446.
TRIVERO G., 305.
TarYTER Ch.L., 379 (and n.24).
TROCHU F., 170 (U. 30).
TUNINETIT G., 12, 72 (n.9), 135 (y n.1), 162
(n.8), 306 (n.15), 428 (n.54), 533 (n.15),
544 .
TURATI F., 439.
TURCHI G., 44, 141.
TURCO G., 44
UBALDI P., 34.
ULYSSE G., 71 (No. 6).
ULLOA (Marquis de), 477, 478, 481, 484. USSEGLIO G., 162 (n.8).
VALENTIN JM, 509 (n.8).
VALENTINI E., 37 (n.6), 39 (n.10), 72 (n.8),
113 (n.13), 175 (n.50), 403 (n.48), 422 (n.
29), 441 (n.3), 445 (n.25), 447 (and n.29).
VALEIU0 L., 301 (and No. 6), 416, 423.
VALFRÉ S., 169.
JAISECCHI T., 83.
JALLAITIU T., 73.
TALLE A., 169 (n.29).
TECCHI A., 169 (nn.28, 29), 172, 542 (u. 8).
/ ECCE "JE, 16 (n.1), 22 (n.5), 36 (n.34),
296.
I HAVE GF, 421 (n.27).
TENERUSO D., 240 (n.17), 248 (and nn.40, 42),
420 ( n.21 ).
TERCESI 25. VERDAGUER
J., 196.
VERDI G., 452, 453.
VERGÉS F., 196.
VERGÉs JM *., 186, 187.
VERHULST M., 325 (n.28).
VERNA AM, 170 (No. 30).
VERONESI M., 42
Volum G., 165 (number 15), 416 (number 7), 418 (number 14),
421 (number 26), 422 (number 28), 423 (number 32).
VIAL J., 342 (No. 20).
VICENT R., 6
VICENTE DE PAUL (S.), 155, 165, 166, 169, 170,
176, 259, 487.
VmussEnc G., 416.
VIGANÓ E., 14, 42-44, 157, 241 (and n.20), 245
( n.29 ), 256 (u.74).
VIGLIETIT CM °., 42, 44, 65, 182 (n.23), 181,
184, 185, 196 (n.105), 204 (n.145).
VIGNOLO GB, 42
VIGO G., 436 (n.27).
VILARRASA E., 192, 196.
VILLA G., 44
VILLENEUVE (count), 179.
VINAY V., 376 (n.10), 379 (n.24).
VIRGILIO PM, 39.
Vrrromo EmANUELE II, 73, 146, 157, 400 (n.
32).
VIVES F., 204 (No. 146).
VIVES L., 507, 510 (n.13).
VIVES AND AMAT F., 192.
VIVES and Tino JC, 31.
VoLA GI, 305
VOLTAIRE F.-A. of, 94, 151, 152, 153 (u.30),
377.
VON BALTHASAR U., 158 (No. 46).
VON HALLER, 160 (No. 3).
VoRAGNE J. de, 62
WACICENRODER WH, 451, 454, 455.
WAST H., 25
WEINSCHENK R., 31
WESSEtS G., 476 (No. 4).
111TARTH M., 106 (No. 106).
ZANELLA G. 241 (and n.23), 242 (n.23), 256 (yn
73).
ZAPPATA G., 137, 402.
ZIGGIOTTI R., 23
ZOFFOLI E., 165 (n.14).
Zow P., 366 (No. 36).
GENERAL INDEX
Presentation 5
Summary 7
Acronyms and abbreviations of the most cited works 9
Organization of the Congress 11
Greeting to the congressmen (E. Viganó) 13
Introduction (R. Giannatelli) 15
First part: DON BOSCO IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY
Balance of the forms of knowledge and of the studies on Don Bosco (Pietro
Stella) 21
1. Salesian reflection on the educational system of Don Bosco up to the
post-Second World War period 22
2. From philological-literary research to global reinterpretation 23
3. Recent contributions of study and forms of knowledge in the non-
Salesian sphere 32
How the authors of the «Biographical Memoirs» (Francis Desramaut) 37 worked
1. Biographical Memoirs of Don Bosco 37
2. The three authors of the Memoirs 37
3. The general title of the work 40
4. The predominance of Don Lemoyne over the set 40
5. The search and systematization of documents 40
6. The understanding and use of documents 45
7. The indifference in the understanding of documents 47
8. The use of documentation 50
9. The "charismatic" explanation of Don Bosco made by Don Lemoyne 57
10. The method of Don Cenia 60
11. Concluding remarks 63
The correspondence as a source of knowledge and study about Don Bosco.
Critical edition project (Francesco Motto) 67
0. Preliminary remarks 67
1. The constitutive reason of the epistolary and its critical edition 70
1.1. An irreplaceable service for the biographer and the historian 70
1.2. Instrument of work for many scholars 72
2. The fundamental problems of method 74
2.1. The ecdotic recession 75
2.2. The edition of the text 77
2.3. Notes from the editor 78
3. Conclusion 80
The situation and use of the Central Salesian Archive (Raffaele Farina) 81
1. Brief historical news about the Archive from its beginnings until 1972. 81
2. The problems that arise after the transfer to Rome (1972) 84
3. Reproduction of the "Don Bosco Fund" on microfiches (1979-1980) 85
4. The recent systematization of the Archive (1984-1988) 86
4.1. The Regulations of the Central Salesian Archive (May 24, 1985) 87
4.2. The preparation for the computer 88
4.3. The process computer 89
Part Two : DON BOSCO IN THIS IGT AND SOCIETY
Don Bosco and the Church in the world of his time (Émile Poulat) 93
1. Context 93
2. Don Bosco and the Salesians in France 101
The experience and the sense of the Church in the work of Don Bosco (Juan María Laboa) 109
1. Don Bosco in the context of the Restoration 109
2. Images of the Church 111
3. A pyramidal and authoritarian society 113
4. Practical and utilitarian mentality 121
5. Don Bosco and Pius IX 126
6. A holy Church and sanctify yourself 128
7. The experience of the Church 132
The conflict between Don Bosco and the Archbishop of Turin Lorenzo Gastaldi (1871
1883) (Giuseppe Tuninetti) 135
1. Elements for the explanation of a known contrast 135
2. The causes 137
3. Two types of formation and two ecclesiological conceptions 138
4. The most critical period 141
5. In summary 142
Church and world in the «Storia Ecclesiastica» de Don Bosco (Franco Molinari) 145
1. Introduction 145
2. Church and the world 148
3. Final considerations 157
At the roots of the spirituality of Don Bosco (Massimo Marcocchi) 159
1. The historical climate in which Don Bosco lived and acted 159
1.1. The "Friendships" and the Oblates of Mary Virgin 160
1.2. The Ecclesiastical "Convitto" 161
1.3. Rigorismo, probabilismo, moral alfonsiana 163
1.4. The figure and doctrine of St. Alphonsus 164
1.5. Alphonsian influence in piety 166
1.6. The success of San Francisco de Sales 167
1.7. The Filipino spiritual tradition 169
1.8. The Vincentian tradition 170
2. Attitude and mentality of Don Bosco 172
2.1. Priestly Formation in a rigorist climate 172
2.2. The determining influence of Don Cafasso 173
2.3. The central importance attributed to San Francisco de Sales 174
2.4. The reference to San Felipe Neri 175
2.5. The echoes of San Vicente de Paul 176
2.6. Don Bosco master of an original spirituality 177
Don Bosco and Catholic associations in Spain (Ramón Alberdi) 179
0. Introduction 179
1. Don Bosco in Spain and Catholic associations 181
2. The Catholic Association of Barcelona 186 '
2.1. Origin and development 186
2.2. The partners 189
2.2.1. Before the suppression of 1873 189
a) The future Salesian Cooperators 189
b) The future donors of the Tibidabo Hill summit 191
c) The future founders of the Salesian house in Gerona 192
d) Other mentions 192
2.2.2. After the resumption of activities in 1877-1878 193
a) The Salesian Cooperators 193
b) The group of clerics 195
2.3. Objectives, means, mentality 197
a) Adherence to the pope and defense of the priesthood 199
b) Catholicism and homeland 199
c) Public profession of the Christian faith 200
d) Antiprotestantism and anti-liberalism 200
e) Union of forces for the struggle 201
e Cultural promotion and School of the People 201
3. Other Catholic Associations 202
4. Conclusions 205
Don Bosco and María Dominga Mazzarello: Historical-spiritual relationship (Anita
Deleidi) 207
0. Premise 207
1. Interpretations of the historical relationship between Don Bosco and María Mazzarello
in the field Salesian 208
2. Historical line of relationship 210
2.1. Before the foundation of the Institute (1862-1872) 211
2.2. After the founding of the Institute (1872-1881) 213
3. Significant mediations 216
4. Meaning of the perspective relationship of spirituality 217
5. Concluding remarks 218
The Institute of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians in relation to Don Bosco (Maria
Esther Posada ) 219
1. A new spiritual orientation (1860-1870) 222
2. A true historical option: the "moment" of the foundation (1871-1872) 225
3. A progressive awareness of legal belonging (1872-1876) 227
4. Concluding remarks 229
Don Bosco and civil society (Giuseppe Bracco) 231
Don Bosco and the world of work (Silvio Tramontin) 237
1. A complex context 237
2. Conception of work in Don Bosco 239
3. Types of work 243
4. Initiatives for the world of work 244
4.1. The first initiatives 244
4.2. Second phase 246
4.3. Towards the professional school 248
4.4. Publishing initiatives 249
5. Work and rest 251
6. Work and piety 253
7. In synthesis 256
Part three: DON BOSCO AND THE FDUCATION
The option for young people and the educational proposal of Don Bosco (Luciano Paz
zaglia) 259
1. The first experiences among "poor and abandoned" youth 260
2. In the climate of political tensions and antireligious propaganda 268
3. The festive oratory and the school: two educational systems 273
4. Between the demands of regulation and new educational problems 283
The pedagogy of Saint John Bosco in his century (Guy Avanzini) 291
1. The reasons for an exclusion 291
2. One educational option 292
3. Originality of the educational option 294
4. Don Bosco «pedagogue» 296
Don Bosco and the Oratory (1841-1855) (Giorgio Chiosso) 299
1. Oratories and popular education in Turin 299
2. The Oratory in Valdocco: 1846-1850 305
3. The Salesian oratories after 1850 309
Don Bosco and the humanist school (Bruno Bellerate) 317
1. Historical-contextual considerations 318
2. Motivations and general principles 320
3. Specific school problems 324
4. Didactic-educational instrumentation 326
5. Final reflections 330
Don Bosco and professional schools. Historical approach (1870-1887)
(José Manuel Prellezo García) 333
0. Preliminary observations 333
1. Don Bosco's workshops: introductory notes 335
2. Progressive separation between artisans and students, and «great progress of
artisans» (1870- 1878) 337
3. The "Craftsmen's Section": Organizational Proposals (1879-1882) 343
• 4. Lines for a Training Plan in "Craftsmen's Houses" (1883-1887) 347
5. Presence of Don Bosco and presence of the collaborators: a topic to deepen 352
Integration of school and school activities in the perspective of Don Bosco (Cesare Scurati) 357
1. Beyond the synthesis 357
2. A critical knot 360
3. A solution 363
4. A problem 366
5. Lessons 371
Penance and the eucharist in education according to Don Bosco (Jacques Sche pens) 373
0. Introduction 373
1. The doctrine of the sacraments 375
1.1. The confession 376
1.2. The Eucharist 379
2. The Praxis of Don Bosco 381
3. Further Deepening 390
Don Bosco and the Formation of Ecclesiastical and Religious Vocations (Fausto Jiménez) 395
1. Introduction: Don Bosco's personal experience 395
2. Context: situation of the clergy in the nineteenth century 396
3. Don Bosco's achievements 398
3.1. From ecclesiastics to laymen 398
3.2. Religious vocations of males 398
3.3. Women's religious vocations 399
3.4. Vocations for the ecclesiastical state in Valdocco 399
3.5. Minor Seminars 401
3.6. Vocations of adults 403
4. Vocation ministry according to Don Bosco 405
5. Perseverance 408
6. Final statements 409
Fourth part: DON BOSCO AND POPULAR CULTURE
Don Bosco in the history of popular culture in Italy (Francesco Traniello) 413
1. Popular culture and semantic domain 413
2. La cultura popular y el proceso de alfabetización 414
3. Dos figuras: Cantil y Bresciani 417
4. Características de la experiencia de Don Bosco 418
5. Centro para la difusión y aspectos institucionales 422
6. Conclusiones 427
Don Bosco y el teatro popular (Stefano Pivato) 429
1. Teatro y educación popular 429
2. La idea inspiradora 431
3. Difusión de la experiencia 432
4. La modernidad de Don Bosco 437
Don Bosco y la prensa (Francesco Malgeri) 441
1. Nuevo interés en el tema 441
2. Las razones que movió a Don Bosco 442
3 La "Letture Cattoliche" 445
4. La prensa de Don Bosco en la caja de la prensa católica 448
Don Bosco y la música (Giulio Sforza) 451
Originalidad de las misiones patagónicas en Don Bosco (Jesús Borrego) 457
1. ¿Patagonia, proyecto original? 458
2. Argentina-Patagonia, tierra prometida 460
3. "No hubo misiones salesianas en el sur [argentina y chilena], sino escuelas,
granjas, iglesias ..." 463
4. Los salesianos "no formaron verdaderas" reducciones "al estilo de los jesuitas
de Paraguay» 467
5. Perspectivas de futuro 470
Quinta parte: COMUNICACIONES LIBRES
EN EL GRUPO DE T ENGUA CASTELLANA
El origen de la literatura salesiana en España durante la vida de San Juan Bosco (María
Fe Núñez Muñoz) 475
1. El establecimiento de los salesianos en España: Arzobispo Lluch y Garriga.
y la fundación de la casa de Utrera 476
2. Los orígenes de la literatura salesiana en Andalucía 479
2.1. Fuentes o canales de información 480
2.2. Órganos o medios de difusión 482
2.2.1. El Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado de Sevilla 483
2.2.2. «La revista católica» 488
2.2.3. La prensa andaluza 495
3. Difusión de la literatura salesiana en España 496
4. A modo de conclusión 502
Don Bosco, pedagogo de la alegría (Buenaventura Delgado) 505
Un modelo humanista de educación cristiana (Andrés Sopeña) 515
1. El modelo educativo de Don Bosco 515
2. La sistematización del modelo 516
3. Contenido esencial de los elementos del modelo 516
3.1. Funcionamiento óptimo (I-1) 516
3.2. La estructura de la organización (I-2) 516
33. Recursos de modelado (I-3) 516
3.4. La dinámica de la comunicación (II-4) 518
3.5. La iniciativa de familiaridad (11-5) 519
3.6. La confirmación por reciprocidad (11-6) 520
3.7. El significado de la alegría (II-7) 520
3.8. El estado de paz (LII-8) 521
3.9. Un modelo para un plan de salvación (III-9) 522
4. Conclusión 522
Sexta parte: SESIÓN DE CLAUSURA
Presentación (Cardenal Antonio María Javierre Ortas) 525
Don Bosco y modernidad (Pietro Scoppola) 527
1. ¿Don Bosco es moderno? 527
2. "La modernidad": un concepto complejo 528
3. Iglesia y modernidad 530
4. Opening of Don Bosco to the modern 532
5. The roots of Don Bosco's modernity 533
Perspectives and research initiatives on Don Bosco (Pietro Brai do) 537
1. Critically controlled use of transmitted literature 537
1.1. Beyond the «idóla»: critical vigilance and sense of the measure 537
1.2. Historiographical importance of the tradition 538
1.3. Problems and value of Don Bosco's writings, edited and unpublished 538
2. For the availability of scientifically valid documents 539
2.1. Unpublished writings of Don Bosco 539
2.2. Written edits 539
2.3. The "Memorie dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales" 540
2.4. The correspondence (see communication Motto) 540
2.5. Documents of the congregation with the seal of Don Bosco 540
2.6. Contemporaneous testimonies: chronicles, memories, annals 540
2.7. The canonical processes for the beatification and canonization of Don Bosco 540
2.8. Chronicles and correspondence of Salesians who had special relations with Don Bosco 540
3. A capital problem: a "story" of Don Bosco 541
3.1. A biography with total vision 542
3.2. The future of Don Bosco 542
3.3. A becoming in context 543
4. Some examples of issues that arise 543
4.1. The "beginnings" of Don Bosco 543
4.2. Don Bosco in the Church, local and universal 544
4.3. Relations with civil society and the "other culture" 544
4.4. Don Bosco and "popular culture" 544
4.5. Don Bosco and the problems of emigrants and missions 544
4.6. Don Bosco, founder of the Salesians 545
4.7. Don Bosco founder- "co-founder" of the HMA Institute 545
4.8. The "extraordinary" in Don Bosco "dreamer" and "thaumaturge" 545
Index of person names 547
Annali E. CEIUA, Annali della Societá Salesiana, Torino, SEI 1941-1945.
ASC Archivo Salesiano Central (Roma)
ASV Archivo Secreto Vaticano
Bosco, Scritti sul G. Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo nell'educazione della
sistema preventivo gioventú, a cura di P. Braido, Brescia, La Scuola 1965
Bosco, Scritti G. Bosco, Scritti pedagogici e spirituali, a cura di J. Borrego, P.
pedagogici Braido, A. Ferreira, F. Motto, J.M. Prellezo, Roma, LAS 1987
BRAIDO, Don Bosco P. BRAMO (ed.), Don Bosco nella Chiesa a servizio dell'umanitá.
nella Chiesa Studi e testimonisnze, Roma, LAS 1987
Cronistoria G. CAPEM (ed.), Cronistoria dell'Istituto delle Figlie di Maria
Ausiliatrice, 5 vol., Roma, Istituto delle FMA 1974-1978
E Epistolario di S. Giovanni Bosco, 4 vol., per cura di E. Ceda, To
rino, SEI 1955-1959
FMA Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice (Hijas de María Auxiliadora)
ISS Istituto Storico Salesiano (Instituto Histórico Salesiano) (Roma)
LC «Letture Cattoliche»
MB G.B. LEMOYNE, Memorie biografiche di don Giovanni Bosco,..,
vol. I-VI, San Benigno Canavese, Scuola Tipografica e Libreria Salesiana 1898-1907; G.B. LEMOYNE, Memorie biografiche del venerabile don Giovanni Bosco, vol. VII, Torino, Libreria Salesiana Editrice 1909; (vol. VIII-IX: Torino, Tip. SAE), «Buona Stampa» 1912-1917); G.B. LEMOYNE - A. AMADEI, Memorie biografiche di san Giovanni Bosco, vol. X, Torino, SEI 1939; E. CERIA, Memorie biografiche del beato don Bosco, vol. XI-XV, Torino, SEI 1930-1934; ID., Memorie biografiche di san Giovanni Bosco, vol. XVI-XIX, Torino, SEI 1935-1939
MO G. Bosco, Memorie dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales dal
1815 al 1855, a cura di E. Ceda, Torino 1946:
n.d.e. nota del responsable de la edición
OE G. Bosco, Opere edite. Prima serie: Libri e opuscoli, Roma, LAS
1976-1977
RSS «Ricerche Storiche Salesiane»
SDB Salesianos de don Bosco
SE G. Bosco, Storia ecclesiastica ad uso delle scuole..., Torino, Tip.
Speirani e Ferrero 1845
STELLA, Don Bosco P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia della religiositá cattolica,vol.I:
III DI Vita e opere, Roma, LAS 1979 (1° ed. 1968); vol. II: Mentalitá
religiosa e spiritualitá, Roma, LAS 1981(1° ed. 1969); vol. III: La canonizzazione (1888-1934), Roma, LAS 1988
ORGANIZACIÓN DEL CONGRESO
Comisión promotora
GIANNATELLI Roberto, Rector de la Universidad Pontificia Salesiana (Roma)
MI:0AL' Mario y BERTONE Tarcisio, Vicerrectores de la UPS
PILCA Juan, Decano de la Facultad de Teología de la UPS
PE-1E1 Michele, Decano de la Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación de la UPS
COLOMBO Antonia, Decana de la Pontificia Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación «Au
xilium» (Roma)
BRAMO Pietro, Director del Instituto Histórico Salesiano (Roma)
Comisión científica
MIDALI Mario, Vicerrector de la UPS (Presidente)
ALBERDI Ramón, Centro Salesiano de Estudios Teológicos (Barcelona)
BORREGO Jesús, Instituto Histórico Salesiano (Roma)
DELEIDI Anita, Pontificia Facultad «Auxilium» (Roma)
DESRAMAUT Francis, Universidad Católica de Lyon
FARINA Marcela, Pontificia Facultad «Auxilium» (Roma)
Morro Francesco, Instituto Histórico Salesiano (Roma)
PRELLEZO GARCIA José Manuel, Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación de la UPS
SCHEPENS Jacques, «Centrum voor Kerkerlijke Studies» (Lovaina)
STELLA Pietro, Universidad «La Sapienza» (Roma)
Comisión organizadora
BERTONE Tarcisio, Vicerrector de la UPS (Presidente)
SCHEPENS Jacques, Secretario del Congreso
ARDITO Sabino, Facultad de Derecho de la UPS
CHENIS Carlo, Facultad de Filosofía de la UPS
COFFELE Gianfranco, Facultad de Teología de la UPS
DAL COVOLO Enrico, Facultad de Letras Cristianas y Clásicas de la UPS
FIZZOTTI Eugenio, Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación de la UPS
PUTHOTA Benjamin, Administrator de la UPS
BISOGNI Silvana, Secretaria del Rector de la UPS
Presidentes de las Sesiones generales
SCOPPOLA Pietro, Universidad «La Sapienza», Roma (16 enero)
AUBERT Roger, Universidad Católica, Louvain-La-Neuve (17 enero)
POUPARD Card. Paul, Presidente del Pontificio Consejo para la Cultura (18 enero)
MARTINA Giacomo, Pontificia Universidad Gregoriana, Roma (18 enero)
TRANIELLO Francesco, Universidad de Turín (19 enero)
GALINO Ángeles, Universidad Complutense, Madrid (19 enero)
JAVIERRE ORTAS Card. Antonio, Bibliotecario y Archivero de la S.I.R. (20 enero)
Colaboradores
ALBERDI Ramón, Centro Salesiano de Estudios Teológicos (Barcelona)
AVANZJNI Guy, Universidad «Lumiére» (Lyon)
BELLERATE Bruno, Universidad «La Sapienza» (Roma)
BORREGO Jesús, Instituto Histórico Salesiano (Roma)
BRACCO Giuseppe, Univesidad de Turín
BRAMO Pietro, Instituto Histórico Salesiano y Universidad Pontificia Salesiana (Roma)
CHIOSSO Giorgío, Universidad de Lecce
DELEIDI Anita, Pontificia Facultad «Auxilium» (Roma)
DELGADO Buenaventura, Universidad de Barcelona
DESRAMAUT Francís, Universidad Católica de Lyon
FARINA Raffaele, Universidad Pontificia Salesiana (Roma)
JIMÉNEZ Fausto, Centro Salesiano de EstUdios Teológicos (Madrid)
LABOA Juan María, Universidad de Comillas (Madrid)
MALGERI Francesco, Universidad «La Sapienza» (Roma)
MARcocau Massimo, Universidad Católica de Milán
MOLINARI Franco, Universidad Católica de Milán
MOTTO Francesco, Instituto Histórico Salesiano (Roma)
NÚÑEZ María Fe, Universidad de la Laguna (Canarias)
PAZZAGLIA Luciano, Universidad Católica de Milán
P1VATO Stefano, Universidad de Trieste
PosAnA María Esther, Pontificia Facultad «Auxilium» (Roma)
POULAT Émile, «École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales» (Paris)
PREJ.F.70 José Manuel, Universidad Pontificia Salesiana (Roma)
SCHEPENS Jacques, «Centrum voor Kerkelijke Studies» (Lovaina)
SCOPPOLA Pietro, Universidad «La Sapienza» (Roma)
SCURATI Cesare, Universidad Católica de Milán
SFORZA Giulio, Universidad «La Sapienza» (Roma)
SOPEÑA Andrés, Universidad Pontificia de Salamanca
STELLA Pietro, Universidad «La Sapienza» (Roma)
TRAMONTEN Silvio, Facultad Teológica de Milán
TRANIELLO Francesco, Universidad de Turín
TUNINETIT Giuseppe, Facultad Teológica de Turín
SALUDO A LOS CONGRESISTAS
Eminencias Excelencias
Ilustrísimo señor Rector y Autoridades académicas
Ilustres Congresistas:
Es para mí un placer y un honor dirigiros mi saludo más atento y mi agradecimiento por vuestra presencia, al desear un total éxito a esta especial iniciativa universitaria.
Se trata del Primer Congreso Internacional de estudios sobre la poliédrica figura de San Juan Bosco: supone un hecho singular en el variado abanico de iniciativas que han caracterizado la celebración del centenario de su muerte.
El Congreso, organizado por la Universidad Pontificia Salesiana, está abierto al mundo académico internacional. Se orienta a ahondar, en la esfera de la investigación histórica con rigor científico, en la personalidad y la huella de don Bosco en las vicisitudes del siglo pasado.
Se propone centrarse en los estudios y otras formas de conocimiento sobre él, poniendo de relieve, al mismo tiempo, los motivos de la actualidad de su mensaje para la sociedad contemporánea.
La importancia de esta iniciativa y de su resultado aparece clara para quien, como yo, tiene el ministerio de animar una gran Familia empeñada en cuidar y desarrollar su herencia pedagógico-pastoral.
He podido tomar parte en primera fila en muchas celebraciones de diverso contenido y en todo el mundo. Don Bosco ha superado no sólo las fronteras de su siglo, sino también las de su Familia apostólica. Es desde hace mucho tiempo un santo de la Iglesia universal, aceptado como eminente maestro de educación cristiana y origen de una espiritualidad peculiar, viva y actual después de más de un siglo.
Su figura y su obra han suscitado y siguen suscitando un notable interés en vastos sectores de la vida social, desde el mundo de la educación y de la escuela hasta el del trabajo y el del tiempo libre; desde el área de la cultura popular a la de la economía y la política. Y, del mismo modo, desde una forma práctica de relectura del Evangelio a la institución peculiar de formas de vida consagrada.
Hay un aspecto sobre el que la producción científica especialmente la teológica — es, hasta hoy, todavía limitada: el aspecto eclesial de su papel de Fundador. Es un aspecto que, me parece, no entra directamente en los objetivos de este Congreso.
Es un aspecto delicado y complejo, sentido muy profundamente por mí, y en el que me encuentro vitalmente implicado.
Un investigador del tema ha escrito con acierto: «El estudio de los Fundadores no es cosa fácil, aunque tengamos a disposición diversos métodos científicos de investigación, porque los fundadores se resisten a cualquier explicación humanamente histórica, sociológica y psicológica. Cuando nos acercamos a ellos, chocamos con algo que se nos escapa; y aun cuando creemos conocerlos bien, cada vez que los estudiamos, descubrimos algo nuevo. ¿Cómo se puede explicar este misterio, esta riqueza inagotable? Sencillamente con el hecho de que al encontrarnos con un Fundador, vemos que es Dios quien actúa por medio de él».'
Sigue, pues, abierta una importante perspectiva que también puede influir en el sentido de las diversas investigaciones, pero a la que las otras ciencias pueden aportar preciosas luces.
Es, por consiguiente, muy importante, no sólo para sus discípulos, sino también para el vasto mundo de la cultura, poder disponer de estudios sobre don Bosco y su obra realizados con rigurosos criterios científicos, base indispensable para una presentación de su estatura histórica y de su mensaje sólidamente andado en datos objetivos, y libre, cuanto más, mejor, de ópticas distorsionadas, valoraciones parciales y descripciones aproximadas.
Deseo vivamente que el Congreso pueda ofrecer en este sentido preciosas aportaciones que se añadan a otros estudios que ya están hoy, en parte, a disposición de los investigadores.
¡Muchas gracias!
Egidio VIGANÓ
Gran Canciller
de la Universidad Pontificia Salesiana
I T. GRZESZCZYK, 11 carisma dei fondatori, Colima «Sanctitas in caritate», Roma 1974, p. 11.
INTRODUCCIÓN
Como Rector de la Universidad Pontificia Salesiana, dirijo mi atento saludo a los participantes en el Primer Congreso Internacional de Estudios sobre San Juan Bosco. Y en nombre de la Comisión promotora deseo expresar nuestro agradecimiento a todos los que, de diverso modo, han hecho posible su realización: ponentes, organizadores, patrocinadores y todos vosotros, los Congresistas, que habéis respondido a nuestra invitación.
La vasta y variada comunidad universitaria de la UPS, con sus cinco facultades de Teología, Ciencias de la Educación, Filosofía, Derecho Canónico y Letras, sus mil estudiantes provenientes de 65 naciones, los 120 profesores y auxiliares, os dan la bienvenida con especial interés y se alegran de poder ofreceros su hospitalidad que, aun siendo sencilla y austera, desean que sea franca y cordial, de acuerdo con la herencia recibida de don Bosco, Protector e Inspirador de nuestra Universidad, definida por su Gran Canciller como «Universidad de don Bosco para los jóvenes».
La participación de la UPS en el acontecimiento del Centenario de la muerte de San Juan Bosco podía parecer un hecho que se da por descontado. Y, en efecto, desde noviembre de 1983, el Senado académico se comprometió a definir el programa de la Universidad para 1988. En la sesión del 3 de diciembre de 1986, votó una resolución que fijaba en siete puntos los compromisos de la comunidad universitaria. Los recuerdo brevemente:
1. Dedicar un número especial de la revista «Salesianum» a la conmemoración del Centenario. Este número de la revista salió en enero de 1988 con el título: Pensiero e prassi di don Bosco nel 1° Centenario della morte (31 gennaio 1888-1988;
2. Convocar un Congreso internacional de estudios sobre Juan Bosco en enero de 1989;
3. Promover cursos académicos sobre don Bosco y la Salesianidad, aun con la fórmula del Visiting Professor;
4. Organizar un concurso para estimular y premiar las investigaciones de los estudiantes sobre temas en torno a don Bosco;
5. Publicar un volumen que presente las razones por las que se propone a don Bosco como «Doctor de la Iglesia para la educación cristiana»;
6. Organizar una peregrinación de la comunidad de la UPS (profesores y estudiantes) a los lugares de don Bosco;
7. Proyectar la nueva «Biblioteca Don Bosco» de la Universidad e iniciar la recogida de los fondos necesarios para su realización. (Agradezco desde aquí al Gran Canciller que ha apoyado siempre nuestra propuesta y que bendecirá el próximo 25 de enero la primera piedra de la «Biblioteca Don Bosco»).
Entre las diversas propuestas del Centenario, la del Congreso internacional ha sido la más laboriosa en su génesis y su definición. En un primer momento se pensó en una convención de amplio contenido y de actualización sobre el tema «Don Bosco educador». Con este fin había trabajado, desde la primavera de 1985, un grupo mixto de profesores de la UPS y de la Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación «Auxilium» de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora. Se proyectaba una investigación que, a partir de la exigencia educativa de las nuevas generaciones, se remontase a la memoria histórica de la «experiencia preventiva de don Bosco», y, si fuese posible, a la tradición posterior a don Bosco, para encontrar motivos válidos y actuales para la educación en nuestro tiempo.
Esta hipótesis quedó inmediatamente abandonada y se dio preferencia a la idea de un Congreso científico que no se limitase al aspecto pedagógico, sino capaz de afrontar la rica y compleja figura y obra de don Bosco.
El estudio de «Don Bosco educador» lo haría la Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación con dos iniciativas notables:
El simposio de pedagogos salesianos: «Prassi educativo-pastorale e scienze dell'educazione» (Roma, septiembre 1987).1
Y el seminario interideológico, promovido por la revista «Orientamenti pedagogici»: «L'esperienza pedagogica di don Bosco: eredítá, contesti, risonanze, sviluppi» (Venecia, «Fondazione Cini», 3-5 octubre 1988).2
Además, la Facultad de Derecho Canónico promovería una convención sobre «I diritti del minore» de acuerdo con todo lo actuado en este campo por el Santo Educador (30 octubre - 2 noviembre, 1988).
Fue en mayo de 1987 cuando el Senado académico de la UPS llegó a precisar de modo definitivo la finalidad y la índole del Congreso: el Congreso, que sería al final del año centenario de don Bosco, debía dirigirse al mundo internacional y se debía proponer el objetivo de pedir una consideración más amplia por parte del mundo científico hacia la figura y la obra de San Juan Bosco.
El Congreso debía caracterizarse por una doble atención: la de proponer como un balance de cien años de estudios y de modos de conocimiento sobre don Bosco y la de abrir, a ser posible, una nueva fase de estudios sobre el Santo, más rica en su estructura y más crítica en su metodología.
El Senado académico proponía, además, compartir la responsabilidad del Congreso con el Instituto Histórico Salesiano y la Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación «Auxilium» de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora.
J.E. VECCHI - J.M. PRELEZZ0 (eds.), Prassi educativa pastorale e scienze dell'educazione, Roma, Editrice SDB 1988.
2 C. NANNI (ed.), Don Bosco e la sua esperienza pedagogica, Roma, LAS 1989.
En este brevo lapso de año y medio de preparación, la Comisión científica, al habla con los ponentes a los que se propusieron conferencias básicas y comunicaciones, definió la articulación del Congreso:
— el primer día se dedica a valorar el balance de las formas de conocimiento y de los estudios sobre don Bosco, propuesto por el prof. P. Stella e integrado por las comunicaciones de F. Desramaut, F. Motto y E. Farina;
— el segundo día afronta la relación entre don Bosco y la sociedad civil, presentada por los prof. G. Bracco y S. Tramontin. Debo excusar la ausencia del prof. G. Miccoli que, por motivos graves de familia, ha tenido que renunciar a exponer su conferencia, aunque se propone publicarla en breve. Frente a esta situación, surgida hace muy poco, la Comisión científica pidió a los prof. B. Bellerate y J.M. Prellezo que anticipasen sus comunicaciones sobre don Bosco y la escuela humanista y profesional;
— el tercer día del Congreso se estudia la relación entre don Bosco y la comunidad eclesial con dos ponencias: una más caracterizada por un toque histórico-sociológico (de É. Poulat), la otra, más atenta a la experiencia de tipo educativo y pastoral promovido por don Bosco en el ámbito eclesial (J.M. Laboa). Deseo indicar que la comunicación del prof. G. Alberigo, que no puede asistir, se sustituirá con la comunicación del prof. M. Marcocchi sobre el tema: «Las fuentes de la espiritualidad de don Bosco»;
— el día 19, jueves, se centrará en el tema de la «opción por los jóvenes y la propuesta educativa de don Bosco», expuesto por el prof. L. Pazzaglia y enriquecido con numerosas comunicaciones.sobre aspectos particulares de la experiencia educativa de Don Bosco;
— el último día, viernes 20, se dedicará a considerar otros aspectos de la personalidad de don Bosco, como los de Don Bosco educador del pueblo (presentado en la conferencia fundamental del prof. F. Traniello), comunicados social (a este tema se referirá la comunicación de F. Malgeri), hombre y sacerdote abierto al mundo (J. Borrego ilustrará la originalidad de las misiones de don Bosco).
Las conclusiones del Congreso se confían al prof. P. Scoppola, de la Universidad «La Sapienza», de Roma, y a P. Braido, director del Instituto Histórico Salesiano.
En el marco del Congreso tendrá un significado especial la lección doctoral del card. Carlo Ma. Martini, arzobispo de Milán, sobre el tema: «II Vangelo, don Bosco, i giovani».
Estamos ya en la ola después-de-Don Bosco y de la «historia de los efectos».
Para terminar, deseo recordar que la participación de los Congresistas está prevista de las formas siguientes:
— breves intervenciones en el aula con aclaraciones, aportaciones, aun en clave de debate;
— participación en las secciones por lenguas (se ruega a los interesados que se pongan de acuerdo con los tres animadores de la secciones);
— entrega de comunicaciones escritas, para su publicación en las Actas (los originales deben entregarse al Presidente de la Comisión científica, prof. Mario Midali).
Presento, finalmente, a las personas con las que los Congresistas tendrán un mayor contacto en estos días del Congreso:
— el Presidente de la Comisión científica, Vicerrector, Mario Midali;
— el Presidente de la Comisión organizadora, Vicerrector, Tarcisio Bertone; — el Secretario del Congreso, Jacques Schepens;
— los responsables de la Secretaría ejecutiva, Enrico Dal Covolo y la señora Silvana Bisogni.
Cedo ahora la presidencia de esta primera sesión del Congreso al prof. Pietro Scoppola.
Roberto GIANNATELLI
BALANCE DE LAS FORMAS DE CONOCIMIENTO Y DE LOS ESTUDIOS SOBRE DON BOSCO
Pietro SELLA
«El "caso don Bosco" — ha escrito recientemente Francesco Traniello objeto en el pasado de imágenes muchas veces estereotipadas y paradójicas, se está convirtiendo en un terreno notable de aplicaciones o de verificación de nuevas lineas de investigación».'
Autor de importantes estudios sobre Antonio Rosmini y especialista en historia del movimiento católico, Traniello ha podido expresarse en estos términos, porque tenía presentes los temas y la calidad de los estudios publicados en el volumen dirigido por él y titulado: Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare (1987). Los autores de los diversos ensayos, la mayor parte no salesianos, se valieron de los materiales y de los estudios publicados en estos últimos lustros por los mismos salesianos.
Pero, junto a las impresiones optimistas y estimulantes de Traniello, han aparecido otras a lo largo de este año: más cautas, si no precisamente contrarias, fundadas más o menos críticamente sobre lo que se ha podido observar en el cuadro de las manifestaciones de la celebración del centenario de la muerte de don Bosco.'
Hay que preguntarse si no es prematuro comprometerse en pronósticos más definitivos aún antes de que se acabe el año centenario, y antes de que se disipe el halo emotivo que, quiérase o no, se ha posado también sobre el Congreso• de estudios que nos preparamos a tener. Una serie de cautelas la sugiere, en efecto y en primer lugar, el examen de las interconexiones que se pueden entrever entre las formas de conocimiento, aún predominantes y bien asentadas, y la producción científica que, especialmente los salesianos, han logrado aportar desde dentro de sus instituciones.
1 F. TRANIELLO, Don Bosco e il problema della modernita, en: Don Bosco e le sfide della modernita (Quaderni del Centro Studi «C. Trabucco», 11), Tocino, Stabilimento Poligrafico Editoriale «C. Fanton» 1988, p. 41. El título general del cuaderno evoca el de J. RÉMY, Le défi de la modernité: la stratégie de la hiérarchie catholique en Belgique au XIXe et XXe sikles et l'idée de chrétienté, en «Social Compass» 34 (1987) 151-173. Todo el número de «Social Compass» contiene diversas aportaciones bajo el título común: «Les églises et la modernité en Europe occidentale».
2 Cf. F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, Tocino, SEI 1987, y la recensión que hizo del miqmo L. Tamburini, en «Studi Piemontesi» 17 (1988) 1, 247-249.
1. La reflexión salesiana sobre el sistema educativo de don Bosco basta la etapa posterior a la segunda guerra mundial
Uno de los campos de reflexión que se ha cultivado siempre en las instituciones salesianas es el del sistema educativo llevado a la práctica y expresado en teoría por el santo fundador. Desde las breves y tímidas notas de don Francesco Cerruti sobre las «ideas» pedagógicas de don Bosco (1883)3 y desde otras elaboraciones más o menos teóricas, se pasó, en el clima del proceso de beatificación (1890-1929), a presentaciones que ponían el acento sobre los principios pedagógicos fundamentales expuestos por don Bosco mismo en una conferencia que dio en Niza en 1877 («este sistema se apoya totalmente en la religión, la razón y, sobre todo, en la amabilidad»);4 o bien se ha pasado a discursos y consideraciones que ponían el acento en la especificidad religiosa del sistema educativo, mediante el cual los salesianos tendían a distinguirse de otras instituciones (la sacerdotalidad carismática y ejemplar de don Bosco, la práctica de los sacramentos como típica e irrenunciable en los institutos educativos salesianos) .
Entre las dos guerras, con el régimen fascista en el poder, los salesianos y ciertos grupos católicos obtuvieron que don Bosco figurase entre los clásicos de la pedagogía en los programas de las escuelas de Magisterio. A los ojos de los promotores de esa iniciativa y en los mismos discursos de Pío XI don Bosco aparecía como un gigante que sobresalía por encima de los educadores católicos del siglo MCK, como promotor de una educación completa, tanto más estimable cuanto más opuesta a los que proponían una educación basada en la preparación física y en el mito de la fuerza como medio de conquista: cosas que llevaban a pronosticar el camino hacia un choque violento de los pueblos y una nueva e inmensa conflagración mundía1.6
A pesar de las oposiciones y críticas, la inclusión de don Bosco en el olimpo de los pedagogos fue posible poi el clima ambiguo de compromiso político y de énfasis religioso en el ámbito de la llamada civilización que proclamaba la retórica fascista. Alimentado con reservas críticas y también envenenado por críticas demoledoras hechas por pedagogos laicos de relieve (Ernesto Codignola y otros), el debate sobre la figura y el pensamiento pedagógico de don Bosco obligó a los pedagogos católicos, y de modo especial a los salesianos, a definir mejor en qué sentido se podía considerar a don Bosco, además de educador respetable, un pedagogo digno de tal nombre.
• F. CERRUTI, Le idee di D. Bosco sull'educazione e sull'insegnamento e la missione attuale della scuola. Lettere due, San Benigno Canavese, Tip. e Libreria Salesiana 1886.
• Inaugurazione del patronato S. Pietro in Nizza a Mare. Scopo del medesimo esposto dal sacer
dote Giovanni Bosco con appendice sul sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventú, Torino, Tip. e Libreria Salesiana 1877; cf. edición crítica de P. BRAIDO, en: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 125-230.
• Sobre indicaciones acerca de la dimensión espiritual y religiosa, cf. J.M. PRELLEZO, Lo stu
dio della pedagogía nella congregazione salesiana: alcuni momenti rilevanti (1874-1941), en: J.E. VECCHI - J.M. PRELLEZO (eds.), Prassi educativa pastorale e scienze dell'educazione, Roma, Editrice SDB 1988, p. 61-71; ID., Studio e nflessione pedagogica nella congregazione salesiana (1874-1941). Note per la storia, en RSS 7 (1988) 35-88.
6 Cf. P. STELLA, La canonizzazione di don Bosco tra fascismo e universalismo, en: TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 359-382; ID., Don Bosco III.
En el ámbito de este tipo de estudios, la obra más significativa puede considerarse el libro de Pietro Braido: Il sistema preventivo di don Bosco (1955).7 Las ideas y las instituciones del santo sacerdote piamontés aparecen en su planteamiento; de su análisis brota de modo persuasivo la conclusión de que las obras y las ideas de don Bosco se pueden definir apropiadamente como un «sistema», cuyas peculiaridades y originalidad se ven claramente a través de su cotejo con las obras y las ideas de pedagogos y educadores con los que don Bosco mismo estuvo en contacto directo. El volumen de Braido, ya clásico, es como la cima de todo un ciclo de estudios, orientados, más que al análisis del desarrollo de las iniciativas y de las intuiciones de don Bosco, al examen de su articulación lógica y a la definición de su validez pedagógica. Pero se puede añadir que el libro de Braido puede considerarse como un acto de valentía (realizado y puede ser que también sufrido), y como un acto de confianza por parte del Rector Mayor de entonces, don Renato Ziggiotti. La obra sobre el «sistema preventivo» salía pocos años después de la muerte de don Pietro Ricaldone (1870-1951), el superior que, con gran capacidad de gobierno, había dirigido la congregación salesiana y había orientado su crecimiento en el período no fácil entre las dos guerras. Don P. Braido ejercía ya la enseñanza sobre el sistema educativo de don Bosco por aquellos años en el Pontificio Ateneo Salesiano, en la Facultad de Filosofía. De don P. Ricaldone se admiraba la visión de futuro demostrada al fundar el Ateneo; pero también se conocía su actitud celosa ante el propio papel supremo de magisterio en la congregación. Se planteaba en aquellos años de un modo más agudo el problema entre el sentido de la tradición de don Bosco y la libertad de investigar científicamente.
Mientras tanto, el Ateneo se introducía con un papel preeminente en la red de casas de formación salesiana, que se habían hecho necesarias por la fase de expansión que se vivía, y erigidas en diversas partes del mundo, entre otras razones, por el estímulo recibido de la, entonces, Sagrada Congregación de Estudios.
2. De la investigación filológico-literaria a la reinterpretación global
Precisamente en los estudiantados, y en especial en los del Piamonte, empezaron a ser más insistentes ciertos interrogantes sobre la autoridad de la literatera hagiográfica sobre don Bosco y sobre las formas de conocimiento que se derivaban de ellas. La inquietud de las generaciones jóvenes tendía a convertirse en desconfianza ante las Memorias biográficas de don Bosco: la obra monumental iniciada en su redacción por don Giambattista Lemoyne mientras vivía Bosco y publicada poco a poco en diez y nueve volúmenes desde 1898 a 1939. A don Eugenio Cenia, autor de los últimos nueve volúmenes, se le planteó una serie de preguntas que presentaban de lleno el problema del valor que se debía atribuir a las Memorias: «Se dice — le preguntaron — que don G.B. Lemoyne no fue un historiador, sino un novelista de la historia. En las Memorias biográficas hay muchos hechos que no resisten la crítica. Los mismos volúmenes escritos por don E. Cenia no son plenamente históricos, sino encomiásticos y laudatorios».8
P. BRAMO, Il sistema preventivo di don Bosco. Prefazione di E. Celia, Torino, PAS 1955 (2° ed. Zürich, PAS-Verlag 1964).
Se planteaba clara y urgentemente el problema no baladí de la credibilidad que había que prestar a documentos y testimonios que eran para la congregación salesiana el fundamento literario sobre el que los superiores mayores y los capítulos generales (pero también los mismos papas en sus alocuciones) apoyaban la estructura de su enseñanza. Para la cultura no salesiana, sobre todo la laica, se trataba tal vez de problemas marginales; pero para los salesianos, en cambio, estaban en juego cuestiones, si no esenciales, al menos de gran importancia en el plano vital de la congregación misma.
El primer intento de respuesta científica vino de Francia. Don Francis Desramaut, profesor de Historia eclesiástica en el centro salesiano de estudios teológicos de Lyon, elaboró y defendió como tesis doctoral propia en las Facultés Théologiques de Lyon una tesis que estudiaba precisamente el primer volumen de las Memorias biográficas.9 El trabajo suponía una documentadísima reconstrucción de la figura moral e intelectual de don G.B. Lemoyne, vista como básica en un tipo de utilización de fuentes orales y escritas. Don F. Desramaut disipaba, ante todo; definitivamente, el comentario de que don Lemoyne había destruido descuidada o ingenuamente la documentación original utilizada por él para escribir la primera redacción de las Memorias biográficas: existía todo el material y sigue existiendo, en su máxima parte, en el Archivo Central Salesiano. Confirmaba, además, la persuasión de que don Lemoyne había sido un honesto y escrupuloso intérprete de los testimonios ajenos, transcribiéndolos casi siempre o utilizándolos como elemento de su urdimbre lite- raria. Era una conclusión importante; pero el documentadísimo trabajo de don Desramaut seguía siendo sólo un primer paso. Superaba las posibilidades concretas del estudioso francés una investigación minuciosa en Italia de otras fuentes documentales, fuera del ámbito salesiano, para confrontarlas con las utilizadas por don Lemoyne. Por muy satisfactorio que fuese lo escrito sobre la honestidad de Lemoyne, quedaba por indagar toda la actitud que le había llevado a tejer formas de narración de las que brotaba una cierta sobrenaturalidad, según esquemas que podríamos llamar medievales, en el primero y más todavía en los volúmenes siguientes de las Memorias biográficas. En el círculo reducido de historiadores salesianos se advertían los méritos y los límites del trabajo de don Desramaut: de la investigación meramente filológico-literaria convenía pasar a hipótesis de interpretación y a modelos de investigación histórica que asegurasen una reinterpretación global tanto de las fuentes documentales como de la figura histórica de don Bosco. Del análisis de cada pieza ajustada en la redacción de las Memorias biográficas convenía pasar al de la mentalidad con que se colocan y de la que surgían las fuentes que utilizó don Lemoyne, a partir de las Memorie dell'Oratorio, que don Bosco había escrito tardíamente — no precisamente con criterios históricos o de cronista y documental --, que constituyen la base de toda reconstrucción hagiográfica aparecida después de ellas: desde las páginas del «Bollettino Salesiano» hasta el perfil que de él trazaron, además de don Lemoyne, otros autores, salesianos o no, como Joergensen, Huysmans, Crispolti, Vercesi, Salotti, Hugo Wast, Rodolfo Fierro y otros.
8 Carta litografiada de 14 páginas con la fecha: «Torillo 9.11I.1953»; cf. a este propósito: P. STELLA, Le ricerche su don Bosco nel venticinquennio 1960-1985: hilando, problemi, pros-pettive, en: P. BRALDO (ed.), Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 373-396.
9 Les Memorie I de Giovanni Battista Lemoyne. Étude d'un livre fondamental sur la jeunesse de saint Jean Bosco, Lyon, Imprimérie de Louis-Jean de Gap 1962. Existe la traducción castellana de las MB (Madrid, Central Catequística Salesiana 1981-1989). En este volumen se cita la edición original italiana (n.d.e.).
Ya en 1965, al publicar fragmentos de las Memorie dell'Oratorio en una antología de escritos de don Bosco sobre el sistema preventivo, don Braido advertía la necesidad de andar con cautela en su lectura, ya que en él, con una narración selectiva, llena de énfasis, familiarmente alegre en sus episodios, trataba de afirmar en los salesianos la convicción de que su congregación, querida y protegida por Dios, poseía un método educativo capaz de atraer simpatías y ayudas a centenares y millares de jóvenes.m Don Braido sugería en lo que afirmaba que las Memorie dell'Oratorio planteaban no pequeños problemas a los que iban buscando en ellas otros mensajes.
En el clima precursor del concilio Vaticano II se discutió en Italia, por ejemplo, si no era oportuno arrinconar el Giovane provveduto, el librito de don Bosco que había servido durante más de un siglo para encuadrar las prácticas de piedad en las instituciones salesianas. Se había traducido al francés, y al español (El joven cristiano) por sugerencia de don Bosco. Después se tradujo a algunas lenguas de Asia. Y había acabado por ser el código normativo de la vida devocional y litúrgica de los oratorios, de los colegios y hasta de grupos de culto organizados desde los primeros encuentros con los indios Onas de Argentina meridional o con las tribus de Bororos en el corazón del Mato Grosso."
I" Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo, p. 3s.
" Cf. a propósito, F. DESRAMAUT (ed.), La vita di preghiera del religioso salesiano, Lyon 10-11 settembre 1968 (Colloqui sulla vita salesiana, 1), Leumann (Torno), Elle Di Ci 1969.
Estaba en juego la interpretación que se había acabado por dar al lema lanzado por don Ricaldone en una de sus clásicas cartas circulares del año de la canonización (aguinaldo del Rector Mayor para 1935): Fedeltá a don Bosco santo.12 Se-trataba, en efecto, de interrogarse responsablemente sobre los peligros de un inmovilismo apegado a la repetición del pasado con el riesgo de despegarse de la sociedad pluralista en la que entraba francamente el mundo juvenil. El lema de 1934-35 tenía que completarse de acuerdo con las necesidades de una puesta al día: «la fidelidad a don Bosco santo y sus riesgos». Pero no era difícil argumentar a favor de la renovación: sí en el Giovane provveduto había reunido el santo autor (y esto se deducía de un detenido estudio filológico-histórico) las prácticas piadosas de las parroquias de las que procedían los jóvenes de los oratorios y los colegios, y a las que recurrirían idealmente, resultaba que la fidelidad al santo fundador tenía que llevar a sus hijos espirituales a dejar en el santuario de una biblioteca ( ¡y no entre los libros destinados al pudridero!) el Giovane provveduto y suplirlo por fórmulas apropiadas para incorporarse al movimiento litúrgico, al ecuménico y en general al sentido de colectividad humana que, a pesar de la guerra fría y los agudos conflictos sociales, latía vivo y actual en el mundo juvenil.
Contra el inmovilismo y la repetición cristalizada de gestos y dichos que parecían producir casi «ex opere operato» efectos educativos maravillosos, a la luz del análisis histórico-filológico y más allá del mismo, aparecían dos hechos importantes. Ante todo, era fácil constatar que el mundo del pensamiento del siglo XIX y hasta el andamiaje teológico, que lo habían sido de don Bosco también, eran de hecho superables o estaban superados. Don Bosco mismo, en los años de la madurez y de la mayor expansión de su obra (que él propagaba pidiendo ayudas a todos), había marginado, sin que supusiese para él ningún problema, la rígida y un tanto elemental controversia antivaldense de los años 50. Los salesíanos, a su vez, y sin traumas, habían abandonado la teología semitradicionalista que se puede captar en el Cattolico istruito (1853) y en otros escritos de don Bosco anteriores al concilio Vaticano I.
Pero eran realidades de un mundo que no era el nuestro, como por ejemplo la organización de los jóvenes en estructuras verticales y paternalistas, y con separación social de los sexos. La apertura de los oratorios salesianos a los jóvenes, como venían espontáneamente, chicos y chicas, era una solución que, por intuición y sentido práctico, dieron los salesianos y las Hijas de María Auxiliadora, precisamente en la línea de intuición y sentido práctico de su fundador."
12 La edición oficial está en: ACS (1936), 1-195, con el título: Strenna del 1935. Fedeltá a don Bosco santo. Se imprimió poco después en volumen aparte: Strenna del Rettor maggiore per il 1935. Fedelta a don Bosco santo, Torino, SEI 1936.
13 Las exigencias de renovación constan en el volumen de colaboración (P. BRAIDO, L. CALONGHI y otros), Don Bosco educatore, oggi, Roma, PAS 1960 (2' ed. revisada y aumentada, Zürich, PAS-Verlag 1963).
En segundo lugar, era evidente y claramente demostrable en don Bosco, más que el inmovilismo, su capacidad de adaptación a situaciones cambiantes: desde los comienzos del Oratorio para la juventud llamada pobre y abandonada hasta la organización de los colegios y las expediciones de salesianos a América Latina.
Especialmente se deducía una relectura radicalmente renovada de algunos elementos más característicos y sugestivos de la hagiografía de don Bosco: el conjunto de sueños proféticos, de predicciones de muerte y de milagros estrepitosos (como la resurrección por algún momento del joven «Carlo» en 1849), es decir, de hechos y narraciones que tejían de modo notable y espectacular las Memorias biográficas a medida que don Lemoyne y don Cenia iban elaborando su redacción.
Estas y otras hipótesis interpretativas fueron el hilo conductor de dos volúmenes aparecidos en 1968 y 1969 con el título: Don Bósco nella storia della religiositá cattolica." Cuando apareció el primer volumen se avivó durante algún tiempo de forma bastante aguda el problema de la relación entre investigación científica y tutela de la sana tradición de don Bosco. En la reunión de los superiores provinciales de Europa, del Medio Oriente, Africa Central, Estados Unidos y Australia que se tuvo en Como en abril de 1968, los representantes del área alemana expresaron su preocupación ante las nuevas investigaciones «modernistas e incautas» que se estaban haciendo sobre don Bosco en el Ateneo Salesiano.15 Pero el Rector Mayor de entonces, don Luigi Ricceri, y su consejo dejaron que siguiese el estudio histórico y de algún modo contribuyese a la reflexión y la puesta al día que se estaban ya pidiendo en la fase de aplicación del Vaticano II.
En este sentido, se alcanzaron frutos positivos con la creación, en 1973, de un «Centro Studi Don Bosco» en el Ateneo, que había sido reconocido por la Santa Sede como «Universitá Pontificia Salesiana». Y más tarde, en 1977, con la fundación del «Istituto Storico Salesiano» en Roma, en la Casa generalicia. Desde entonces, las aportaciones de estudio sobre don Bosco y sus obras se han multiplicado con resultados de buen nivel científico, tanto en la UPS como en otras partes del mundo salesiano.
Fruto, en parte, de apertura a ciertas técnicas de investigación y a determinados filones historiográficos orientados al estudio de la presencia religiosa en el entramado social, y también, en parte, a los interrogantes surgidos en la congregación salesiana sobre el compromiso ante las zonas de pobreza en el mundo, fue el volumen Don Bosco nella storia economica e sociale (1815-1870) (1980).16 En él se sitúa a don Bosco — en el tránsito de los cuadros privilegiados y asistenciales de la Restauración a los de la sociedad liberal — entre los que tienden a encontrar formas de soporte económico y de aceptación colectiva en las propias iniciativas, que no constituyan esencialmente las de rentas inmobiliarias paternalistas; se presenta a don Bosco, en una palabra, como un empresario autónomo en el campo educativo y filantrópico dentro de los esquemas de la economía y de la sociedad liberal. El volumen manifiesta claramente una cierta falta de dominio de las técnicas estadísticas y una competencia un poco vacilante en el campo de la historiografía específica de la economía y de las doctrinas económicas. Sin embargo, en su conjunto, es fruto de un trabajo de sondeo de primera mano y abre pistas interesantes hacia estudios en el campo del mundo del campesino y de sus estrategias.
" Don Bosco nella storia della religiositá cattolica. Vol. 1: Vita e opere, Zürich, PAS-Verlag 1968; Vol. II: Mentalitá religiosa e spiritualitá, Ibid. 1969 (2' ed. Roma, LAS 1979-1981). Convegno degli ispettori salesiani. Europa, Medio Oriente, Africa Centrale, Stati Unía, Australia. Atti (Como, 16-23 aprile 1968), Torino, Lit. E. Gili 1968, p. 20.
16 Roma, LAS 1980.
El círculo de estudiosos salesianos, en su mayor parte de formación humanista, filosófica y teológica, se muestra bastante impreparado y desprovisto hacia este tipo de investigaciones. Sobresalen por eso en estos últimos años estudios que en su mayor parte se sitúan más satisfactoriamente en el ámbito de la búsqueda filológica o en el de la historiografía ético-politica y pedagógica.
Nos llevaría muy lejos la relación analítica y precisa de todo lo que han publicado los salesianos sobre don Bosco en estos últimos años.
Como ejemplo, entre tantas aportaciones, merecen mencionarse los de don Francesco Motto sobre el papel de don Bosco en el nombramiento de obispos en Italia después de 1865; y sobre los pasos que dio, después de la ley de las garantías de 1871, para la concesión del regio exequatur a los obispos sobre los bienes temporales en sus diócesis." Fruto de una apasionada búsqueda en el Archivo Secreto Vaticano y en otros archivos italianos públicos o privados, estos ensayos de don Motto ponen de relieve la figura de don Bosco en un cuadro a decir verdad un poco enfático, ya que, según parece, don Bosco no intervino en nada o casi nada en las conversaciones para el nombramiento de obispos en sedes que iban desde Lombardía y el Véneto hasta las provincias napolitanas y a la Apulia.
La implicación de don Bosco en los trámites referentes a obispos del Piamonte y de Liguria puede considerarse en especial un hecho de gran importancia para el desarrollo de las obras educativas promovidas por él. Antes de entonces, en efecto, el nombre de don Bosco figura esporádicamente en publicaciones católicas no piamontesas entre los sacerdotes bienhechores y celosos que trabajaban aquí y allí en Italia. Mientras se desarrollaban los trámites para el exequatur, su nombre saltó a la escena de un modo inesperado, como el de un personaje que tenía entrada privilegiada en los ambientes gubernativos y ante la Sante Sede. Parece que en aquellos años maduró en don Bosco mismo la conciencia de una vocación personal, no sólo orientada hacia el Piamonte, sino hacia espacios más amplios en la sociedad y en la Iglesia. Poco después de sus intervenciones en el exequatur comenzaron las expediciones misioneras de los salesianos a América y, después, el establecimiento en Francia y España.
'7 F. Motto, La mediazione di don Bosco fra Santa Sede e governo per la concessione degli exequatur al vescovi d'Italia (1872-1874) (Piccola Biblioteca dell'Istituto Storico Salésiano, 7), Roma, LAS 1987.
Si se presta atención a lo que ha subrayado recientemente don Braido, se podría decir que los artículos y los opúsculos que empezaron a aparecer en Francia y en Italia en los años 70 sobre don Bosco y su milagroso sistema educativo, parece que indujeron a don Bosco a intentar un esbozo de teorización de lo que, bien o mal, llamó el «sistema preventivo en la educación de la juventud»: con fórmulas que él mismo y sus hijos más avisados (y ésta es una precisión de don José M. Prellezo) variaron sin muchas formalizaciones y aun superaron.'
Junto a los estudios de don F. Motto y a las aportaciones de don P. Braido y don J.M. Prellezo, hay-nue destacar la disertación doctoral de don Jacques Schepens sobre los sacramentos de la penitencia y de la eucaristía en los escritos de don Bosco.' También en este caso se trata de una exploración minuciosísima de fuentes, editadas o no, en el cuadro del paso del rigorismo al benignismo. Lo que más se hubiese deseado era, tal vez, una mayor atención a las actividades y a la ideología religiosa de don Bosco; es decir, una atención mayor a la mentalidad y al comportamiento tanto del mundo juvenil como de las colectividades más amplias en las que penetraron el mensaje y la obra de don Bosco. En este sentido, habría sido oportuno investigar otras fuentes, además de las utilizadas.2° El rito de la confesión, por ejemplo, se podía haber explorado en la religiosidad que poco a poco fue creciendo alrededor del santuario de María Auxiliadora, es decir, alrededor de un centro de culto que unía ciudad y territorio, las instituciones educativas de don Bosco y los círculos del culto popular.
Investigaciones como las de don F. Mono y don J. Schepens ahondan o al menos amplían el conocimiento de aspectos y momentos de la vida de don Bosco situado en su tiempo. Otras investigaciones recientes descubren el campo abierto al desarrollo de la obra salesiana después de la muerte del fundador, más o menos en conexión con la imagen que de él se había cultivado. Son interesantes, en este aspecto, tanto algunas puntuali7aciones que hizo don Pietro Braído al publicar la edición de las cartas de don Lemoyne, como las sugerencias que don José M. Prellezo ha avanzado investigando la actitud de los primeros salesianos ante la presentación que hizo don Bosco de su sistema educativo.21
J.M. PRELLEZO, Il sistema preventivo riletto dai primi salesiani, en: C. NANNI (ed.), Don Bosco e la sua esperienza pedagogica: ereditá, contesti, sviluppi, risonanze. Atti del 5° Seminario di «Orientamenti Pedagogici» Venezia-Cini 3-5 ottobre 1988, Roma, LAS 1989, p. 40-61.
t9 J. SCHEPENS, L'activité littéraire de don Bosco au sujet de la pénitence et de l'eucharistie, en «Salesianum» 50 (1988) 9-50.
20 Sobre el sentido de la confesión y sobre el comportamiento de los jóvenes, cf., por ejemplo, el testimonio de Giovanni Roda, llamado a deponer como testigo «ex officio» en el proceso apostólico para la beatificación de Domingo Savio en octubre de 1916: Sacra Rituum Congregatio e.mo ac rev.mo domino cardinali Vincentio Vannutelli relatore. Asten. et Taurinen. Beatifikationis et canonizationis serví Dei Dominici Savio adolescentis laici alumni oratorii salesiani. Positio super virtutibus, Romae, Typ. Guerra et Mirri (1930): Summarium super dubio: An constet de virtutibus *theologalibus fide, spe et charitate..., p. 5. Trae el episodio en forma más esquemática M. MOLINERIS, Nuova vita di Domenico Savio, Cone Don Bosco, Ist. Salesiano 1974, p. 134. Se encuentra también alusión a él en el estudio de A. CAVIGLIA, Savio Domenico e don Bosco, en: Opere e scritti editi e inediti di Don Bosco, vol. IV, Torillo, SEI 1943, p. 146.
Don Lemoyne, que se hizo salesiano siendo ya sacerdote, tendía — nota don Braido — a escoger con especial preferencia lo que aparecía como prodigioso, milagroso, manifestación sobrenatural de la intervención divina; si por una parte tendía a ser cronista preciso de los movimientos y de los dichos del que le había conquistado como hijo espiritual, por otra, Lemoyne estaba siempre atento a escribir lo que don Bosco iba exponiendo, como sueños y pláticas que con frecuencia hacía de noche a la numerosísíma colectividad de Valdocco. Lo que don Bosco contaba como una parábola o un sueño que había tenido de noche o de día, como quisieran interpretarlo los que oían, era para don Lemoyne sin más la exposición fiel de revelaciones celestiales.
También don Cerruti se situaba moderadamente entre los que consideraban los sueños de don Bosco como hechos sobrenaturales. Pero su atención iba con preferencia a la organización concreta y efectiva de la educación en el Oratorio y en las otras casas salesianas. Entre los más fieles colaboradores de don Bosco es uno de los que más insisten para que los cimientos del sistema educativo se traduzcan de verdad en razonabilidad y racionalidad entre educadores y jóvenes, en religiosidad equilibrada y esencial, en caridad entendida de hecho como entrega diaria e inteligente al propio papel de educadores. En las declaraciones para los procesos de beatificación de don Bosco y después de su antiguo colega de estudios Domingo Savio, don Cerruti pone el acento más en las virtudes demostradas en la vida de los dos siervos de Dios que en la espectacularidad de manifestaciones prodigiosas entendidas como índice de dones sobrenaturales. Don Bosco puso a don Cerruti entre los dirigentes de la obra salesiana: como director del colegio municipal de Alassío, superior de la inspectoría ligur y después como consejero escolar general. Don Lemoyne, después de cargos de dirección, acabó por tener el más acorde con su personalidad de secretario del capítulo superior, con amplios espacios de tiempo para escribir obritas de teatro o en las «Letture Cattoliche», poesías de ocasión e historia de la congregación.
A las tendencias espirituales de don Lemoyne se debe el relieve que adquirieron en las Memorias biográficas los milagros y los sueños, delineados estos últimos, todos y cada uno, como revelaciones celestes de cosas ocultas, presentes o futuras. A él se debe (aunque originalmente a don Bosco) la tradición oral y la escrita que acabó por enraizarse en los salesianos de finales del siglo XIX en adelante, la idea, un poco milenarista y apocalíptica, de que su expansión en el mundo, su establecimiento en determinadas localidades fuese el cumplimiento de un futuro que ya había visto don Bosco mismo en sus sueños; visto — escribió a comienzos de este siglo el cardenal capuchino Vives y Tutó, entusiasta ponente de la causa de beatificación — «como en un cinematógrafo».22 Don Cerruti, en cambio, manifiesta una actitud más discreta, pero no menos entusiasta, que lleva a dar un sentido civil, y por tanto más aceptable, a la obra educativa salesiana.
21 P. BRAIDO - R. ARENAL, Don Giovanni Battista Lemoyne attraverso 20 lettere a don Michele Rua, en RSS 7(1988) 89-170; de J.M. PRELLF70 cf. los artículos citados más arriba nota 5.
Los estudios históricos hechos recientemente por salesianos se orientan hacia una relectura de la experiencia de don Bosco a partir de fuentes de primera mano, más allá del diafragma de las Memorias biográficas; no olvidan, sin embargo, que los diez y nueve monumentales volúmenes de las Memorias constituyen un término de referencia obligado, dada la importancia que han tenido y que siguen teniendo en la transmisión literaria, visual y oral de la imagen de don Bosco.
En el abanico de vertientes que hemos presentado sumariamente y con obligadas lagunas, se sitúan — además de los citados — trabajos interesantes de salesianos de diversas partes del mundo: don Cayetano Bruno, don Ramón Alberdi, don Jesús Guerra, don Jesús Borrego, don Natale Cerrato, don Reinhold Weinschenk, don Antonio Ferreira da Silva; y entre las Hijas de María Auxiliadora: sor Giselda Capetti, sor Cecilia Romero, sor María Esther Posada, sor Piera Cavagliá, sor Anita Deleidi. Y otros y otras más.
Más o menos en relación con los estudios históricos, o al menos a su lado, se sitúan otros que se orientan a una lectura más profunda y algo atemporal de la personalidad de don Bosco, a partir de premisas filosóficas, psicológicas y psicoanalíticas; entre éstos, se distinguen: un amplio ensayo de don Sabino Palumbieri, artículos de don Bruno Bellerate, de don Pio Scilligo y de don Xavier Thévenot.23
Si se relee lo que hemos dicho de la producción de estudio de los salesianos y de las formas de conocimiento en las que se sitúa aquélla, si además se quiere ahondar más detenidamente su análisis, me parece que se llega a la conclusión de que los ensayos de estudio hechos hasta ahora son en su conjunto la respuesta a interrogantes que se dan entre los salesianos y las Hijas de María Auxiliadora (es decir, el núcleo más importante del área de culto y memoria de don Bosco).
Las constataciones de Francesco Traniello, de las que hemos partido, son sin duda fruto de su sensibilidad de estudioso; pero diría que hay que considerarlas generosas y optimistas, si se atiende a la implicación, todavía débil, de los salesianos ante los interrogantes del mundo científico, más amplio, seguramente interesado o al que se puede interesar por el «caso don Bosco», como terreno útil de verificación y análisis.
22 Cf. BS 41 (1917) 182 y STELLA, Don Bosco .W., p. 146.
23 A propósito cf. los últimos años de «Salesianum», «Orientamenti Pedagogici», «Rivista di Scienze dell'Educazione», «Ricerche Storiche Salesiane» (RSS).
En algún estudioso salesíano se constata, sin duda, que ha adoptado modelos de conocimiento y técnicas de búsqueda hoy en uso normal (o, frecuentemente, objeto de discusión): el estudio de la mentalidad y de la religiosidad según módulos comunes en la escuela de los «Anuales» o en otros, el recurso a la antropología cultural, el uso de métodos y modelos propios de la historia económica y social. O bien, también, premisas psicoanalíticas, filosóficas y pedagógicas (el estudio, por ejemplo, del sistema preventivo a partir de los modelos de Lacan; la personalidad de don Bosco indagada a partir de filosofías personslistas o de las teorías interpretativas de Freud o di Lévi-Strauss).
Pero en este momento tenemos que preguntarnos si no se trata apenas de intentos individuales y esporádicos; y todavía no de proyectos corales consolidados de trabajo. Nos sentimos tanto más cautelosos cuanto más se reflexiona sobre las dificultades que encuentra todavía el «Istituto Storico Salesiano» para garantizarse un vivero de reclutas jóvenes. El «Centro Studi Don Bosco», a su vez, en la UPS, logra desarrollar de algún modo su cometido didáctico; pero no llega — y es índice de su fragilidad — a completar la reimpresión anastática de los escritos de don Bosco iniciada en 1977-78 con la serle de libros y opúsculos. Existen ciertamente problemas técnicos; pero falta, sobre todo, quien logre o se comprometa a rehacer la cinta de transmisión entre proyectistas científicos (que se han quedado como generales sin ejército), ejecutores técnicos y editores. Mientras tanto, aun en el curso de este año, el conocimiento afectivo sigue bebiendo con entusiasmo en la leyenda áurea de las Memorias; vuelve con frecuencia (en la película aparecida hace poco, en libros, en conferencias y exhortaciones) la leyenda hagiográfica impresa en el ánimo de todos. Supera, como una imponente ola de espuma, las pocas masas rocosas que la investigación histórica ha logrado colocar acá y allá en estos últimos treinta años. Manifiesta la distancia no superada del todo entre cultura popular salesiana — que se consume como en el pasado estando sobre la brecha entre los jóvenes — y la investigación científica.
3. Recientes aportaciones de estudio y formas de conocimiento en el ámbito no salesiano
En este estado de cosas, no se puede esperar de los estudiosos de fuera del ámbito salesiano más que ensayos sobre ciertos puntos, encuadramientos generales, intentos de aproximación particulares o parciales. Tales son, por ejemplo, el ensayo de Francesco Traniello sobre la Storia d'Italia escrita por el santo, el de Giacomo Dacquino sobre la psicología de don Bosco, de Stefano Pivato sobre la prensa popular _y el teatro, de Maria Luisa Trebiliani sobre la mujer en la mentalidad y la experiencia educativa de don Bosco. O bien, igualmente, las interesantes propuestas de Piero Bairati sobre la «cultura salesiana» y la sociedad industrial entre el 800 y la época fascista 24
Sergio Quinzio en un ensayo de 1986 ha vuelto al tema del lugar de don Bosco en la historia de la espiritualidad católica y en la del catolicismo socia1.25
Franco Bolgiani, en su intervención en 1987 en un congreso sobre el tema «Cristianos y cultura en Turín» se detuvo sobre la «salesiana» en el cuadro más amplio de las culturas predominantes más enraizadas y más características. Sobre todo lo sería la que iba unida a la afirmación del Estado de los Saboya desde la mitad del siglo hasta la unificación nacional, y que Bolgiani llama, para entendernos, «cultura militar». La sustituyó, sobre todo después del despegue industrial automovilístico, como predominante y englobante, la «cultura industrial», con la «Fíat», como templo mayor y como referencia de un modo de pensar y de vivir de la colectividad turínesa. Sin embargo, la cultura laica de alto y medio nivel, adquirió un espacio propio y una autonomía propia y digna, con un sólido pilar en el mundo universitario y con eficaces polos de difusión en publicaciones de vanguardia más activas y más prósperas. La cultura católica fue, según Bolgiani, en su conjunto débil, repetitiva y conformista desde la época tridentina hasta el «Risorgimento»; después, debilitada y cerrada en sí misma, acabó por pasar al nivel de la subcultura. Dentro de ella, sigue Bolgiani, se comprende cómo pudo prosperar en el ámbito eclesiástico y católico una especie de cultura salesiana; es decir, una cultura que se originaba y se desarrollaba en el ámbito del juego y de la instrucción juvenil, del tiempo libre y del tiempo sagrado de estratos sociales casi siempre de proveniencia rural, sin pretensiones de solidez científica. Una cultura que hoy debe salir a la luz, pero que fue en resumen irrelevante a los ojos de la cultura laica de matriz positivista o idealista, liberal o social, gramsciana o neoiluminista; una cultura que estaba fatalmente expuesta a ser utilizada para los propios fines por la cultura industrial dominante. El congreso «Cristianos y cultura en Turín» se tuvo en el centro salesiano de la calle Caboto 27, sede de la Facultad de Teología de la UPS (Sección filial de Turín). Entre los que escuchaban a Bolgíani estaban, además de los profesores y estudiantes de la UPS, sacerdotes seculares y laicos exalumnos de oratorios y de colegios salesianos. Se dieron reacciones muy enérgicas. Entre ellos tomó la palabra el «onorevole» Armando Sabatini (nacido en 1908), que había sido miembro del Comité de Liberación Nacional constituido en la «Fíat» después del 8 de septiembre de 1943 y también diputado en el Parlamento, antiguo adherido del Oratorio de la calle Caboto — como el más joven «onorevole» Carlo Donat Cattin (nacido en 1919) — antes y después de la caída del fascismo. Según Sabatini, el cuadro trazado por Bolgiani era sin más inadecuado. Tanto él como otros exalumnos no se reconocían en la «cultura» delineada por el ponente. El Oratorio, en él como en otros, había alimentado la fe religiosa. Los debates sobre temas filosóficos y sociales que tenían dos profesores del Ateneo Salesiano, como don Gemmellaro y don Mattai, habían sido, a su juicio, sólidos y ricos, apreciados por su estructura especulativa e ideológica por filósofos de inspiración idealista y espiritualista como Augusto Guzzo. Pero las experiencias oratorianas recordadas por Sabatini fueron episodios circunscritos. ¿O hay que considerarlos como el índice de una realidad cultural que en su desarrollo fue más compleja, más articulada y menos cerrada de lo que se podría deducir de la exposición necesariamente esquemática e intencionadamente provocativa del profesor Bolgiani?26 Bolgiani no habló, por ejemplo, del salesiano don Paolo Ubaldi, que fue el primer profesor de literatura cristiana antigua latina y griega en una universidad italiana (la «Cattolica» de Milán) de 1924 a 1934, fundador de la «Corona Patrum Salesiana» editada por la S.E.I. (la editorial salesiana de Turín), maestro insigne, y como tal venerado por Michele Pellegrino, el cardenal del concilio y del posconcilio en la archidiócesis de Turín.27 Ni hizo notar tampoco Bolgiani que fue la S.E.I. una de las primeras editoriales de Italia que publicaron obras de Jacques Maritain.28 Su cuadro es sin duda exagerado, tal vez cruel y trazado con una óptica selectiva. Sin embargo lleva a reflexionar sobre las características del marco eclesiástico y del mundo católico en el que trabajaron los salesianos, arrastrados por el estilo de su carismático y santo fundador.
24 G. DACQUINO, Psicologia di don Bosco, Torino, SEI 1988; los otros ensayos están en la obra en colaboración dirigida por TRANLELLO (cf. más arriba, nota 2).
n. S. QUIN710, Domande sulla santitá. Don Bosco, Cafasso, Cottolengo, Torino, Gruppo Abele 1986.
Pietro Scoppola, en los términos que le consentía un discurso celebrativo especialmente importante como era el que pronunció en Turín en la apertura del año centenario, lució su competencia de historiador del mundo contemporáneo y de especialista de los resultados políticos del modernismo en Italia para afrontar el tema de don Bosco «santo social» dentro del otro conexo y más amplio, de don Bosco «santo moderno». En la trama de la exposición de Scoppola se aprecian algunos juicios variados sobre la teología y los esquemas mentales de don Bosco, sobre sus escritos apologéticos y espirituales: elementos todos que se pueden situar, en su conjunto, en zonas de resistencia conservadora tradicional católica, pero en los que no hay que desestimar o perder de vista la conciencia, que don Bosco demuestra tener muy arraigada, de la realidad cristiana, percibida en su esencia y en su historia. Conciencia que el santo tuvo y expresó en formas que fue depurando y relativizando en los años más maduros y en el marco de experiencias profundamente diferentes de las de sus primeros experimentos sacerdotales y educativos en Turín. De modo que se podría decir un poco paradójicamente (pero sobre esto se podrá discutir sin duda) que la modernidad de don Bosco hay que buscarla en la conexión entre este cristianismo esencial, y casi sólo a nivel catequístico que relativiza lo demás (y que, sin embargo, se expresa siempre en fórmulas no «modernas») y las opciones organizativas que tomó en el mundo juvenil y el de la técnica.29
26 F. BOLGIANI, Proposte di lettura del retroterra storico, en: Cristiani e cultura a Torino. Atti del convegno Toritio 3-5 aprile 1987, Milano, Franco Angeli 1988, p. 34-53.
M. PELLEGRINO, Un cinquantennio di studi patristici in Italia, en «La Scuola cattolica» 80 (1952) 424-452 (sobre todo, las páginas 430 y 450).
29 J. MAErrAIN, Introduzione generale alla filosofía, trad. di A. Cojazzi, Torino, SEI 1922 (ediciones sucesivas: 1926, 1934, 1938, 1946).
Vienen a la mente algunas ocurrencias, aparentemente tajantes, de Norberto Bobbio: «reformismo» y «moderno» son dos palabras que hay que desterrar; por lo vagas y ambiguas que resultan ya en el lenguaje corriente, sobre todo en la jerga de los políticos.3° Bobbio reaccionaba ante un ensayo histórico de Giovanni Aliberti sobre la modernización del Mezzogiorno en los años de las reformas napoleónicas. Aliberti replicó afirmando que los términos «reformas» y «reformismo» no se pueden eliminar del lenguaje histórico en el que, por lo que se refiere al siglo XVIII, tienen un sentido específico que comprende muy bien el que estudia y escribe libros. Menos todavía se puede suprimir el termino «moderno», usado para definir épocas históricas y las transformaciones estructurales que se dan en ellas.31 Era esto en sustancia lo que Bobbio precisamente pretendía: un uso apropiado, no oscilante y ambiguo, de instrumentos del conocimiento y del lenguaje; un uso, además, correcto de modelos interpretativos.
Por lo que se refiere a don Bosco, es precisamente lo que se constata, por ejemplo, en una conferencia llena de ironía que dio en Florencia este año centenario otro historiador católico, Maurilio Guasco.32
Entre los estudiosos no salesianos que han intervenido sobre don Bosco a lo largo de este año, merecen especial atención, según me parece, pedagogos e historiadores de la pedagogía, que han puesto de relieve, más que las formulaciones elementales y no exactamente sistemáticas de 1877 sobre el «sistema preventivo», las intuiciones en que se fundan en su proceso y, en relación con éstas, el papel que tuvieron la utilización del tiempo libre y el juego en la experiencia educativa de don Bosco: tanto en la convergencia espontánea de jóvenes en los oratorios, como en el modo bastante libre de comportarse (aunque no exento de elementos constrictivos y hasta represivos) del colegio salesiano, en el que el juego en el patio era un momento importante de vida, así como saludable válvula de escape 3i Hipótesis de este tipo dan en la diana, en el sentido de que llevan,a situar de verdad la modernidad de don Bosco en su empeño en el mundo juvenil. De donde se deduce después la oportunidad y la necesidad de explorar más integralmente ese mundo, indagando los movimientos psíquicos y sociales de entonces.
29 P. SCOPPOLA, Don Bosco nella storia civile, en: Don Bosco e le sfide della modernitá, p. 7-20. El tema de la «modernidad» de don Bosco lo toca también P. Bairati en su ensayo: Cultura salesiana e societa industriale, en: TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 351-355; pero es fácil comprender que se trata de lecturas discutibles. A tal propósito, vienen a la mente, además de los artículos de «Social Compass» 1987 ya citados: W. RENHARD, Gegenreformation als Modernisierung. Prolegomena zu einer Theorie des Konfessionellen Zeitalter, in «Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte» 68 (1977) 226-252; J. HERF, II modernismo reazionario. Tecnologia, cultura e politica nella Germanio di Weimar e del Terzo Reich, Bologna, 11 Mulino 1988; J.A. SCHMIECHEN, The Victorians, the Historian and the Idea .of Modernism, en «American Historical Review» 93 (1988) 287-316.
3° Cf. el periódico de Turín «La Stampa» (8 febrero 1987).
5' G. AMERA Sistema sociopolitico ed organizzazione dello Stato nel Mezzogiorno napoleonico, en «Ricerche di Storia Sociale e Religiosa» 17 (1988) 33, 25-43.
32 M. GUASCO, Don Bosco nella stork religiosa del suo tempo, en: Don Bosco e le sfide della modernitá, p. 21-38.
Como he tenido ocasión de hacer notar y subrayar (y como, por otra parte, lo saben los que cultivan la historia demográfica y social), la juventud, que aparece como clase por sí misma, es ya un elemento de modernidad en los siglos XIX y XX.34
Mientras tanto, se puede considerar a don Bosco un santo moderno, por ser uno de los pocos que tuvo la suerte, dentro de las estructuras religiosas y políticas, de organizar como propia una oferta de obras y actividades de acuerdo con los movimientos psíquicos, con las aspiraciones de inserción en la vida, con las utopías que alimentaban los jóvenes en ambientes que antes estaban impregnados de religiosidad de prácticas y que después eran cada vez más «modernos», en el sentido de que cada vez estaban más marcados por el signo de la movilidad geográfica y social en estructuras políticas ya no confesionales.
En una amplia mirada sobre un horizonte ancho que pretendiese definir a grandes rasgos la presencia cristiana en la historia desde la edad de Constan-tino hasta la que algunos tienden a llamar neoconstantiniana, don Bosco tal vez se coloca en el catolicismo que se empeña en un proyecto social («hacer buenos cristianos y honrados ciudadanos»), en una época que va desde las iniciativas de la «Amicizia Cattolica» a los años que preparan la Rerum novarum. En ese lugar se distingue por su entrega a los jóvenes de las clases populares que empiezan a aparecer. Su utopía final fue el sueño de que la educación de la juventud, llevada de acuerdo con el sistema que él practicó, iría llenando el mundo de cooperadores salesianos, es decir, de una trama cada vez más amplia de buenos cristianos y honrados ciudadanos.
Son éstos algunos pequeños fragmentos de hipótesis que seguramente se podrán analizar a lo largo de nuestro Congreso con una reflexión que se ofrece más atenta y orquestada a varias voces.
" Cf. especialmente las actas del seminario de estudio que tuvo lugar en Venecia, del 3 al 5 de octubre 1988, citado más arriba, en la nota 18.
STELLA, La canonizzazione di don Bosco tra fascismo e universalismo, p. 368ss; ID., Don Bosco, La, p. 278; la, Lo studio e gli studi su don Bosco e sul suo pensiero pedagogico-educativo: problemi e prospettive, en: VECCHI - PRELIE70 (eds.), Prassi educativa pastorale scienze dell'educazione, p. 26.
CÓMO TRABAJARON LOS AUTORES DE LAS «MEMORIAS BIOGRÁFICAS»
•
Francis DESRAMAUT
1. Las Memorias biográficas de don Bosco
Los diez y nueve volúmenes de las Memorias biográficas de don Bosco, publicadas a lo largo de 40 años, precisamente entre 1898 y 1939, durante la primera mitad de nuestro siglo XX estuvieron firmadas sucesivamente por tres sacerdotes salesianos: Giovanni Battista Lemoyne en los volúmenes I-IX, Eugenio Cenia en los volúmenes XI-XIX y Angelo Amadei en el volumen X.1 El estudio atento de su conjunto (cerca de diez y seis mil páginas), que el título de esta comunicación parece anunciar, requeriría un número indeterminado de volúmenes. En 1987, el examen crítico de un relato del volumen IX con un total de 80 líneas, por otra parte complejas, me hizo escribir un artículo de 24 páginas para la revista «Ricerche Storiche Salesiane».2 Esta biblia salesiana podrá ocupar a generaciones de comentadores en los siglos futuros, si encuentran gusto en hacerlo. En efecto, los problemas planteados son a veces tan arduos como los de los evangelios sinópticos. Personalmente me limitaré aquí a hacer algunas observaciones generales sobre los autores, sus documentos y el uso que hicieron de ellos.
2. Los tres autores de las Memorias
Las Memorias fueron al principio, y en cierto modo han seguido siendo hasta el final, obra de Giovanni Battista Lemoyne (1839-1916).3 Fue junto a don Bosco a Turín en 1864, después de su ordenación sacerdotal. Se mostró en seguida apasionadamente atraído por su maestro y se convirtió en su secretario particular en Valdocco (Turín) desde 1883 a 1888. Emprendió en 1884 la redacción y composición del documento que será más tarde las Memorias biográficas. En 1885 este documento se tituló Document per scrivere la storia di D. Giovanni Bosco, dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales e della Congregazione salesiana, título general de una colección de 45 registros que contenían impresos pegados en columna y que se referían a toda la vida de Bosco, año por año, desde su nacimiento en 1815 hasta su muerte en 1888.
El volumen del Indice, obra de don Ernesto Foglio, fue publicado en 1948.
7 (1987) 81-104.
Se hace un estudio muy interesante sobre este personaje en el informado artículo de P. BRAIDO - R. ARENAL LLATA, Don Giovanni Battista Lemoyne attraverso 20 lettere a don Michele Rua, en RSS 7 (1988) 87-170.
Don Lemoyne era un escritor: fue «biografo, agiografo, narratore, drammaturgo, poeta», si atendemos a una enumeración' que se puede documentar fácilmente; fue un escritor concienzudo, un narrador agradable y ameno de las «Letture Cattoliche» de aquel tiempo, un autor de conmovedores dramas teatrales, un «valente poeta», según fórmula de don Bosco refiriéndose e él, un santo sacerdote... En cuanto a sus dotes de historiador, el estudio de su método de trabajo en la redacción de las Memorias biográficas nos lo revelará enseguida. A partir de 1898, sus primeros siete volúmenes de las Memorias saldrán a un ritmo rápido (1898-1909). A esta su más importante obra le siguió una buena biografía de don Bosco en dos volúmenes.5 Antes de morir pudo componer sólo otros dos volúmenes de las Memorias y alcanzar así sólo el año 70 de la vida de don Bosco. El volumen VIII salió en 1912 y el IX, póstumo, en 1917.
A la muerte de don Lemoyne (1916), Angelo Amadei (1863-1945), que había sido director por ocho años del «Bollettino Salesiano», recibió el encargo de proseguir y completar las Memorias biográficas. Don Amadei era un apóstol celoso, muy fiel a su confesonario en la basílica de María Auxiliadora, al que atraía toda clase de penitentes, un verdadero «venator animarum», según se escribió de él,6 que se sentía muy a gusto en las celebraciones festivas y en redactar artículos edificantes. Se le deben también trabajos considerables: una biografía de don Bosco; en la que, en 1929, trató de hacer hablar a los testigos de su vida:7 obra que amplió sucesivamente en dos volúmenes.8 Es una amplia biografía de don Rua, primer sucesor de don Bosco, titulada: II Servo di Dio Michele Rua.9 Sin embargo, don Amadei no fue el continuador de don Lemoyne y esto por diversas razones más o menos identificables: su lentitud y minuciosidad en el trabajo, según algunos (el autor del artículo titulado Amadei Angelo en el Dizionario biografico dei Salesiani); la multiplicidad de sus compromisos, según una carta suya, leída por quien esto escribe en los archivos salesianos de Turín; las controversias sobre la santidad de don Bosco en los temas de los que debía hablar a partir de 1871, si nos atenemos a lo que dice la introducción del volumen X de las Memorias, que salió el último en 1939...
4 Cf. Ibid., p. 100.
5 Vita del Venerabile Servo di Dio Giovanni Bosco fondatore della Pia Societá Salesiana, dell'Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice e dei Cooperatori Salesiani, 2 vol., Torino, Libreria Editrice Internazionale 1911-1913.
6 Cf. E. VALENTINI, Amadei Angelo, en: Dizionario biografico dei salesiani, Torino, Ufficio Stampa Salesiano 1969, p. 17.
7 Cf. A. AMADEI, Don Bosco e il suo apostolato, Torino, SEI 1929.
8 Cf. A. AMADEI, Don Bosco e il suo apostolato, 2 vol., Torino, SEI 1940.
9 Cf. A. AMADEI, 11 Servo di Dio Michele Rua, 3 vol., Torino, SEI 1931-1934.
El año de la beatificación de don Bosco (1929), el público salesiano constataba, entre sorprendido y escandali7ado, que la gran historia del nuevo beato no había salido de la situación de espera en la que se encontraba desde la muerte de don Lemoyne. FA beato don Bosco había quedado mutilado en 18 años de vida. Las quejas eran generales. Sólo el Rector mayor de entonces, don Rínaldi, se mantuvo en silencio, como me contó una vez don Cenia. Por fin, en el verano de 1929, don Rinaldi hizo ir de Roma a Turín a don Eugenio Cenia, escritor veterano, que puso remedio a la situación.' Don Eugenio Cenia (18701957) era profesor de letras clásicas. Y había sido director de «Gymnasium», periódico didáctico para las escuelas secundarias. En el curso de su ya larga carrera, había publicado sobre todo comentarios de autores griegos y latinos: Lisias y Jenofonte por una parte, Cicerón, san Jerónimo, César, Virgilio y Tito Livio por otra. A la edad de 60 años, este distinguido literato, persona serena y fina, empezó una segunda vida. Entre 1930 y su muerte en 1957, se consagró únicamente a la historia salesiana. Los volúmenes XI hasta el XIX de las Memorias biográficas, que se refieren a los arios 1875-1888 de don Bosco, con un complemento que abarca su glorificación, salieron con laudable rapidez entre 1930 y 1939. Este admirable trabajador, una vez que le tomó gusto a don Bosco, redactó a continuación varías biografías de los discípulos del santo (María Mazzarello, don Rua, don Beltrami, don Rinaldi), además de preciosas noticias sobre los «capitulares salesianos» y sobre los coadjutores salesianos, un librito bien hecho sobre los cooperadores salesianos y, finalmente, cuatro gruesos volúmenes de Annali della Societá Salesiana (que cubren los años 18411921) y el Epistolario de don Bosco, cuyo último volumen no pudo ver publicado porque le sobrevino la muerte. En los años de la canonización, mientras proseguía la edición de las Memorias, había compuesto también una biografía de don Bosco en un volumen de lujo," que tal vez es la mejor vida para la divulgación de don Bosco escrita en este siglo. Don Cenia era un humanista Básico en el genuino sentido de la expresión. Tenía el culto de la medida. Por tanto, sus frases, de ritmo ciceroniano, eran límpidas y fluidas. Tenía el gusto por las cosas sencillas y bellas y las describía con palabras nunca rebuscadas. No era en absoluto siervo de la erudición. La forma literaria que dio a los volúmenes XI-XIX de las Memorias biográficas los cambiaron positivamente.
1° Sobre don Ceria, cf. E. VALENTINI, Don Eugenio Ceda, Torino, SEI 1957; Ceria Eugenio, en: Dizionario biografico dei salesiani, p. 79-81.
" San Giovanni Bosco nella vita e nelle opere, illustrato da G.B. Gallizzi, Torino, SEI 1938.
3. El título general de la obra
El título del primer volumen de las Memorias (destinado a convertirse después en el de la obra completa, con las únicas variantes introducidas al progresar la causa de beatificación y canonización de don Bosco) es el siguiente: Memorie biografiche di don Giovanni Bosco, raccolte dal sac. salesiano Giovanni Battista Lemoyne, vol. 1.12 Revelaba una cierta modestia.'3 Igual que don Bosco había compuesto, no una historia verdadera y propia de su obra, sino de las Memorie dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales, es decir, de las Memorie per ser-vire alla storia dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales, don Lemoyne, si atendemos sólo al título del primer volumen, se puso a escribir sobre el fundador de los salesianos, no ya una biografía en el sentido técnico del término, sino unas Memorie biografiche, es decir, unas Memorie per servire alla biografía del santo turinés. Pero dejemos la fachada para entrar en el monumento. La verdadera intención de su autor y el género de su obra aparecen en las primeras frases del prefacio. El autor escribe en ellas: «Coll'affetto di fratello amatissimo presento al cari Salesiani la biografía del nostro venerato Padre in Gesú Cristo don Giovanni Bosco»." Quedamos así mejor informados: con su grueso volumen sobre la juventud de Juan Bosco, quería ofrecer a los salesianos las premisas de una biografía de don Bosco.
4. El predominio de don Lemoyne sobre el conjunto
La rapidez con que don Cenia terminó las Memorias entre el 1930 y 1939 se explica sólo si se presta atención al inmenso trabajo preparatorio de don Lemoyne y a la confianza sin reservas que tuvo don Cenia en él. G.B. Lemoyne dio a las Memorias sus fuentes, su arquitectura general y, también para los diez volúmenes que no pudo redactar, la forma de relato, al menos hasta cierto punto. En este ensayo sobre el método de trabajo de los tres autores de las Memorias biográficas, me detendré preferentemente en Lemoyne, aunque sea sólo autor de los nueve primeros volúmenes de la colección.
5. La búsqueda y sistematización de los documentos
La búsqueda, la comprensión y, finalmente, la utilización de los documentos, son las tres etapas de un trabajo en el que el historiador de don Bosco revelará su calidad profesional. Don Lemoyne quiso reunir todos los documentos aptos para enriquecer, por poco que fuese, su relato sobre don Bosco y su obra. Aunque amplio, no era otra cosa, en el ánimo del compilador, que un «relato» sobre don Bosco. Tenía en cuenta, por tanto, sólo (o poco menos) los elementos narrativos. Los planos de construcción, las fotografías, los libros de contabilidad, los registros escolares..., que exigían un tratamiento especial, quedaron ignorados casi siempre. Sus preferencias iban siempre hacia textos ya redactados por testimonios inmediatos y, en primer lugar, los de don Bosco.
. Edic. extra-comercial: San Benigno Canavese, Scuola Tipografica, Libreria Salesiana 1898.
" Se puede ver, sobre esta cuestión, mi libro: Les Memorie 1 de Giovanni Battista Lemoyne. Étude d'un ouvrage fondamental sur la jeunesse de saint Jean Bosco, Lyon, Maison d'études SaintJean-Bosco 1962, p. 84-86.
" MB I p. VIL
Como director dal colegio de Lanzo (1865-1877), don Lemoyne había recogido con el mayor cuidado las «Buenas Noches», las platiquitas y cartas de don Bosco a sus jóvenes. Cuando llegó a ser su secretario en Turín, en diciembre de 1883, ayudado por otro apasionado de don Bosco, que era también un archivero decidido, don Gioachino Berto (1847-1914), recogió todo lo que pudo encontrar de él. Preguntó y cribó a los testigos de su vida pasada. Los relatos sobre la madre de don Bosco, Margarita Occhiena, de la que publicó la vida en 1886, le interesaron mucho. Tuvo que poner en claro el contenido de agendas, cuadernos, libros de notas no suficientemente legibles. Y con frecuencia, después de una elaboración destinada a hacer el relato fácil de seguir, empezó a clasificar sus materiales, con fragmentos casi siempre recortados según la cronología de don Bosco, y a ordenarlos en los registros de los Documenti per scrivere, que se convirtieron así en una inmensa cantera para uso del historiador del gran hombre. Empezó la confección de estos registros en 1885, en una época en la que la recogida de documentación estaba sólo en sus comienzos. En otras palabras, el trabajo heurístico y el de redacción — efectivamente, los Documenti constituían una primera redacción — fueron al mismo paso para don Lemoyne. A medida que llegaban a su conocimiento, incluía las nuevas piezas en sus registros. Sin embargo, a partir del proceso de don Bosco, se decidió a pasar a una nueva etapa: las declaraciones de los testigos, fragmentarias como la crónica, entraron a formar parte de los expedientes preparados más directamente con vistas a la redacción de los diversos volúmenes de las Memorias biográficas. Don Lemoyne, en efecto, se preguntó con la mayor diligencia posible sobre los testimonios producidos en el proceso informativo de canonización realizado en Turín en los años 90. Contrariamente a lo que dejaría entender una nota contenida en su introducción general, utilizó las deposiciones de ese proceso ya en el primer volumen de sus Memorias, aparecido en 1898 y que se refería a los años de la juventud de nuestro santo.
Cada día nos damos cuenta mejor de que las Memorias biográficas son una inmensa colección de mosaicos de documentos biográficos, recortados en trozos e introducidos en una trama de artículos distribuidos a su vez en capítulos y en libros más o menos homogéneos. Su historia debería por tanto suponer el análisis de la mole de documentos que se acumuló entonces sobre don Bosco, especialmente por don Lemoyne. En este momento del estudio, no puedo hacer más que enumerar las principales piezas y añadir alguna palabra sobre su interpretación.
Eran escritos del mismo don Bosco: las Memorie dell'Oratorio que se refieren a los años 1815-1855, el testamento espiritual,' las cartas circulares o personales; las biografías publicadas sobre Comollo, Savio, Magone, Besucco, Cafasso; los relatos manuscritos o impresos sobre la vida de su obra; los registros, el viaje a Roma en 1858, la consagración de la iglesia de María Auxiliadora, las «meraviglie» o «grazie» atribuidas a María venerada en Valdocco...; los reglamentos y las constituciones de su obra local (de Turín) y bien pronto mundial (la congregación salesiana, la unión de los cooperadores salesianos...).
Las notas menores o los esquemas le interesaban a don Berto, que los pasaba a don Lemoyne.
Después de don Bosco venían los que le habían escuchado o al menos sus contemporáneos, que habían escrito cosas vistas u oídas de él. Probablemente conviene iniciar esta serie con la Storia dell'Oratorio, que Giovanni. Bonetti (1838-1891) publicó por entregas en el «Bollettino Salesiano» en vida de don Bosco y que se convirtió después en un grueso volumen titulado: Cinque lustri dell'Oratorio salesiano fondato dal Sac. Don Giovanni Bosco.'6 Se añadirá a la Storia las entregas del «Bollettino» de los últimos años de don Bosco sobre las Passeggiate autunnali. Las actas de las reuniones de los directores salesianos, del «capítulo superior» y de los capítulos generales de 1877 a 1886 figuraban también en la documentación recogida por don Lemoyne. Pero él daba mayor importancia a las agendas o cuadernos de recuerdos y a las observaciones de los siguientes testimonios: Domenico Ruffino (1840-1865), Giovanni Bonetti (del que acabamos de hablar), Antonio Sala (1836-1895), Gioachino Berto (citado antes), Giulio Barberis (1847-1927), Francesco Cerruti (1844-1917), Giovanni Garino (1845-1908), Giuseppe Lazzero (1837-1910), Francesco Provera (1836-1874), Carlo Maria Viglietti (1864-1915), Pietro Enria (1841-1898), Giovanni Battista Francesia (1838-1930), Secondo Marchisio (1857-1914)... En esta lista conviene poner también a don Lemoyne que, contra una leyenda tenaz, no se deshizo en absoluto sistemáticamente de sus notas personales. Don Rua había compuesto un precioso Libro dell 'esperienza, un Necrologio..., y había escrito también notas frecuentes en pequeños trozos de papel. A esta serie ya larga, los futuros historiadores añadirán los cronistas que a veces sólo fueron copistas: Gresino, Ghigliotto, Peloso, Dompé, Vignolo, Veronesi y otros, cuya letra se puede identificar consultando colecciones de anécdotas o de «sueños», reunidas en los archivos salesianos de Roma.
'5 Cf. Memorie dal 1841 al 1884-5-6, que F. Motto ha publicado en RSS 4 (1985) 73-130.
16 Cf. G. BoNETA Cinque lustri dell'Oratorio salesiano fondato dal Sac. Don Giovanni Bosco, Torino, Tip. Salesiana 1892. Hay que advertir que don Lemoyne recogió en los Documenti las columnas del «Bollettino Salesiano» y no las páginas de los Cinque lustri, que, al parecer, no fueron usadas, como tales, en la composición de las MB.
Evidentemente no es el caso de formular juicios generosos y válidos para todos estos testigos, y menos aún para cada uno de los episodios contados por ellos y para todas las frases de don Bosco transmitidas por ellos, como si su proximidad al héroe de la historia tuviese que garantizar de modo absoluto la objetividad, la lucidez, la exactitud... de sus apuntes. Hay que «comprender» estos documentos. El género literario de las crónicas deberá interesar de cerca al comentador. Se distinguirá la reportatio inmediata, del recuerdo más o menos lejano; el acta, del testimonio posterior; el testimonio directo, del testimonio indirecto; el sueño, de la parábola onírica; el mismo testimonio, de su comentario, autorizado o no, y también la formulación original, de la formulación elaborada. Aquí los ejemplos se amontonan a centenas, tal vez a millares. El billete de don Rua sobre el apelativo de «salesiano»17 no fue en absoluto (aunque lo deje suponer don Lemoyne cuando escribe: «... ne tenue memoria in un suo scritto», una especie de acta de la reunión de enero de 1854, sino una nota escrita por don Rua, probablemente pedida por el biógrafo, 40 ó 50 años después del hecho.' A su vuelta de Roma en febrero de 1870, don Bosco dio una larga conferencia a los salesianos de Valdocco para informarles de su viaje. El resultado fue una reportatio, que don Lemoyne publicó en sus Documentí casi con los términos percibidos por un testigo auricular atento. ¡Pero cuántas «Buenas Noches» dieron origen a breves resúmenes!... Cuando Bonetti en 1861-1863 o Viglietti en 1884-1885 recogían de los labios de don Bosco recuerdos de su vida pasada, que se apresuraban a escribir en sus cuadernos, se trataba de testimonios directos, aunque, por otra parte, muy posteriores a los hechos referidos y, por tanto, expuestos a todas las reconstrucciones fantásticas del recuerdo. Pero los mismos testigos podían anotar también historietas que circulaban en el ambiente, que otros tal vez habrían negado si hubiesen llegado a conocerlas. Se trataba de «cose che si raccontano», como escribía Ruffino al comienzo de algunas anécdotas sobre don Bosco. Un cuadernito de Giovanni Bonetti (20 hojas, de las que sólo hay 10 escritas) encierra seis episodios sorprendentes, todos de origen no precisado: «Mirabile conversione di un ateo»;19 «II giovanotto risvegliato da morte»;" «11 cane grigio»;21
«Le castagne»;22 «Moltiplicazione delle ostie»." Son anécdotas que, auténticas o no, se publicaron sólo mucho tiempo después de haber sido registradas. Estaría bien no darles más crédito de lo que merecen historietas que se cuentan para prevenir prejuicios o ideologías dominantes en los diversos grupos humanos.
" Cf. MB V, 9.
18 En efecto, don Lemoyne no lo tuvo presente cuando compuso sus Documents*, por tanto
hasta 1891; y la crítica interna apoya tal datación tardía. " Cf. MB IV, 156.
20 Cf. MB lIL 495.
21 Cf. MB IV, 416.
22 Cf. MB 111, 576.
23 Cf. MB III, 441.
Se podrían hacer observaciones análogas a propósito de las deposiciones reunidas con ocasión del proceso de canonización de Bosco y que fueron a parar a las Memorias biográficas. En su conjunto eran muy preciosas y muy interesantes. Desfilaron por Turín sacerdotes diocesanos, sacerdotes salesianos, coadjutores salesianos y seglares: Giovanni Bertagna, Gioachino Berto, Secondo Marchisio, Giovanni Giacomelli, Felice Reviglio, Giacomo Manolino, Giuseppe Turco, Giovanni Filipello, Giorgio Moglia, Giacinto Ballesio, Angelo Savio, Francesco Dalmazzo, Giovanni Branda, Pietro Enria, Leonardo Murialdo, Giovanni Cagliero, Francesco Cerruti, Giovanni Battista Piano, Giuseppe Rossi, Giovanni Villa, Giovanni Battista Francesia, Luigi Piscetta, Giulio Barberis, Giovanni Battista Lemoyne, Giovanni Bisio, Michele Rua, Giovanni Turchi, Ascanio Savio, Giovanni Battista Anfossi, Domenico Bongioanni, Giuseppe Corno, Antonio Berrone y otras trece personas, hombres y mujeres, convocadas especialmente para aclarar problemas referentes a milagros. Don Pietro Stella ha tratado de clasificar a estos testigos para empezar a sopesar sus testimonios. Desde un punto de vista ideal, haría falta seguir los meandros da cada elemento de estas deposiciones, remontándose a sus fuentes de información y a la misma mentalidad de las personas interesadas. Se debe saber que las afirmaciones más absolutas sobre la ascesis de don Bosco nos llegan — salvo mejor información — de don Berto, que era un hombre escrupuloso y más o menos obsesionado. El mismo Berto y su hermano en religión Giulio Barberis realizaron largas declaraciones en el proceso a partir de los Documenti de don Lemoyne, que podían consultar y copiar a placer en Valdocco. A veces los utilizaron de modo servil. Por eso las aproximaciones, hasta los errores de sus fuentes, reaparecían, más aumentadas que corregidas, en sus deposiciones. Lo hicieron indudablemente con la mejor buena fe del mundo. Pero se aceptará que varios testimonios del proceso de don Bosco podían tener a sus espaldas una ya larga historia, cuyo conocimiento es indispensable para quien quiere comprenderlos. Otra advertencia más bien de carácter general: la forma llamada «definitiva» de las crónicas y las actas, hecha propia por el autor de las Memorias, no es siempre, o con frecuencia, la que salió de un tirón de la mano del redactor. Por lo que se refiere a las crónicas, el caso más interesante me parece que es el de Carlo Maria Viglietti en su relación sobre los últimos años de don Bosco (1884-1888). Distribuido en varios cuadernos, revisado y copiado varias veces, este relato plantea al comentador un montón de problemas especiales. Se descubre que la crónica primitiva resulta la más segura. Sin embargo, hay pasajes añadidos más tarde que no carecen de interés para el conocimiento de don Bosco. En cuanto a las actas: generalmente el secretario designado toma nota de lo que oye o comprende a medida que se desarrolla la sesión. Pero después tiene que componer un texto oficialmente aceptable. Se imponen añadidos, modificaciones, supresiones. Realiza este trabajo generalmente solo, a veces en el consejo. Las formas tomadas de las actas de la primera sesión del Capítulo general de los salesianos de 1877, confiadas a don Giulio Barberis, son — a mi parecer — ricas de enseñanza para el historiador y, por tanto, para la biografía de don Bosco. En efecto, la versión primitiva está llena de frases tachadas y de añadidos, que hay que leer con atención porque permiten conocer el desarrollo del debate. Es verdad que se pueden buscar con preferencia varios rasgos de la mentalidad de los correctores (y de don Bosco el primero de todos): en este caso, los retoques, que no son puramente formales, merecen, también ellos, un examen cuidadoso.
6. La comprensión y la utilización de los documentos
Tales reflexiones no las hizo don Lemoyne compilador, y tampoco sus sucesores don Amadei y don Cenia. A don Lemoyne le bastaba que el testigo fuese «honesto», cualidad que él valoraba en función de criterios morales. Recogía su versión en su forma más acabada, la glosaba, alineando todos los detalles en el mismo plano, dividía, juntando pasajes paralelos, todas las informaciones que no conocía todavía y las distribuía en función de una urdimbre general de la obra, que era rigurosamente, y lo más posible, cronológica. Para don Lemoyne — y se recordará aquí que los Documenti redactados según este principio cubren toda la vida del santo y afectan también a los volúmenes de don Amadei y don Cenia —, la mejor historia de don Bosco sería la que reuniese el mayor número de informaciones sobre don Bosco atestiguadas por los testigos. Nada le parecía desechable, aunque fuese sólo una frase o una palabra. Este culto a la cantidad me parece que denuncia en él convicciones «sustancialistas» que, unidas a otras, son signo de la mentalidad «precientífica» de nuestro historiador.24 «Por una tendencia casi natural — escribía Gaston Bachelard en el capítulo del Obstacle substantialiste el espíritu precientífico amontona sobre un objeto todos los conocimientos en los que ese objeto juega un papel, sin ocuparse de la jerarquía de los roles empíricos. Une directamente a la sustancia cualidades diversas, tanto una cualidad superficial como una cualidad profunda, una cualidad manifiesta como una oculta». Se preocupa de «la experiencia exterior evidente, pero huye de la crítica en lo profundo de su corazón»." Don Lemoyne recogía todo lo que los documentos le enseñaban y lo ponía en su obra, con el riesgo evidente de repetir varias veces el mismo hecho, cuando le llegaba bajo formas diferentes y, por tanto, con el riesgo .de duplicar o triplicar asertos o episodios de por sí ímicos.26
Tal vez no son inútiles algunos ejemplos. Cuando narraba su juventud, don Bosco, por razones que nos resultan oscuras, no hacía nunca alusión a su estare et l'ordonnance de la matiére».
24 Tomo, sobre este argumento, las ideas y la terminología de G. BACHELARD, La formation de l'esprit scientifique. Contribution á une psychanalyse de la connaissance objective, 13" éd. (1" éd. 1938), Paris 1986, p. 131-133.
2 Ibid., p. 99.
" Véanse Les Memorie I de Giovanni Battista Lemoyne, p. 213-266, el capítulo sobre «la lectancia como peón en la granja Moglia de Moncucco, donde debió de pasar cerca de 18 meses (en 1828-29), cuando tenía de 13 a 14 años. Ahora bien, el salesiano Secondo Marchisio durante el verano de 1888 y después los abogados del proceso informativo en los años 90 preguntaron a la gente de la granja, empezando por Dorotea Moglia, Giovanni Moglia, Giorgio Moglia hasta los que habían estado allí. Y hablaron abundantemente. Un rasgo del adolescente Bosco les había impresionado a estos paisanos: Juan había rechazado permanecer solo con una niña de los Moglia, y esto a pesar de las órdenes de Dorotea. Para narrar este episodio, don Lemoyne se encontraba al menos ante siete perícopas, sin contar otras dos que generalizaban el rechazo?' Él consideró que, en ese caso, uno de los testigos daba al rechazo una forma distinta de la de los otros y, por tanto, se separaba de ellas.28 La respuesta fue así desdoblada en las Memorias biográficas. El muchacho dijo a Dorotea, según la mayor parte de los testimonios: «Datemi dei ragazzi, e ne go-yerno fin che volete, ma bambine non debbo governarne»; y según el testimonio particular: «Io non sono destinato a questo! rispondeva pacatamente Giovanni».29 Este mecanismo de inclusión duplicó también la conversación de Juanito con don Calosso en noviembre de 1829 a lo largo del camino de Buttigliera a la granja de I Becchi. El episodio es conocido. Don Calosso, maravillado por la desenvoltura de un muchacho al que no conocía todavía, le pidió que repitiese la homilía del predicador del jubileo. Juan lo hizo. Don Lemoyne disponía de tres fuentes al respecto: un fragmento de las Memorie dell'Oratorio de don Bosco, un fragmento de una crónica de Domenico Ruffino y un fragmento de los Annali de Giovanni Bonetti, paralelo, por otra parte, al de Ruffino. Cada uno de estos relatos conocía una única conversación repetida por el niño. Pero sus expresiones no coinciden perfectamente entre sí: el de Ruffino-Bonetti tenía una forma propia que no era la de las Memorie Oratorio. Además, en las Memorie el muchacho hablaba «per piú di mezz'ora», mientras que Ruffíno le hacía repetir el sermón sólo por diez minutos. Frente a este problema, el «sustancialista», avaro hasta de los más pequeños servicios, creyendo que con ello sirve a la verdad, no duda: conserva todo. Don Lemoyne no dudó de que don Bosco hubiese podido repetir a 12 años de distancia (en 1861 para Bonetti-Ruffino y en 1873 para las Memorie dell'Oratorio), con una fórmula diferente el sermón de su infancia, del que recordaba sólo que había sido sobre los novísimos. Lo hizo hablar, por tanto, «per piñ di mezz'ora» sobre uno de los sermones y, a continuación, durante diez minutos sobre otro, con un total de cerca de tres cuartos de hora?°
27 Rossi testimonió: «Le madri di famiglia gli affídarono la custodia dei loro bambini e ilgiovane Bosco lo faceva moho volentieri ad eccezione delle bambine» (G. Rossi, Processo ordinario della Curia di Tormo, fol. 2511). ¿Había tantas «madri di famiglia» en la Moglia?
28 Esta declaración hecha, creo, por Giorgio Moglia, fue publicada por don Lemoyne en los Documenti XLIII, p. 3.
29 Cf. MB I, 199.
30 Cf. MB I, 177-178.
Las dos curacionestan iguales de la señora paralítica con ocasión de la consagración de la iglesia de María Auxiliadora en Turín en 1868 nacieron del mismo modo en la historia salesiana. La primera deriva de un relato de don Bosco a don Lemoyne en 1884;31 la segunda, tres páginas más adelante en las Memorias IX, según una recopilación impresa el año del suceso.32 Otros dobletes, menos fáciles de descubrir, son, sin embargo, casi igualmente ciertos: el episodio de los muchachos que quedaron empapados durante una excursión y fueron acogidos por el «cavaliere Gonella», referido en el volumen VI de las MB, según la biografía de Magone escrita por don Bosco, y repetido en el volumen VII de las MB en otro año — según una anécdota recogida en 1884;33 la curación instantánea de un muchachito que se moría en París sucedida en abril de 1883 según los testigos inmediatos, narrada en las MB XVI, 131-133 y repetida, según un relato posterior de una dama llamada María Ortega a don Evasio Rabagliati, en las MB XVI, 224-225?4 Los historiadores salesianos del futuro tendrán un campo inmenso para ejercitar su sagacidad...
7. La indiferencia en la comprensión de los documentos
Sobre este punto parece que el historiador de don Bosco confundió dos planos: el de la vida o el de la historia vivida y el del relato de la vida o de la historia e igualmente del documento que atestigua esa historia. Se parte de la hipótesis de su normal coincidencia: un plano refleja al otro. Se supone que las mediaciones de los documentos son transparentes y sus mensajes obvios. La comprensión del documento, en su formalidad peculiar, no plantea nunca (o casi nunca) problemas. Ahora bien, «no es tan fácil comprender un documento, saber lo que es, lo que dice, lo que significa» 35 El hagiógrafo de don Bosco olvida que la exposición histórica (es decir, sus documentos) forman cuerpo con las personas o los grupos de personas que hablaron o escribieron en un determinado tiempo, escogieron sus propias perspectivas, descuidaron detalles, forjaron otros para hacerse entender (para comunicar, diríamos hoy), en el momento imaginaron de buena fe, colorearon el conjunto con sus sentimientos y deseos. El que está un poco familiarizado con la historia, entrevé las consecuencias de un método que hace economía en «comprensión» sistemática de los textos utilizados. En efecto, el texto es un producto. Tiene el peso de un objeto fabricado. No puede utilizarse nunca como un vidrio transparente, que «se asoma» sobre lo real o sobre la historia que cuenta. Aplicado a la Biblia, este método «naif» confunde fragmentos didácticos y relatos históricos, leyendas y realidades, anécdotas populares y cartas oficiales, etc. En cuanto a nosotros, escojamos un ejemplo al azar: la historia del barbero del pueblo de Castelnuovo. Don Bosco rechazó un día dejarse afeitar por una mujer, al menos así parece. El episodio, hoy divertido para los comentaristas de su vida, es una anécdota que Giovanni Bonetti introduce de este modo en uno de sus cuadernos: «otto giorni or sono — estamos en febrero de 1862 — due del suo paese, D. Savio e il Suddiacono Cagliero mi raccontarono questo del Signor D. Bosco. Un giorno D. Bosco era venuto a Castelnuovo. Avendo bisogno di farsi fare la barba [...]. Ció visto tosto si alzó, prese il suo cappello e salutando le dísse: non permetteró giammai che una dorna venga a prendermi pel naso».36 Es una historieta amena, como la gente del pueblo la contaba. En cuanto a la escena en sí y a las palabras que realmente pronunció..., conviene pensar dos veces — o más — antes de decidir si la respuesta de don Bosco, cuya formulación se nos escapará siempre, fue un signo de su «castitá selvaggia»... El autor de las Memorias hace creer en una especie de reportaje reciente: «D. Savio Angelo e Mons. Cagliero ci raccontarono come egli, giunto una volta a Castelnuovo e avendo bisogno di farsi radere la barba, cerca di una bottega... », etc. Haciendo esto, economiza de hecho en correcta «comprensión» del documento y por tanto en su significado.
3' Véase la libreta de apuntes de G.B. LEMOYNE, Ricordi di gabinetto, 22 febrero 1884; recogida en: MB IX, 257.
32 Cf. G. Bosco, Rimembranze di una solennitá in onore di Maria Ausiliatrice, Torino 1868,
p. 49-50; recogido en: MB IX, 260-261.
33 MB VI, 54, según G.B. LEMOYNE, Ricordi di gabinetto, 22 febrero 1884. El duplicado es
aquí muy seguro, aunque no absolutamente cierto.
34 Se trata de la curación del hijo de Bouillé, contada según el Anden Magistrat en: Docu
menti XXV, p. 127; narración avalada por Charlotte Bethford, que figura en: MB XVI, 131-133. Se trata de la curación de un muchacho, del que no se dice el nombre, en una exposición de María Ortega a don Rabagliati, Documenti XLIV, p. 460, de donde pasó a MB XVI, 224-225. H.-I. MARROU, De la connaissance historique, Paris, Editions du Seuil 1954, p. 101.
Las consecuencias de esta omisión pueden ser graves. Don Lemoyne (y después de él don Ceria) deberían haberse comprometido en «comprender» a fondo los dos relatos de «bilocación» de don Bosco, el primero en 1878 y después en 1883. Mientras que en esas fechas estaba en Turín, las Memorias lo hacen aparecer en carne y hueso el 14 de octubre de 1878 en Saint-Rambert d'Albon, en Francia; según una carta, de fecha 13 de abril de 1891, de la señora Ada Clément; y en la noche entre el 5 y el 6 de febrero de 1886 en Sarriá, junto a Barcelona, siguiendo al sacerdote salesiano Giovanni Branda.37 El primer testimonio es una suposición sin fundamento serio. En cuanto 'a la segunda, es sólo signo de una «visión», no de una «bilocación» propiamente dicha. En el ejercicio de su misión, el juez sabe que cada testimonio debe sopesarse. Por desgracia, el hagiógrafo de la era precientífica, apegado a la tradición, se ha guardado bien de hacerlo, especialmente si la reputación de su santo corría el peligro de verse ofuscada de algún modo. El hagiógrafo que se ha familiarizado con las ciencias humanas y con el método «científico» está obligado a valorar críticamente los testimonios y, más en general, a «comprender» los documentos. Sí no, algunos golpes de varita mágica se exponen fácilmente al riesgo de hacer aparecer en el aire maravillosos «castillos espirituales».
" G. BONETA Annali, quaderno II, p. 36s. El rasgo vuelve a aparecer en: MB V, 161-162.
37 El hecho de Saint-Rarnbert, según Documenti XLIII, p. 335-336, corroborado por una carta de la hija de la señora Clément, Lyon 18 abril 1932, en: MB XVI, 680-684; el hecho de Sarriá, según los Documenti XXXI, p. 86-89, en: MB XVIII, 35-39.
No es el caso de buscar excusas para este defectuoso y criticable modo de proceder de los autores de las Memorias, y el primero de todos don Lemoyne. No responde a verdad decir que «eran hombres de su tiempo». Hablando también sólo de la hagiografía — y no de la historia en general, que realizó grandes progresos en la época moderna —, los Bolandistas habían trabajado ya 250 años antes de que don Lemoyne publicase su primer volumen de las Memorias biográficas. Estudiaban los documentos hagiográficos según métodos cada vez más afinados por la crítica histórica. En los siglos XVII y XVIII, los historiadores de Port-Royal habían contribuido a transformar la hagiografía en verdadera historia. Le Nain de Tillemont, al disertar sobre los santos en sus Mémoires pour servir á l'histoire ecclésiastique des six premiers siécles,38 lo había hecho como historiador. Las Mémoires pour servir á la vie... de diversos personajes de aquella época — cuyos títulos anunciaban, por otra parte, curiosamente el que escogió don Lemoyne para celebrar a don Bosco — eran de buena calidad. El bajo nivel científico general que se constata en las piadosas biografías de uso corriente en el siglo XVIII y, más aún, en el siglo XIX, cuya preocupación por edificar se superponía a la de decir y explicar la verdad, es incontestable. Pero, mira por dónde, la vuelta a la hagiografía rigurosa coincidió con el final del siglo pasado y, por tanto, con el nacimiento de las Memorias, en un momento en el que Louis Duchesne (1843-1922) e Hippolyte Delehaye (1859-1941) atacaron violentamente en el «Bulletin Critique» y en sus trabajos especializados las «leyendas hagiográficas». La excelente iniciación del bolandista Charles De Smedt, Principes de la critique historique, había sido publicada en 1883. Otros, junto a éstos, construían en esa línea. En 1895, los autores de la colección Les Saints, publicada en París bajo la dirección de Henry Joly, estaban convencidos de que sus libritos debían ser rigurosamente históricos. En muchos casos fueron obritas verdaderamente logradas. El mismo Delehaye publicó en ella su Saint Jean Berchmans.39 Sin embargo, para nuestro caso, esta corriente «científica» que, dicho sea de paso, estuvo lejos de imponerse en nuestra época y en los mismos ambientes franceses, tal corriente, digo, no alcanzó al clero italiano. Y el antimodernismo de comienzos del siglo XX hasta dudó de su ortodoxia. Don Lemoyne se había formado en Génova hacia 1860. Ahora bien, según cuanto afirma Pietro Scoppola en un artículo de 1971, «stando alle relazioni e osservazioni falte al secolo XIX dagli eruditi, so
vente stranieri, fl livello della cultura ecclesiastica nell'ambiente dí tale secolo é assai mediocre. Ricerche pió recenti hanno precisato senza smentirle queste impressioni d'insieme [...]. Il livello deglí studi, le cui gravi insuffidenze erano state denunciate da Rosmini nelle anque piaghe della santa Chiesa,
nonostante qualche progresso, assai basso; i professori non sono, nell'insieme, selezionati secondo le loro competenze. Salvo alcune eccezioni, gli studi positivi sono trascurati...».4° Los estudios positivos se descuidaban, y nuestros historiadores salesianos participaron del espíritu «precientífico» del ambiente cultural de su nación, que, en la búsqueda de algún dato, no se impone el esfuerzo de valorar y contrastar sus «experiencias». Hace falta, pues, superar una etapa y entrar de una vez en la era «científica».4' De este modo, se han hecho progresos en física y en biología; pero también en historia. En efecto, el historiador es, a su modo, un hombre de la experimentación. Posee su acervo de conceptos. Se plantea interrogantes. Hace hipótesis, las contrasta, las verifica y las define a partir de la documentación. Los conceptos son sus instrumentos; los documentos, el lugar de sus «experiencias», en las que y con las que pregunta sobre el pasado de los hombres.42
" Cf. LE NAIN DE TILLEMONT, Mémoires pour servir..., Paris, Robustel 1693-1712.
33 Cf. H. DELEHAYE, Saint Jean Berchmans, Paris, Lecoffre 1921. Véase el artículo de P. POURRAT, Biographies spirituelles, en: Dictionnaire de spiritualité, vol. I, Paris 1937, coll. 1715-1719, el párrafo sobre «l'évolution de la biographie spirituelle á l'époque moderne»; y R. AIGRAIN, L'hagiographie. Ses sources, ses méthodes, son histoire, Paris, Bloud et Gay 1953, passim.
Don Lemoyne creía que había echado los cimientos de una obra totalmente «racional». «Non la fantasia, ma íl cuore, guidato dalla fredda ragione, dopo lunghe disquisizioni, corrispondenze, confronti dettó queste pagine. Le narrazioni, i dialoghi, ogni cosa che ho creduto degna di memoria, non sono che la fedele esposizíone letterale di quanto i testi esposero».43 Por desgracia, confundía perfección «racional» y acumulación «sustancial», es decir, acumulación de testimonios documentales o elementos expresivos — no analizados y comprendidos sistemáticamente — de la historia pasada. Su obra corrió el riesgo da ser un enorme testigo de la historia o de la hagiografía «precientífica ».
8. La utilización de la documentación
Se dirá con razón que lo que les importaba a estos autores de la primera generación era reunir documentos y hacerlos legibles. Nuestros tres biógrafos lo consiguieron al menos aparentemente, dado que compusieron 19 volúmenes que el público al que se destinaban leyó sin cansarse después de su publicación. Se tradujeron a tres idiomas (inglés, holandés, español). Su volumen es, por lo menos, un índice de la abundancia de los documentos vertidos en esta especie de enciclopedia histórica salesiana primitiva... Se impone rendir aquí un homenaje a don Lemoyne, editor de cartas privadas y circulares, recolector de artículos de periódicos o de pequeños impresos en sus Documenti per scrivere... Rindió un servicio sin precio a la historia de don Bosco. A su vez, como es frecuente después de don Lemoyne, don Amadei y don Cenia publicaron en los volúmenes X-XIX un notable número de piezas originales. Los anexos que contienen documentos impresos en carácter pequeño en los volúmenes de don Cenia, cada vez más abundantes a medida que la vida de don Bosco se iba vertiendo de su pluma, son ya de gran ayuda a los que los han consultado. (Una especie muy rara, es verdad, entre los que divulgan y comentan a don Bosco, que prefieren el relato fluido). Los «documenti» reproducidos con cuidado (he podido verificarlo) en los Documenti de don Lemoyne y en los anexos de don Amadei y de don Cenia, responden a las expectativas de los historiadores de don Bosco. Así, para la historia del largo viaje de don Bosco a Francia en la primavera de 1883, se encuentran informaciones de primera mano y, portanto, material utilizable registrado en las 70 piezas o conjunto de piezas (cartas, crónicas, notas de sesiones, memorias, artículos de periódicos) publicadas en el apéndice del volumen XVI de las Memorias biográficas...
4° P. SCOPPOLA, Italie. Période contemporaine, en: Dictionnaire de spiritualité, vol. VII, 2° partie, Paris 1971, coll. 2296-2297.
4' Esta observación, como otras varias reproducidas aquí, está tomada de G. BACHELARD, La formation de l'esprit scientifique, citado en la nota 24.
42 Cf. el excelente librito, ya citado, de MARROU, De la connaissance historique, p. 146-168, el párrafo sobre «l'usage du concept».
43 MB I, p. IX.
Pero queda lo demás, de lo que lo mejor está mezclado de modo inextricable a lo menos bueno o rechazable, con la aplicación de procedimientos redaccionales que tal vez se empieza a entrever. Nuestros autores se atenían a una concepción del relato histórico producido, que me permito calificarlo también como precientífico. Según esa concepción, los documentos no eran sino el calco de una historia vivida y su forma específica era indiferente. Bastaba organizarlos y presentarlos de modo coherente. Sólo la originalidad (la singularidad) del detalle interesaba al hagiógrafo. Sin duda habría escrito — así pensaba— la mejor historia con el máximo de piezas alineadas, dispuestas e insertadas en un relato que, gracias a ellos, resultaría sumamente rico. Volvemos a encontrar el «sustancialismo» avaro del espíritu precientífico.
La incuria hacia la forma peculiar, frecuente hacia el género y siempre hacia el «sentido» del documento, aparece de nuevo en la misma composición del texto de las Memorias que, como se recordará, comenzó con los Documenti. Para iluminar al lector, probablemente conviene advertir que esa obra de «compilación» empezó, en cuanto a piezas como los «sueños» de don Bosco, aún antes de los Documenti... por interés de don Lemoyne (y también, creo, de don Berto). Lo importante, al componer el relato, era reflejar la «realidad», que emergía del conjunto de los detalles de los hechos, según se creía, pero equivocadamente. (La alta precisión, sobre todo de los números, es, nos dice Gaston Bachelard, otros rasgo de la mentalidad precientífica. El hombre dotado de espíritu científico tiene la modestia de lo probable y lo aproximado, sobre todo en campo histórico...). Por tanto, un testimonio debidamente atribuido a un personaje designado por su nombre puede enriquecerse con informaciones paralelas; un discurso dado como pronunciado una noche podrá corregirse e interpolarse con la ayuda, no sólo de recuerdos complementarios sobre los discursos, sino también con rasgos que se refieran a hechos (a veces oníricos) presentados en aquéllos, y asumir formas de proporciones extraordinarias, que habrían asombrado a personas no avisadas. O bien, si el género de los testimonios reviste relativa poca importancia, se construirá un relato en primera persona y, si hace falta, se pondrá en labios o en la pluma de don Bosco para dar color o dramatizar un capítulo o un párrafo. Desde el momento en que los detalles son exactos, y que lo son todos, la elección de un subgénero literario (cita del texto, testimonio personal, «palabras» del testigo citado, discurso en forma...) importa muy poco. Es sólo cuestión de estética, piensa nuestro biógrafo.
Para seducir a su lector, hará hablar con gusto a su héroe en primera persona. Por eso bastará las más de las veces reproducir textos de don Bosco o discursos tomados al vuelo por sus discípulos. Don Lemoyne no se contentaba con «citas» que, por abreviar, llamaremos «auténticas» (y que no lo eran siempre). A sus escritos y relatos homogéneos añadía, sin notificarlo previamente, intervenciones directas o indirectas de don Bosco y que pertenecían a otros momentos de su vida, como también de otras personas. Logró así, sin quererlo, hacer asumir a don Bosco un lenguaje absolutamente extraño sobre sus labios y en su pluma, de hombre sencillo y directo. En las Memorias biográficas, el relato de la primera misa de don Bosco, el domingo 6 de Junio de 1841 en la iglesia da san Francisco de Asís en Turín, se cuenta de modo inequívoco: «Nel noto suo manoscritto D. Bosco scrive ancora quanto segue... ».44 Don Lemoyne se refería sin duda a las Memorie dell'Oratorio, en las que leemos: «... ed ho celebrato la mía prima messa nella chiesa di S. Francesco d'Assisi, dove era capo dí conferenza D. Cafasso. Era ansiosamente aspettato in mia patria, dove da molti anni non si era piú celebrata messa nuova; ma ho preferito di celebrarla in Torillo senza rumore, e quello posso chiamarlo il phi bel giorno della mia vita. Nel Memento di quella memoranda messa ho procurato di fare divota menzione di tutti i miei professori, benefattori spirituali e temporali, e segnatamente del compianto D. Calosso, che ho sempre ri cordato come grande ed insigne benefattore. ».45 Este pequeño relatode un día entre los mayores de la historia de un santo aparece mezquino y, en todo caso, insuficiente a don Lemoyne, que tenía más cosas que decir a propósito. A las nueve líneas de las Memorie dell'Oratorio corresponden, entre comillas, más de 20 líneas en las Memorias biográfkas.46 Después de haber seguido ocho líneas del manuscrito que poseemos, con pequeñas variantes, además (el añadido del nombre de don Cafasso...), nuestras Memorias se apartan de repente, para volver después de otras seis líneas y, por fin, volver nueva y definitivamente al final del tema. La reconstrucción de don Lemoyne resulta de este modo: «... La mia prima Messa l'ho celebrata nella chiesa di S. Francesco d'Assisi, dove era capo di conferenza D. Giuseppe Cafasso, mío insigne benefattore e direttore. Era ansiosamente aspettato in mia patria, ove da varii anni non si era celebrata Messa nuova; ma ho preferito celebrarla in Torillo senza rumore, all'altare del S. Angelo Custode, posto in questa chiesa dal lato del Vangelo. In questo giorno la Chiesa universale celebrava la festa della SS. Trinitá, l'archidiocesi di Torino quella del miracolo del SS. Sacramento, la chiesa di S. Francesco d'Assisi la festa della Madonna delle Grazie, quívi onorata da tempo antichissimo, e quello posso chiamarlo il piú bel giorno della mia vita. Nel memento dí quella memoranda Messa ho procurato di fare devota menzione di tutti i miei professorí, benefattori spirituali e temporali, e segnatamente del compianto D. Calosso, che ho sempre ricordato come grande ed insigne benefattore. E' pia credenza che il Signore conceda infallibilmente quena grazia, che il nuovo sacerdote gil domanda celebrando la prima Messa; io chiesi ardentemente l'efficacia della parola, per poter fare del tiene alle anime. Mi pare che fi Signore abbia ascoltato la mia umile preghiera».
44 MB I, 519. MO 115. 46 MB I, 519.
El fragmento autógrafo se ha ampliado en dos tiempos principales, primero en los Documenti y después en las Memorias biográficas de 1898. Fue alargado a partir de los Documenti II, es decir, en 1885. El texto de las Memorie dell'Oratorio: «... e ho celebrato la mia prima messa» se reproduce allí hasta la frase que se refiere a don Calosso, es decir, como totalidad del relato de aquel día. La perícopa sobre la gracia de la eficacia de la palabra — que no carece de interés para el conocimiento de la psicología de don Bosco — entra entonces en escena. Se lee: «... e ho celebrato la mia prima messa nella chiesa di S. Francesco d'Assisi dove era capo di conferenza D. Cafasso. Era ansiosamente [...] del compianto D. Calosso che ho sempre ricordato come grande ed insigne benefattore. É pia credenza che fi Signore conceda infallibilmente quella grazia che il nuovo sacerdote gli domanda celebrando la prima messa. Io chiesi ardentemente l'efficacia della parola. Mi pare che fi Signore abbia ascoltato la mia umile preghiera. Lunedl...».47 Este añadido, derivado seguramente de un testimonio escrito, que tal vez aparezca algún día, empezó a deformar el relato original de don Bosco. La alteración se agravó después de la muerte de este último. Don Lemoyne insertó en las primeras líneas en limpio de los Documenti algunas fórmulas sacadas de la memoria autógrafa que llamamos Testamento spirituale de don Bosco. A él se debe el giro: «La mia prima Messa l'ho celebrata», como también, para designar a don Cafasso, las palabras: «Giuseppe» y «mio insigne benefattore e direttore».48 Él tomó también de la deposición hecha en el proceso por don Ascanio Savio el inciso circunstancial: «per poter fare del bene alle anime», inciso puesto como comentario de la oración para obtener eficacia de la palabra.49 Finalmente, sobre las fiestas diversas del 6 de Junio de 1841, él puso en el texto de don Bosco las informaciones que un liturgista le había dado el 11 de diciembre de 1891, en nombre del rector de la iglesia de san Francisco de Asís, de Turín, don Luigi Dadesso: «Ho fato le ricerche che la S.V. Ill.ma desiderava nei registri di questa Chiesa ed ho trovato che il M.R.D. Bosco Giovanni celebró appunto la prima sua messa i16 giugno 1841 e la celebró all'altare del Santo Angelo Custode posto in questa chiesa dal lato del vangelo». Lorenzo Romano seguía, aparentemente como cosa suya: «E in questo giorno la Chiesa universale celebrava la festa del SS. Sacramento, la Chíesa di S. Francesco d'Assisi la festa della Madonna delle Grazie onorata in delta Chiesa da tempo antichissimo...».5° Este es el origen de las siguientes eruditas lineas de nuestras Memorias: «... all'altare del S. Angelo Custo- de, posto in questa chiesa dal lato del Vangelo. In questo giorno la Chiesa universale celebrava la festa della SS. Trinitá, l'archidiocesi di Torino quena del Miracolo del SS. Sacramento, la chiesa di S. Francesco d'Assisi la festa della Madonna delle Grazie, quivi onorata da tempo antichissimo». Su presencia sorprende en un escrito de don Bosco. El método de trabajo de don Lemoyne lo explica. Indiferente a la naturaleza (o a la «forma») de las mediaciones documentales: cartas, testimonios directos, testimonios indirectos, escritos, «palabras» referidas, discursos escritos, discursos escuchados o «referidos», etc., escogía sin ningún rigor las formas particulares de su exposición. Los detalles de la sustancia — lo único importante a sus ojos — podían incluirse en un comentario, en un discurso o en una cita entre comillas. La pretendida cita del «noto manoscritto» de don Bosco sobre su primera misa en san Francisco de Asís es una amalgama de fragmentos heteroclíticos (aunque de buena calidad), que instruyen sobre el hecho, pero engañan sobre el héroe, sobre su estilo, sus recuerdos y sus sentimientos exactos... No vayamos a imaginar un manuscrito perdido o desconocido de don Bosco sobre el período, como lo hace casi instintivamente casi la totalidad de los lectores de las Memorias biográficas. Este texto atribuido imprudentemente a la mano de don Bosco fue de hecho una composición de don Lemoyne 5' veces son fieles y nunca son seguras. Como el hecho en cuestión se presentaba en varios relatos paralelos, el documento «citado» venía retocado e interpolado.
47 Documenti II, p. 6.
48 Cf. la citada edición de Mono, Memorie da11841, p. 20; y MB I, 519.
Aplicó este procedimiento docenas o, tal vez, cientos de veces en el conjunto de sus Memorias biográficas. Las citas, aun las de don Bosco,.sólo raras
" La añadidura se debe ciertamente a Ascanio Savio, ad 13um, a quien se debe también la otra parte del texto, no citado, de las MB I, 519. Se lee: «Posso solo attestare, che egli, come disse, in occasione della sua ordinazione tra le grazie aveva domandato il dono della parola per far del bene alle anime. A mio giudizio egli ottenne abbondantemente la grazia»... (Ascanio Savio, Processo ordinario della curia di Torino, ad 13um, fol. 4552).
5° Carta de Lorenzo Romano a G.B. Lemoyne, Torino, 11 diciembre 1891, transcrita en: Document:* XLIII, p. 9.
51 El último biógrafo que se ha dejado llevar por esta cita apócrifa es el prudente S. CASELLE, Giovanni Bosco, Chieri, 1831-1841... Torino, Acclaim 1988, p. 208
Es necesario insistir sobre este aspecto del trabajo de don Lemoyne y, de carambola, de los otros dos autores de las Memorias, que pudieron basarse en sus Document ya elaborados. Sus citas son más o menos inutilizables como tales. El comentador tendrá que detenerse sobre las que pudieran ofrecer una idea particular (y falsa) de los personajes puestos en escena. La historia de la Sagra di S. Michele contada por don Bosco a sus muchachos de excursión con una precisión extrema, inesperada hasta en un narrador dotado de buena me-moría, es otro caso duramente demostrativo, porque es muy fácil identificar el texto original.
Leemos en el volumen IV de las Memorias, en el relato de un paseo de 1850, estas lineas puestas en labios de Bosco que habla a sus muchachos:
«Perció disse loro: Questo santuario di S. Michele delle Chiuse detto comunemente La Sagra di S. Michele, perché consacrato ad onore di quest'Arcangelo, é una delle piú celebri Abbazie dei Benedettini in Piemonte. Da semplice romitaggio che era verso l'anno 990, fabbricato ad ispirazione di S. Michele da un certo Giovanni da Ravenna, uomo di santa vita, che era coló ritirato, fu mutato pochi anni dopo da Ugone di Montboisier detto lo Scucito, gentiluomo dell'Alvernia, in maestosa chiesa di stile gotico, con un grande Convento anneso per l'abitazione dei monaci... ». El relato sigue por más de una página: Hugo de Montboisier confió los trabajos de construcción a «Atverto o Av-yerto», abad de Lusathe, en Francia. Cuando se terminaron los trabajos, éste hizo venir monjes benedictinos al nuevo monasterio; ellos eligieron a Atverto como abad. En la abadía llegaron a ser muy pronto hasta 300 monjes. En 1383, decaída la primitiva disciplina, se convirtió en abadía comendaticia bajo el protectorado de los condes de Saboya hasta la invasión francesa de comienzos del siglo El narrador termina su erudita exposición con la historia del Valle di Susa y de la victoria de Carlomagno sobre el rey de los lombardos...52 Y aquí se cierran las comillas. ¡Varios lectores y comentadores, aun veteranos, quedaron extasiados ante la erudición de don Bosco! Cayeron en la trampa de nuestro biógrafo, que creyó poder aplicar aquí sus procedimientos de dramaturgo.
Hacia 1880, el «Bollettino Salesiano» había narrado en un opúsculo la Storia dell'Oratorio, que fue, como sabemos, una de las buenas fuentes de las Memorias. El texto reseñado arriba figura en el capítulo XXVIII de esa Stork, publicada en el número de abril de 1881 del «Bollettino». En él se lee el artículo titulado: Visita alía Sagra di S. Michele y en nota de la página 15, una larga reseña histórica, probablemente copiada por el autor, Giovanni Bonetti, de una enciclopedia. Bastará volver a leer las primeras lineas para comprender el mecanismo que dio lugar al relato atribuido a don Bosco en las Memorias biográficas. «II santuario di S. Michele della Chiusa, detto comunemente La Sagra di S. Michele, perché consacrata ad onore di quest'Arcangelo, una delle piú celebri Abbazie dei Benedettini in Piemonte. Da semplice romitaggio che era verso l'anno 990, fabbricato ad ispirazione di S. Michele da un certo Giovanni da Ravenna, uomo di santa vita che s'era cola ritirato...» etc. No falta ni siquiera el episodio de la estratagema de Carlomagno en el Valle de Susa para vencer a los Lombardos." En cuanto a Bosco, una sola cosa es segura: durante la excursión, charló con gusto con sus muchachos. Don Lemoyne aprovechó el episodio para presentar a sus lectores la Sacra di S. Michele, monumento que interesaba — muy de lejos, a decir verdad — a la historia salesiana.
32 MB IV, 118-119.
Se sabe que no tuvo ningún escrúpulo al llamar «testamento» de don Bosco a sus cooperadores a una composición encontrada — según dijo — entre los papeles del santo inmediatamente después de su muerte, provista del escrito: «Da aprirsi dogo la mia morte». Puso un ejemplar impreso en sus Documenti acompañado de la presentación: «Ecco il prezioso documento». Don Ceria, muy fiel a sus principios, siguió por desgracia a su hermano en las Memorias biográficas:55 libre, no obstante, para reconocer un día la verdadera historia de tal pretendida carta autógrafa, que era, en cambio, una redacción de Giovanni Bonetti.56
Don Lemoyne reunió los fragmentos, los yuxtapuso, los interpoló uno en otro en nombre de lo que creía que respondía a la verdad y de todo ello resultó en algunos casos — poco frecuentes, pero infinitamente fastidiosos — una falsa caracterización. El mosaico salía entonces en forma totalmente nueva debida al tratamiento al que el compilador había sometido a los documentos primitivos, de los que cuando procedía reproducía las referencias. La perícopa sobre la primera misa en la iglesia de san Francisco de Asís es un caso. Una amalgama entre las más engañosas es la que se refiere al relato de la audiencia totalmente imaginaria concedida por Pío IX a don Bosco el 12 de febrero de 1870. Cada una de sus piezas es casi «sustancialmente» auténtica, pero la reconstrucción del conjunto es totalmente gratuita. Se trata de una audiencia fantasmagórica." El «razonamiento fiel» de don Lemoyne podía, pues, reproducir las mismas palabras de don Bosco y reflejar el espíritu del fundador de los salesianos. Era, por tanto, una empresa laboriosa la organización de los recuerdos, la selección orientada, las pequeños añadidos, a partir de un universo simbólico en el que nuestro narrador, como todo narrador, estaba enraizado.
53 Storia dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales, en BS (1881) 1, 15.
54 Document:* XL, p. 324-332.
" MB XVIII, 621-623, con la introducción: «Don Bosco diceva...» 56 Cf. E IV, 393 nota.
" Cf. F. DESRAMAUT, Le récit de Paudience pontifícale du 12 février 1870 dans les Memorie biografiche de don Bosco, en RSS 6 (1987) 81-104.
9. La explicación «carismática» de don Bosco hecha por don Lemoyne
Según su intención general, don Lemoyne no pensaba más que en describir, con la ayuda de una nube de testigos, la vida del hombre extraordinario que había sido don Bosco. Pero, animado por la admiración y al mismo tiempo por un movimiento natural de conocimiento, intentó también aferrar esa vida en su delicadeza y en sus infinitos matices, y penetrar la verdad y sus mecanismos hasta la profundidad de un alma puesta en las manos de Dios. Su descripción se convertía de este modo en explicación. De las palabras y de los hechos se elevaba a sus causas. Así, como toda historia verdadera, la de don Bosco se hacía «inteligible». Recurría por ello a instrumentos conceptuales, sobre los que hará falta reflexionar detenidamente en un estudio riguroso de nuestros hagiógrafos salesianos. En efecto, el principal de los tres colocó a don Bosco una imagen ideal: la que don Lemoyne tenía dentro de sí. Armado con esa concepción, de la que no era necesariamente consciente y que no trató ciertamente de criticar — de tal modo parecía imponérsele — se puso a explicar la vida de su héroe. Creo que se podría escribir un largo capítulo a propósito de este Idealtypus de don Lemoyne. Los historiadores de la mentalidad salesiana podrían estar interesados en reflexionar sobre él, porque, por medio de las Memorias, ha impregnado esa mentalidad hasta un punto difícil de calibrar, pero sin duda muy relevante.
Me refiero sólo a un rasgo mayor que podríamos llamar globalizante. Para don Lemoyne, don Bosco era un hombre carismático en el sentido weberiano del término. Desde su primer encuentro con él (experiencia de Lerma) le había atribuido ese poder. Esta visión influyó después en la interpretación que dio a la vida del santo. Como escribió hace poco Xavier Thévenot, precisamente a propósito de nuestro don Bosco, «el poder carismático se ve como extraordinario y cuando el que lo advierte es creyente, como sobrenatural, es decir, dado por Dios. El que lo posee dice que se siente como investido de una misión que, de algún modo, lo obliga interiormente y lo afianza en su legitimidad. [...] Desde un punto de vista psicoanalítico se dirá que el leader carismático se instaura o vive como un sujeto supuesto dotado de saber y poder. Superidealizado por sus discípulos, se les presenta como dotado de perfección y capaz de triunfar donde otros fracasan. Se acaba por atribuirle una cierta fama de infalibilidad y de omnipotencia, así como también, muy frecuentemente, una singular capacidad de dominio sobre sus deseos agresivos y sexuales: reconocer, en efecto, que el leader está movido por deseos de ese tipo sería infligir un mentís especialmente duro al deseo de omnipotencia infantil sobre el que se levanta el proceso de idealización».58
58 X. THÉVENOT, Don Bosco éducateur et le systéme préventif (Colloque universítaire de Lyon) 1988. Traducción italiana de la ponencia en «Orientamenti Pedagogici» 25 (1988) 701-730.
Cuando leía su propia vida, don Bosco sentía, sin duda, la sensación de que Dios y María le habían conducido, iluminado y sostenido en sus laboriosos intentos, coronados al final por el éxito. Si la «superdeterminación» es, para el psicólogo, el «carácter de una conducta determinada por varias motivaciones concurrentes», entonces pensaba que también él había sido «super-determinado» por el cielo. Afirmó, por ejemplo, haber visto en sueños a la Virgen María, que le indicó, al comienzo de su vida sacerdotal, un terreno de Valdocco (sobre el que, de hecho, se levantó el santuario que conocemos) y le dijo: «Hic domus mea... ». Pero se guardó muy bien de ir más allá. Nunca pretendió haber recibido desde el comienzo una especie de programación divina, con una «vocación» de tal modo clara que le habría bastado con comprenderla y seguirla a lo largo de su existencia. Tal lectura «superdeterminada» (y característica, también ella, según Gaston Bachelard, de un espíritu precientífico), que iba más allá de las «causas segundas»; no podía dejar de frenar y aun reducir a la nada las explicaciones «naturales» y, por tanto, la inteligencia propiamente histórica de la vida del santo. Y es precisamente lo que se dio con don Lemoyne en sus Memorias. No tenía nada del historiador escéptico, que rechaza a priori descubrir un sentido en su historia. Pero ese sentido lo daba prematuramente en función de una primera experiencia nunca verificada seriamente. El buen hombre caía así en el defecto opuesto, también grave, que se llama fantasía. Y don Lemoyne llegó a imponer su óptica «fantástica» con procedimientos muy discutibles.
Efectivamente, la trasposición de fórmulas generales a fórmulas personalizadas atribuidas a don Bosco es especialmente molesta, cuando se trata de comentarios interpretativos del biógrafo, que adquieren de ese modo una autoridad inmerecida. El reciente artículo de las «Ricerche Storiche Salesiane» sobre don Lemoyne como historiador de don Bosco reproduce pasajes de su prefacio a un librito publicado por él en 1889 a propósito del papel de María en la vida de don Bosco. He aquí uno entre varios: «In un sol motto diciamo tutto.
Ogni volta che D. Bosco si accingeva ad un'impresa, parlava come se vedesse chiaramente tutto lo svolgimento piú o meno fortunoso di cíascuna [...] come un capitano di una nave [...] conosce tuna la sua strada prima ancora di partire dal porto. Oh quanto é buona la Madonna!».59 Cuatro años antes, don Lemoyne había manifestado poco más o menos lo mismo en los Documentirn a propósito del ario 1847 cuando, según su texto, había ido don Bosco de Turín a Stresa al lado de Antonio Rosmini, del que deseaba ser discípulo. Descubrimos en medio de un período: «Da parte sua era disposto ad essere obedientissimo a chiunque gli avesse comandato, a nzi avrebbe preferito poter condurre avanti il suo piano sotto la condotta altrui, cioé guidato dall'obbedienza di un superiore. Ma la Vergine Maria avevagli indicato in visione ii campo nel quale doveva lavorare. Esso aveva un piano falto, premeditato, dal quale non poteva e non voleva assolutamente staccarsi. Esso era in modo assoluto responsabile della riuscita. Vedeva chiaramente le file che doveva tendere, i mezzi che doveva adoperare per riuscire nell'impresa, quindi non poteva mandare a vuoto ll suo dísegno con esporlo in baila di altri. In questo auno volle solo osservare se lo poteva eseguire in qualche istituto giá esistente, ma non tardava ad avvedersi che no... ».60 En las Memorias biográficas la fuerza persuasiva de esta reflexión está acentuada al atribuirse al mismo don Bosco. Esta atribución puede, al menos en parte, tener un fundamento. Por lo menos, un paso de las llamadas Cronichette de Barberis, referido a los primeros días de enero de 1876, contenía, en efecto, en primera persona la casi totalidad de las expresiones, y las ponía en los labios de don Bosco. Pero el santo mismo no hacía intervenir a María. El plano le pertenecía a él. Sólo después de las explicaciones de don Bosco, el redactor de la crónica había escrito: «A me pare schíetto e netto che volesse dire cosi: — Maria Vergine mi aveva indicato ín visione iI campo in cuí io doveva lavorare. Mí fece vedere i mezzi da adoperarvi per riuscirvi...» etc. Don Lemoyne en sus Memorias siguió o imitó a este cronista. Tomó su texto de los Documenti y comenzó: «Ma la Vergine Maria, ci narrava piú tardi D. Bosco, mi aveva indicato in visione il campo nel quale io doveva lavorare. Possedeva dunque il disegno di un piano...» etc.61 El «plan» muy humano del fundador se convertía así en una especie de revelación.
39 G.B. LEMOYNE, La Madonna di Don Bosco ossia Relazione di dame grazie concesse da Maria Ausiliatrice ai suoi devoti, Torino, Tip. Salesiana 1889, p. 17s.; BRAMO - ARENAL LLATA, Don Giovanni Battista Lemoyne, p. 113.
Haría falta encontrar, a lo largo de los volúmenes de las Memorias, las frases con las que don Lemoyne atribuye de este modo, sin el menor matiz, a Dios y a María los planes que su discípulo Giovanni Bosco realizó en su vida. Este atajo en la vocación juvenil de don Bosco ha seducido mucho a sus biógrafos. A propósito de la vigilia de su ordenación sacerdotal en 1841 se lee: «A questo punto non possiamo far a meno di fissare lo sguardo sul progressivo e razionale succedersi dei sorprendenti sogni. Al 9 anni Giovanni Bosco viene a conoscere la grandiosa missione, che a luí sará affidata; ai 16 ode la promessa dei mezzi materiali, indispensabili per albergare e nutrire innumerevoli giovani; ai 19 un imperioso comando gli fa íntendere non esser libero di rifiutare la missione affidatagli; ai 21 palesata la classe de' giovani, della quale dovrá specialmente curare il bene spirituale; ai 22, gli é additata una grande cittá, Torino, nella quale dovrá dar principio alle sue apostoliche fatiche e alle sue fondazioni. E qui, come vedremo, non si arresteranno queste misteriose indicazioni, ma continueranno ad intervalli fino che sia compiúta l'opera di Dio. Si dovran dir forse questi mere combinazioni di fantasía? ».62 Pues, sí, querido don Lemoyne: son exactamente «combinazioni di fantasía». Pero son tuyas y no de don Bosco. Efectivamente, tal vez tú lo has olvidado cuando escribías esta conclusión sobre el «progressivo e razionale succedersi dei varü sorprendenti sogni» de juventud; pero si estos relatos de «sogni» fechados por ti a los 16, 19 y 21 años de don Bosco eran, en las páginas anteriores de tu volumen, versiones probables o ciertas del único sueño de los 9 años distribuidas a lo largo de la juventud de Juan Bosco a partir de una información cronológica sumamente débil.°
60 Documenti III, p. 151.
61 MB III, 247. El trozo de la Cronichetta (ASC Barberis, cuaderno 3° sin paginación), todavía
inédita, ha sido reproducido en las microfichas del FdB 796 E 8-10.
62 MB I, 426.
Con estas interpretaciones «superdeterminadas» más o menos gratuitas, la paleta biográfica adquirió tonos maravillosos. Pero la «comprensión» de la historia de don Bosco perdió en las mismas proporciones. Y la aconsejable continuidad entre significante y significado se rompió. En efecto, el hombre que se siente predestinado y que conoce su camino, ve y avanza con paso seguro. Su búsqueda, sus dudas, sus empresas, sus errores, sus descubrimientos y sus retrocesos provisionales, hasta su triunfo, reflejan una especie de teatro de sombras. El papel, el verdadero papel, se declama en otro sitio. ¿Es posible una existencia así sobre la tierra? En todo caso, don Bosco no se expresó nunca sobre su destino (ni sobre su superdeterminación) con la firmeza que don Lemoyne imprudentemente le atribuyó. La gracia de Dios y la intercesión de María son indudables para el creyente, como en el caso de don Bosco. Pero el tipo de superdeterminación que don Lemoyne cree leer en ello daña una correcta reflexión histórica sobre la vida de don Bosco. Un prejuicio inicial la desvía. ¿En qué se convierte, en este caso, el hombre que busca y se adapta constantemente, como fue el verdadero don Bosco?
El Idealtypus de santo, utilizado por don Lemoyne para «comprender» la vida de don Bosco, implicaba otros aspectos, sobre todo de virtudes: la humildad, la dulzura, la bondad..., inducidos, por otra parte, por el carisma de leader. Su influjo más o menos consciente en el espíritu del biógrafo resonó hasta en la reproducción de las palabras y de las frases escritas de su héroe. Su agresividad se vio sistemáticamente debilitada. Por ejemplo, don Lemoyne no admitía que don Bosco se hubiese enfadado [n. del t.: en italiano arrabbiato] (la palabra rabbia se sustituye sistemáticamente con sdegno) o hubiese agredido violentamente a un alumno, ni siquiera soñando... Este fue uno de los graves limites de un trabajo por otra parte colosal.
10. El método de don Celia
Los procedimientos de construcción y de composición de don Amadei, para el X volumen de las Memorias, estuvieron muy próximos a los de don Lemoyne para los tomos precedentes. El clima del relato es casi el mismo. Después, a partir del volumen XI, cambia el tono. La serie de los nueve volúmenes de don Cenia es homogénea. Estos libros están bien escritos y resultan interesantes. Pero esas cualidades no satisfacen las exigencias que tenemos hoy. Nos gustaría saber si, con don Cenia, la historiografía de don Bosco pasa algo o mucho de un estadio «precientífico», en el que se quedó don Lemoyne, a una era más de acuerdo con nuestras doctas (y legítimas) preocupaciones...
63 Traté ampliamente este tema en: Les Memorie I de Giovanni Battista Lemoyne, p. 250-256.
Como se ha dicho varias veces, para llegar a confeccionar la historia de los años que van desde 1875 a 1888 de la vida de don Bosco en un tiempo record, a razón de un volumen por año, a pesar del cúmulo enorme de documentación que había que dominar, don Cenia siguió paso a paso los Documenti ordenados año por año en unos treinta registros (el registro XV se refería a 1875) y referidos al período que debía describir. Hizo algunas investigaciones complementarias, pero en total poco numerosas. Cuando modificó los Documenti, que eran ya, como sabemos, una historia más o menos bien construida sobre don Bosco, no criticó ni «sopesó» nunca, por decirlo de algún modo, las construcciones especiales de su predecesor. No trató de identificar las fuentes que aquel había tenido a disposición. Un ejemplo entre cien. Para el volumen XVIII copió sin referencias, diálogo y comentario incluidos, el relato de la curiosa visita a don Bosco, el 3 de febrero de 1886, de un abogado francés que le preguntó de forma poco discreta sobre los Borbones." El final sonaba así: «Qualcuno dubitó che fosse un agente esploratore della polizia francese, mandato a esplorare le idee politiche di Don Bosco» — especialmente sobre la posibilidad de una restauración monárquica en el país —. «In ogni modo le rísposte del Santo non potevano • destare sospetti né offiire appiglio ad accuse. Era sato semp- re suo sistema di non entrare mai in politica». Ahora bien, ese final existía casi idéntico en los Documenti.
Sin embargo, no se empeñó, como don Lemoyne, en incluir los detalles más nimios en su relato sobre don Bosco. Inmediatamente se permitió resumir párrafos o extraer períodos significativos, libertad redaccional que don Lemoyne nunca se había concedido.
Pero los principios de lectura y de interpretación de nuestros dos hagiógrafos se parecían mucho. Don Cenia, como don Lemoyne, creía que todo testimonio es un reflejo de la vida y, tomado tal cual, permite reconstruirla. No se impuso, por tanto, analizar su recorrido por el mundo, en el espíritu y, si hacía falta, en la pluma del testigo. Este, en efecto, podía haber dejado versiones sucesivas de su testimonio y la última (era el caso de Viglietti) no era necesariamente la mejor. Sin embargo, la experiencia adquirida con la literatura grecolatina lo llevó, creo, a desconfiar a veces de los diálogos y del estilo directo, que pasó, por consiguiente, a relato lineal. Confrontando las Memorias con sus fuentes, los Documenti, nos convencemos del hecho de que insistió menos que sus redactores más frecuentes (no sólo don Lemoyne, sino también don Berto), sobre las predicciones y las profecías, como tales, de don Bosco. Reprodujo, en el mismo relato, los documentos originales, sin permitirse retocarlos. Sus lecturas inexactas, a veces molestas, eran involuntarias.65 Mucho más moderno que don Lemoyne, que se acercó con gusto a Jacques de Voragíne, no cedió sistemáticamente al aspecto maravilloso. Desde nuestro punto de vista, hubo, pues, progreso de una generación a otra. Sin embargo, a este nivel de lectura de la documentación, don Cenia, aunque más prudente o más suspicaz que don Lemoyne, no superó verdaderamente el género literario, calificado como «precientífico», de su predecesor.
64 La fuente documental en: Documenti XXXI, p. 44s., retomada en: MB XVIII, 28-29.
La misma composición del texto de las Memorias demuestra la habilidad de don Ceria al escribir. En sus volúmenes, la materia de los años de vida de don Bosco está siempre organizada, no simplemente yuxtapuesta de modo aleatorio en beneficio de la cronología. Cada capítulo tuvo un título propio que corresponde más o menos a su contenido. El relato es límpido. La historia discurre ágilmente. Para apreciar la obra literaria de don Cenia basta interrumpir la lectura de uno de sus volúmenes y tomar 50 páginas de don Amadei: os parecerá pasar de un jardín con paseos rectos y bien rastrillados a un bosque de arbustos en los que se pierde uno. Al lector del conjunto de las Memorias, los dos 1871-1874 de la vida de don Bosco (narrados por don Amadei) se le presentan enigmáticos. Conserva, en cambio, recuerdos característicos de cada
uno de los años que van de 1875 a 1888 (narrados por don Ceria), con la partida de los primeros misioneros, las fundaciones logradas o fallidas en Francia, los esfuerzos de don Bosco en Roma bajo mons. Gastaldi, el asunto de la Concordia impuesto por León XIII, el gran viaje a París en 1885, el viaje a España 1886, los últimos meses dolorosos de don Bosco. Los debe a la narración clara y grata de don Cenia.
A pesar de todo, las opciones de don Cenia como redactor de las Memorias eran a veces discutibles. Atemperó los episodios duros, dulcificó las propuestas y, a veces, suprimió algunos rasgos desagradables de sus personajes. ¡Comportamiento diplomático las más de las veces! Por otra parte, don Celia mismo me contó una vez en Turín (exactamente el 12 de agosto de 1952) que un canónigo de la curia local le había negado, en 1930, el imprimatur para el volumen XI de las Memorias (el primero firmado por él), porque en él aparecía bajo luz turbia el arzobispo Gastaldi; había hablado del tema con el P. Rosa s.j., de la «Civiltá Cattolica»; este último le había aconsejado presentar su obra como pro-manuscripto, artificio jurídico que le dispensaba del visto bueno de la curia turinesa. Así se pudo publicar el libro. Pero estoy convencido de que don Cenia aprendió la lección del incidente, por ejemplo en el sentido de que debía evitar los personajes eclesiásticos. Así se explican varios silencios y
diversas tachaduras.` Los relatos de don Cenia son siempre moderados: evita señalar los lamentos y los suspiros de don Bosco, como los de todos los presentes en la iglesia de María Auxiliadora cuando partieron los misioneros para Quito;67 dulcifica las propuestas de don Bosco referidas a los inquilini de Valdocco en una reunión del Capítulo superior;" los «molti salesiani hanno nulla di spirito salesiano» de una intervención suya a su Capítulo el 5 de noviembre de 1885 se convierte en las Memorias de don Cenia en: «certi Salesiani hanno nulla di spirito salesiano»...69 Los trazos no tienen, pues, el vigor que desearíamos hoy.
6' Don Ceria hace decir a don Bosco, con ocasión del Capítulo general de 1883, que el «Bollettino Salesiano» debía ser «come un periodico pubblico» (cf. MB XVI, 412), mientras las actas de Marenco, (ASC 046, CG 1883, fol. 6) afirmaban exactamente lo contrarío: ...«non promuoverlo come un periodico».
El problema de la comprensión de la vida de don Bosco por don Cenia merecería muchas lineas basadas en ejemplos y contrastes ponderados. Pero me es difícil hacerlo aquí de modo conveniente. Creo que puedo adelantar esta observación: en su interpretación ordinaria de la vida de don Bosco, don Ceria, a pesar de su sumisión habitual a los relatos y comentarios de sus documentos, evitó los excesos y las sistematizaciones de don Lemoyne;7° pero se esforzó poco por salir de las explicaciones religiosas y maravillosas hacia las que se inclinaba con predilección. Siguió con frecuencia sus fuentes y explicó (sumariamente) a don Bosco como lo habían hecho estas últimas.
11. Observaciones finales
Para concluir ésta muy breve serie de observaciones sobre el método de trabajo de los tres autores de las Memorias biográficas de don Bosco, conviene, creo, pensar en dos categorías de personas cuyas intenciones no son ni mucho menos las mismas. Los que buscan nutrirse espiritualmente con la lectura se
.. Me contó el mismo día un percance semejante, que tuvo mayores consecuencias. En 1883,
un revisor — un cardenal, me dijo, si no le entendí mal — le había obligado a suprimir todo el capítulo sobre mons. Gastaldi en las galeradas de su bonito libro, San Giovanni Bosco nella vita e nelle
opere. Acató la orden, pero no sin tristeza. Se encuentra así escrito en las últimas líneas del capítulo XXXEV sobre la iglesia de San Juan Evangelista (p. 283): «Fu uno di tanti dolorosi episodi innestati nella storia di una tribolazione che per la sua natura, per la sua durata e per i suoi effetti fu certamente la piú grave sofferta dal Santo», frase que constituía probablemente el punto de enlace con el capítulo censurado. El texto continúa simplemente: «Ma considerazioni di ordine superiore consigliano di rimettere a tempo e a luogo piú opportuno la narrazione di quelle vicende».
67 Cf. Documenti XXXVI, p. 77 y MB XVIII, 430.
68 Cf. Documenti XXX, p. 521-523 y MB XVII, 581.
69 Cf. Documenti XXX, p. 571 y MB XVII, 586.
" Salta, por ejemplo, en los Documenti, la inverosímil asimilación de las relaciones epistolares de don Bosco con la marquesa parisina de Cessac, a las de san Francesco di Sales y la Chantal.
Cf. Documenti XLIV, p. 461: «Enano una riproduzione di quelle di S. Francesco di Sales alla Chantal», y MB XVI, 231:... «sembra che abbia ricevuto da lui molte lettere di direzione spirituale. Cosi si dice; ma noi finora non ne conosciamo neppure una». Se debe entender: «Si dice nei Documenti...», que tenía delante mientras escribía.
guida de las Memorias biográficas, que son para ellos un libro de devoción. Y los que recorren estos gruesos volúmenes para extraer elementos de estudio (histórico, psicológico, teológico...). Para éstos, son una cómoda colección de documentos sobre don Bosco.
Los primeros disponen, en las Memorias, de una «historia» de don Bosco, que es «verdadera», ni más ni menos que cualquier otra historia en el sentido popular de la palabra, pintoresca, edificante, colorista (salvo el volumen X), rica de hechos y frases aptos para enriquecer el espíritu. Los beneficios de una lectura corrida de las Memorias, controlada por una experiencia que está cerca de convertirse en centenaria, parece por algunos aspectos, evidente. No se pierde el tiempo al dedicarse a ella; al contrario. Aun admitiendo que, también en este nivel, puede haber quien prefiera, justamente, lecturas de don Bosco más «verdaderas» y documentadas.
Sin embargo, esta comunicación va destinada sobre todo a una segunda categoría de lectores, los que se dedican, poco o mucho, a studi sobre don Bosco. El consejo debe ser otro. Partiría de una reflexión, entre las más autorizadas, que me hizo don Cenia, como a varios otros, al final de su vida. «A coloro — me decía más menos con sus palabras — a coloro che intendono scrívere tesi su don Bosco, consiglio sempre di cambiare soggetto. Pin tardi, forse, guando le lettere di don Bosco saranno pubblicate... ». Reconocía que sus Memorias, en las que muchos habían encontrado la fuente única y definitiva de estudios sobre don Bosco, no podían servir de base para estudios rigurosos sobre el mismo. Si se ponen aparte los Documenti publicados como tales por él y por don Amadei al final de sus volúmenes, tenía cien veces razón. En efecto, si los gruesos volúmenes de don Lemoyne y los de sus dos sucesores, ya que dependen de él, fueron construidos según los criterios «precientíficos» de composición e interpretación que he tratado de poner en claro, la autenticidad de elementos que se espigan allí con preferencia, es decir, las propuestas del santo y las observaciones de los testigos más inmediatos de su vida (los cronistas...), no está nunca garantizada. Más aún: no faltan las lecturas repetidas, los apócrifos frecuentes y las historias convertidas en leyendas con la amalgama de diferentes trazos de perspectiva. Sí tienen que hacer una investigación, háganla preferentemente sobre las fuentes mismas de la historia de don Bosco. Las Opere edite solas han consentido a Jacques Schepens redactar su voluminosa e interesante tesis: Pénitence et eucharistie dans la méthode éducative et pastorale de don Bosco. Étude á partir de ses écrits imprimés.7' Que estos investigadores recurran a los escritos autógrafos, a los escritos publicados, a las cartas enviadas o recibidas por don Bosco, a las crónicas o actas, editadas o no, como ha hecho el profesor Luciano Pazzaglia en su excelente estudio sobre Apprendistato e istruzione degli artigiani a Valdocco (1846-1886).72
Roma, Universitá Pontificia Salesiana, 1986, 2 vol.
n Cf. F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, Torino, SEI 1987, p. 13-80.
Evitarán así las desventuras en las que han incurrido otros que se han servido de las Memorias biográficas. Citaré uno sóló, del que en mi calidad de miembro del Capítulo general salesiano de 1984, que ha dado origen al texto oficial de las Constituciones, me siento, al menos materialmente, culpable. En el primer artículo de sus Constituciones, renovadas ese año, los salesianos abusaron de una fórmula atribuida a don Bosco por las Memorias biográficas, citada con precisión en nota : «... Formó in lui un cuore di padre e di maestro, capace di una dedizione totale: "Ho promesso a Dio che fin l'ultimo mio respiro sarebbe stato per i míei poveri giovani" » (MB XVIII, 258). De hecho, la crónica de Carlo Viglietti, fuente del logion reproducido en el lugar citado de las Memorias biográficas, hacía decir a don Bosco que había prometido a Dios que «fin l'ultimo mio respiro» sería, no ya, como en el texto transcrito, por sus «poveri giovani», sino por sus «poveri orfanelli», es decir, por los jóvenes abandonados de los que se había convertido en padre. ¡Hay una buena diferencia entre «vivere per i giovani» y «vivere per i giovani abbandonati»!
EL EPISTOLARIO COMO FUENTE DE CONOCIMIENTO Y DE ESTUDIO SOBRE DON BOSCO Proyecto de edición crítica
Francesco MOTTO
Entre los escritos de don Bosco de especial valor, de los que sólo existen ediciones inadecuadas o incompletas, se sitúan, sin sombra de duda, sus cartas. Precisamente a partir de esa consideración, el Instituto Histórico Salesiano, desde sus comienzos, programó, entre los trabajos a los que había que dedicar una atención prioritaria, la edición crítica e íntegra del epistolario del santo." Hace cuatro años se me confió la tarea que se anuncia como una empresa de importancia cultural que supeta cualquier intento celebrativo o ritual, aunque venga a coincidir con el despertarse del interés sobre la figura y la obra del educador piamontés con ocasión del centenario de su muerte.
Este Congreso me ofrece la oportunidad de anticipar ni nuce y extra operam el valor de tal epistolario, el proceso archivista-filológico seguido y la perspectiva hermenéutica dentro de la que se quiere encuadrar el trabajo de recomposición del corpus epistolar.
O. Observaciones preliminares
Empiezo por decir que si los italianos, según un tópico conocido, no leen epistolnrios,2 el de don Bosco no debería estimular la conocida inapetencia de hacer notar enseguida que se toma el término «epistolario», simplemente, en el sentido de «colección de todas las cartas». Es decir, no se hace distinción entre cartas escritas con una finalidad particular, en circunstancias concretas, y efectivamente mandadas a un destinatario (cuyo colación, obra de un estudioso, se debería llamar propiamente «colección de cartas») y cartas reunidas con finalidad artística por el mismo autor y, frecuentemente, dirigidas a un lector ficticio (habitualmente definidas por los estudiosos con el término «epistolario»).
Cf. Proposte per un piano di lavoro unitario e comune, en RSS 1 (1982) 95. Conviene 2 En cambio, en otros países, las publicaciones de cartas de literatos, pintores, músicos, poli-ticos y de otros personajes ilustres encuentran creciente favor entre los lectores comunes. Los estudios sobre el fenómeno epistolar y sobre la naturaleza y función de la carta están en todas partes de actualidad. En Francia, desde hace tiempo, se organizan «coloquios» acerca del tema y se han creado centros de documentación e investigación de correspondencia epistolar moderna y conmis compatriotas, al menos por cuatro razones que expongo brevemente:
1) Ante todo, la nueva edición que se proyecta no promete en absoluto satisfacer el discutible gusto por el sensacionalismo ni desvelar vidas secretas inéditas del escritor. Don Bosco en sus cartas, que se sitúan también entre los escritos de franqueza inmediata y con la más alta tasa de sinceridad, tiende (y con frecuencia lo logra) a no revelar su profunda vida interior, sus dramas de conciencia, su íntimo sentimiento de cada momento. Aparte el hecho de que en «su armario es totalmente inútil buscar esqueletos».
2) Idéntica desilusión tendría el que, considerando que se trata del copiosísimo epistolario de un sacerdote santo, de un educador no común, de un fundador genial, de un instrumento social de actividad increíblemente vasta, esperase amplios y exhaustivos tratados de carácter espiritual, ascético, pedagógico. No; sólo acá y allá, perdidas entre expresiones dictadas por las innumerables preocupaciones del vivir diario, se pueden encontrar perlas brillantes de doctrina y de sabiduría, fruto de santidad de vida, de audacia pastoral, de acertada pedagogía.
3) No tendría mejor fortuna la posible espera de descubrimientos sensacionales de naturaleza política, social, religiosa. Cierto que don Bosco, por vivir y trabajar en aquel período fuertemente atormentado y que se conoce con el nombre de «Risorgimento», habla explícitamente o alude a hechos o personajes históricos de primerísima línea, da juicios sobre hechos políticos, sociales y religiosos de su tiempo; pero la política, en sentido estricto, el análisis de la sociedad civil y religiosa en cuanto tal entran en su radio de interés sólo en la medida en que vienen a incidir en el tejido ordinario de su vida, ritmada por sus responsabilidades de padre, educador, emprendedor, superior, amigo, administrador de sumas muchas veces ingentes.
4) Por fin, también sería una decepción para el que esperase de las cartas de don Bosco una obra de arte, un modelo epistolográfico al que atribuir la dignidad de «género literario». Don Bosco no redactó sus cartas como ejercicio retórico o. instrumento para pasar a la gloria literaria, costumbre, por otra parte, tan querida en su siglo. En el plano de la revisión formal no sometió sus cartas a especiales intervenciones estilísticas o de léxico. Escriba al papa o al ministro o se dirija al humilde pueblerino o al joven colegial, su estilo es sustancialmente el mismo: lleno de sencillez, de franqueza, de familiaridad, de astucia, no exento de dudas en la escritura y en la ortografía, salpicado de piamontesismos y galicismos, nutrido con frecuencia de irregularidades gramaticales y sintácticas, por otra parte no importantes, ya que iba destinado a quedar en el ambiente reservado de los destinatarios.'
temporánea. En Italia sólo recientemente se ha notado un fuerte incremento cuantitativo y cualitativo de «expertos». Reuniones de este tipo se han tenido en Bressanone (1983), en Urbino (1984) y aún más recientemente en Génova. En 1986 surgió la editorial «Rosellina Archinto» que publica sólo epistolarios. Apreciables artículos de divulgación, publicados en revistas y periódicos, vienen a subrayar, de cuando en cuando, el notable interés que la correspondencia privada puede tener como fuente histórica y linguistica.
La correspondencia de don Bosco es una correspondencia de «asuntos», de «administración normal», diríamos hoy, o sea, redactada con la máxima rapidez y sólo para comunicar un mensaje utilizable para quien lo recibe: frases concisas y sin énfasis, comunicaciones directas, breves, a veces lapidarias, medidas en apertura e intimidad por el uso de los mismos patterns, propios de quien escribe bajo la presión de muchas ocupaciones y corre el riesgo de sentirse a cada momento envuelto por ellas.4 Si hubiese tenido a su disposición el teléfono, le habría ahorrado cientos de horas de trabajo y nosotros, los compiladores tendríamos en las manos, en vez de un rico tesoro, un botín decepcionante. Escribió porque estaba obligado por las inderogables exigencias de su misión sacerdotal y educativa, por la dura necesidad de proveer de pan a los millares de muchachos acogidos en sus obras, por el deber de ayudar, dirigir, sostener a los que le abrían el corazón: cartas de felicitación y de anuncio, de congratulación y de agradecimiento, de invitación y de excusa, de justificación y de despedida, de súplica y de consejo, de reprensión y de recomendación, de presentación y de ánimo, de pocas lineas y de varias páginas, burocráticas y circulares. Con fundamento se puede decir que cada categoría epistolar está representada por algún ejemplar.
a No creo que se haga una profanación o revelación del secreto epistolar cuando se ofrece al público cuánto don Bosco cubrió con el velo de la intimidad. Las cartas escritas hace más de un siglo han dejado ya de ser confidenciales y entrado a formar parte de la historia. Entre otras consideraciones, hay que decir que don Bosco mismo no excluyó una eventual publicación, aunque con algunas cautelas. En efecto, escribió en su «testamento espiritual»: «Se mai accadesse di stampare qualche mia lettera italiana si usi grande attenzione nel senso e nella domina, perché la maggior parte furono scritte precipitosamente e quindi con pericolo di molte inesattezze. Le lettere francesi poi si possono bruriare; ma se mai taluno volesse stamparne, mi raccomando che siano lette e corrette da qualche conoscitore di quella lingua francese, affinché le parole non esprimano un senso non voluto e facciano cadere la burla o il disprezzo sulla religione a favore di cui furono scritte» (Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 336-337).
4 En las MB se subraya muchas veces la prisa con la cual don Bosco redactaba sus cartas: «Era anche ammirabile la sua attitudine nello scrivere con grande celeritá. Pió volte in valí anni Ch. Durando accompagnó D. Bosco al Convitto di S. Francesco per aiutarlo nella speclizione delle lettere. Ed ecco che cosa accadeva. D. Bosco, scritta una lettera, la porgeva a Durando il quale h piegava, la suggellava e vi scriveva sopra l'indirizzo. Ma prima che il chierico avesse compita h suddetta operazione, ecco dinanzi a lui una seconda lettera finita. II chierico si affrettava, ma nor ne aveva ancor finito l'indirizzo, che sopraggiungeva un terzo foglio, e cosí vía via per ore ed ore Quando finalmente veniva il momento di ritornare all'Oratorio, D. Bosco, ringraziato il Signore esclamava sorridendo, sen7a mostrarsi stanco: — Ecco il modo di sbrigar moltí affari! — E certa mente il numero di lettere ch'egli scriveva sembrerebbe ftavoloso se non vi fossero molti testimon di questa meraviglia» (MB V, 609-610). Parece que, en los últimos años de su vida, don Boscc confesó a don Barberis: «Oggi, come quasí tutti i giorni, alle due e un quarto dopo pranzo, erc gil al tavolino a lavorare; non mi sono mosso fino alle otto: eppure non ho potuto sbrigarmí d tuno. Ho ancora il tavolo coperto di lettere, che aspettano risposta. E non si puó dice che io val adagio nello scrivere. Ne fo passare del lavoro sotto le mie dita! Mi accorgo che a forza di pratid e dell'incalzarsi di una cosa sull'altra, ho acquistato una celeritá, che non so se possa darsi mag giore» (MB XII, 38-39).
Puestas estas premisas, parece más que legítimo preguntarse qué sentido tiene entonces afrontar la comprometida atención a un epistolario de este género.
1. La razón constitutiva del epistolario y de su edición crítica
¿Para qué, pues, tomarse tanta molestia? Porque cuando un hombre ha jugado un papel no indiferente en la «Historia» de su país, cuando su influencia ha alcanzado, viviendo todavía, a varias naciones y en el siglo siguiente prácticamente a todo el mundo, cuando las múltiples facetas de su personalidad han sido y siguen siendo todavía objeto de reflexión (y de esto este Congreso es una prueba clarísima) es importante poder disponer de instrumentos de análisis lo más completos y serios posible.
Ahora bien, para el conocimiento de don Bosco, de su figura moral, de las vicisitudes de su vida, de sus métodos de acción, ¿qué hay más seguro y completo que los miles de cartas que escribió a lo largo de más de 40 años? Tanto más que estamos ante un personaje que hizo del compromiso epistolar una de las ocupaciones principales de sus jornadas?
1.1. Un servido insustituible para el biógrafo y el historiador
El biógrafo y el historiador que van avanzando en su tarea se dan cuenta de que no se puede contar una vida sin la ayuda de materiales documentales, y el primero de todos, la correspondencia. Es verdad que cualquiera sabe que de las cartas no se puede esperar una historia exacta, sino más bien reflexiones fragmentarias, que necesitan integraciones y profundización. Un epistolario debe cribarse con el rigor crítico que se aplica comúnmente a cualquier otra fuente: así, por ejemplo, no se pueden minusvalorar los puntos flacos intrínsecos en toda correspondencia: el carácter personal, subjetivo, singular del testimonio, la transparencia inevitable del yo que podría inducir a engaño, la ausencia de elementos de contexto, etc.6 Pero esto no quita que cualquier intento serio de indagar con escrúpulo histórico la persona y la obra de un personaje nos exija un análisis atento de sus cartas, que es muchas veces el único modo de llegar a hechos u opiniones de valor decisivo.
Aunque se deben acoger con algunas legítimas reservas, he aquí algunos testimonios de los autores de las MB y de don Bosco mismo: «Le lettere da lui ricevute o spedite son incalcolabili. Tra la giornata e la notte ne scriveva e postillava fino a 250. Sbalordisce la moltitudine e la varietá delle materie sulle quali era obbligato a rispondere o a tratare [...]. Ne ricevette da ogni parte del mondo, e siamo persuasi che non vi ha quasi cittá in Europa nella quale non siano pervenute, qua poche, lá moltissime, delle sue lettere» (MB IV, 540-541). En la carta del 4 de julio 1881, don Bosco se dirigía al Cav. Carlo Faya en estos términos: «Scrivere a Lei mi é di moho sollievo in mezzo alle mie 500 lettere, cui vado in questo momento a cominciare la risposta». Ya viejo, confiaba melancólicamente a los suyos: «Certi giorni scrivevo anche piú di cento lettere» (MB XVII, 459). Cf. también nota precedente.
El epistolario de don Bosco, como es obvio, no escapa a esta regla. Considerado atentamente, mirado con múltiples métodos de investigación, convenientemente descodificado, constituye una fuente segura en la que se obtiene seguridad sobre hechos y circunstancias, razones de sus opciones y, con frecuencia,-la plena expresión de sus convicciones y de su espíritu. Cartas escritas currenti calamo en el paréntesis de un descanso sereno o en el ímpetu de una amargura cruel, en el impulso de un corazón alegre o bajo la opresión de un peligro inminente, casi permiten violar su privacy, de entrar en su habitación, de verlo sentado a la mesa de trabajo, fotografiarlo inmerso en problemas, dificultades, esperanzas, ideales. Puestas, como pretendo hacer, en estricto orden cronológico y, por tanto, en el aparente desorden de cartas de asuntos o de felicitación, de sugerencias espirituales o de petición de ayuda material, expresan al mismo tiempo la vida y el comentario de quien las ha escrito. Si pensamos que para el período más intenso de su actividad de educador habrá una media de una carta cada 3-4 días,' es fácil deducir que los biógrafos e historiadores podrán y deberán convertirse en asiduos estudiosos de un epistolario como éste.
He usado a propósito el tiempo futuro «podrán y deberán», porque, a pesar de la vastísima literatura publicada sobre don Bosco en estos cien arios que nos separan de su muerte, la historiografía sufre todavía la carencia de datos seguros, exhaustivos y definitivos (naturalmente en el sentido que asumen estos términos en las cuestiones históricas). La larga vida de don Bosco, la amplísima gama de sus actividades, la complicada serie de hechos en los que fue protagonista o en los que se vio implicado, esperan todavía hoy un no sencillo trabajo de verificación. Los mismos hechos que se refieren en las voluminosísimas Memorias biográficas exigen una comprobación sistemática, y las limitadas pero prometedoras investigaciones actuales en esa dirección han estimulado sólo la sed de ulteriores búsquedas.8 Una vez sabido de verdad «cómo han ido las cosas», para expresarnos con la áurea fórmula de Ranke, una vez precisados con cuidado los hechos, se podrá avanzar en la crítica histórica proponiéndose interrogantes historiográficos sustanciales y corrigiendo valoraciones, juicios y prejuicios debidos a aparente evidencia de causas y efectos, a subfondos documentales inseguros, cuando no falsos o ideológicos.9 Además, la riqueza de detalles ilumina por sí misma una serie de cuestiones muy delicadas y facilita una fuente de temas críticos y de observaciones que tal vez no puede decirse hoy que hayan sido enteramente utilizadas y agotadas.
6 «La correspondance est un matériau d'un maniement délicat, un témoignage trompeur malgré les apparences et qui reste nécessairement lacunaire, par défaut de conservation des envois et des réponses, par volonté expresse ou negllgence de l'auteur, á cause de diverses formes de censure, par le fait que rarissimes sont le lettres "sincéres". etc. Les correspondaces étant presque toujours tout sauf ce qu'on voudrait qu'elles fussent: un matériau fiable, á valeur documentaire, au premier degré...» (Préface di G. Ulysse a La correspondance 2 Actes du Colloque International, Aix-en-Provence. Université de Provence 1985, p. VI). De todas formas, es cierto que situaciones, sentimientos, emociones de la vida cotidiana y personal de don Bosco se pueden localizar mejor en sus cartas que en otros escritos, gracias a la disminución de aquella atenta vigilancia sobre los elementos de contenido y forma, a que normalmente don Bosco sometía los textos destinados a la imprenta.
7 Del decenio 1830-1840, se conserva sólo una minuta de carta escrita en un cuaderno durante el ario escolar 1835-1836. Del primer quinquenio de los años cuarenta quedan prácticamente pocas cartas, redactadas al final de 1845. El último texto ológrafo es del mes de diciembre de 1887. Resulta difícil hacer cálculos, aun aproximados, acerca de cuántas cartas haya podido escribir don Bosco durante su vida. Don Cenia afirmaba en 1933: «Le lettere di don Bosco pubblica te sono assai meno numerose di quelle che o andarono perdute o giacciono nell'oblio» (ME XIV, 556).
De modo que el motivo principal de interés ofrecido por el epistolario de don Bosco es precisamente el de darnos una notable documentación para ponerla en la base de la futura reconstrucción histórica, de modo que haga menos precisa o, si queremos, para completar la valoración de su compleja personalidad: y esto a través de la voz viva de su protagonista, grabada de un modo inmediato y vivo.
No creo que de la maciza aportación documental del epistolario en cantera, tuviera que salir una imagen radicalmente «otra» de la ya conocida en el círculo de sus mejores estudiosos, pero es indudable que el don Bosco que surge de las cartas se aparta más de lo que pudiera creerse del que presenta cierta literatura aún reciente. Una cosa es el don Bosco de los sueños, el don Bosco de los milagros y los prodigios, el don Bosco de lo «numinoso» y otra es el don Bosco «ferial» del carteo epistolar, que se presenta en clave de vida concreta y llena de problemas, de contradicciones e incertidumbres, en una longitud de onda muy de esta tierra. En sus cartas, don Bosco brilla, por decirlo así, con la luz de lo diario, sin ningún ropaje enigmático, que, aun sin quererlo, daría lugar a una rara atmósfera tejida de ambigua imprecisión.
1.2. Instrumento de trabajo para muchos estudiosos
Otro elemento no despreciable que ofrece la correspondencia en cuestión es el hecho de que la extraordinaria riqueza de relaciones sociales que vivió
8 Abrió los estudios, en esta perspectiva, el artículo de J. KLEIN - E. VALENTINI, Una rettiftcazione cronologica delle Memorie di san Giovanni Bosco, en «Salesianum» 17 (1955) 581-610. Recientemente se han publicado ensayos análogos en varios números de RSS. Puede verse, a este propósito, la comunicación de Desramaut en este mismo congreso.
9 Presenta un ejemplo de «revisión» de pasadas interpretaciones (necesitadas de correcciones) la comunicación de Tuninetti en este mismo Congreso sobre la larga y dolorosa controversia que tuvo don Bosco con mons. Lorenzo Gastaldi.
don Bosco, nos ofrece un panorama de la vida social, política, cultural, económica, eclesial de aquella segunda mitad del siglo pasado tan violentamente sacudida por contrastes de toda clase. La carta, todos lo saben, es un instrumento social y por tanto presenta la figura del que la escribe y de sus corresponsales en una situación determinada, frente a contingencias precisas, tanto personales como colectivas; por consiguiente, en su conjunto, puede darnos de algún modo el sabor de una época y elementos para tener un perfil más exacto de los personajes que se movieron en ella.
Sin que queramos asumir aquí el inútil cometido de apologista del epistolario, lanzado contra sus posibles detractores y como prueba de lo dicho hasta ahora, basta advertir la enorme variedad de sus destinatarios: autoridades civiles, como jefes de estado y de gobierno (Vittorio Emanuele II, Cavour, Rattazzi, Ricasoli, Minghetti, Lanza, Emperador de Austria...), personalidades eclesiásticas como papas, cardenales, obispos, superiores de institutos religiosos (Pío IX, León MI, card. Antonelli, Rosmini...), escritores y hombres de cultura (Tommaseo, Balbo, Pellico, Vallauri, padres de la «Civiltá Cattolica») aristócratas y exponentes de la nobleza piamontesa, florentina, romana, de Niza, París, Marsella, Barcelona, sudamericana, humildísimos bienhechores, clero diocesano, religiosos y religiosas, adultos y jóvenes de baja extracción social, etc. Ahora bien, aunque la correspondencia con esas personas se sitúa con mucha frecuencia en un ámbito estrictamente pecuniario, sin embargo permite distinguir a veces algunos aspectos de su personalidad y de su ambiente, pone de relieve la relación que entablan con don Bosco y deja captar su situación moral y espiritual.
Si nos preguntamos qué nos pueden decir las cartas de don Bosco, la respuesta podrá ser «muchísimo» o, al menos, muchas más cosas de lo que podríamos conocer sin ellas. El epistolario de don Bosco, en la forma crítica en la que va a editarse, nos da signos, no sólo de la dirección de la biografía y de la historia, sino también de la psicología y del psicoanálisis, de la economía y de la sociología, de la teología y de la espiritualidad, de la literatura y de la lengua,. de la historia local y de la política, de la genealogía y de la pedagogía.1° Podemos acercarnos a él según criterios de integración pluridisciplinar y convertir de ese modo en un lugar revelador de coordenadas epistemológicas de cultura y de civilización, al utilizarlo sincrónica y diacrónicamente, por caminos analíticos o sintéticos. Y, más aún, el epistolario de don Bosco podría facilitarnos apoyos documentales útiles y a veces indispensables para el salto de calidad en el conocimiento que se desea de don Bosco desde diversas vertientes y no sólo desde hoy.
" Los diversos significados y aspectos de un epistolario han sido objeto de discusión en diversos contextos. Por ejemplo en varios «quaderni di retorica e poetica», dirigidos por G. Folena, son recogidos recentísimos modelos: cf. La Lettere familiare I, Padova, Liviana Editrice 1985; para el área francesa, véase el citado coloquio internacional de Aix-en-Provence (La correspondance). Sobre algunas posibles lecturas de los escritos de don Bosco, y, por tanto, también de sus cartas, son útiles las sugerencias de R. FARINA, Leggere don Bosco oggi. Note e suggestioni metodologiche, en: P. BROCARDO (ed.), La formazione permanente interpella gli istituti religiosi, Leumann (Torino), Elle Di Ci 1976, p. 349-404.
En esta óptica, hasta los titubeos en la escritura, los errores de ortografía y de sintaxis, las frases tachadas pero aún descifrables, la frecuencia de formas idiomáticas, una vez decubiertas, en vez de estorbar, pueden servir para dar idea del nivel de aprendizaje de la lengua por parte del escritor, su capacidad de expresarse por escrito, pero en clave de «hablado», la forma literaria propia de una época, un ambiente, un personaje.
2. Los problemas fundamentales de método
Afirmada así la utilidad de la edición crítica en el taller, los problemas de método que se me han planteado son los comunes a todos los editores de epistolarios de amplio contenido. Se han dado muchos pasos en la ciencia y en el arte de editar cartas, pero aún hoy no se han fijado los principios editoriales (y tal vez no se fijen nunca) con absoluta certeza, dada la peculiaridad de cada epistolario." De todos modos, son tres las cuestiones: la recogida de textos, su transcripción, las diversas notas críticas e históricas.
Sin embargo, antes de exponer brevemente el modo con que ha sido resuelto cada uno de estos tres problemas en la edición que estamos preparando, creo que debo responder a una pregunta: ¿para quién se han recogido y se van a publicar estas cartas? Y esto, porque definir el público a quien se dirige significa adoptar un método en vez de otro. Si, en efecto, uno se propone agradar a los especialistas, hará falta darles minuciosa información y detalles, que el lector común no encuentra de ningún interés y que seguramente definirá como «pedantería» o «idolatría documental». Pero si se quitan esos
" Se siente el problema en todas las naciones. En el ámbito italiano, los títulos bibliográficos sobre el tema no son muy numerosos. De todos modos, se pueden consultar con provecho: M. MARTI, L'epistolario come «genere» e un problema editoriale, en: Studi e problemi di critica testuale. Convegno di Studi di Filologia Italiana, Bologna 1961, p. 203-208; entre las más útiles introducciones a colecciones de cartas, citamos la de E. Garin a: A. LABRIOLA, Epistolario 18611890, a cura di D. Dugini e R. Martinelli, Roma, Editori Riuniti 1983. En ámbito francés: PUBLICATIONS DE LA SOCIETÉ D'HISTOIRE LITIERAIRE DE LA FRANCE, Les éditions de corrispondances. Colloque 20 avril 1968, Paris, Librairie Armand Colin 1969; Écrire Publier Lire les correspondances. Actes du colloque international: «Les correspondances». Colloque 20 avril 1968, Paris, Librairie Armand Colin 1969; Écrire publier Tire les correspondances. Actes du colloque international: «Les correspondances». Publications de l'Université di Nantes 1983. En lengua inglesa: F. Bowas, Some principies for scholarly editions of nineteenth-century american authors, en «Studies in Bibliography» (1964) 223-228; G.T. TRANSELLE, Some principies for editorial apparatus, en «Studies in Bibliography» (1972) 41-88. Para autores de lengua alemana: S. SCHEIBE, Some notes on Letter editions: With special reference to german writers, en «Studies in Bibliography» (1986) 36-148. Recordamos que en Toronto (Canadá) tienen lugar, desde hace años, «simposios» de «editing texts», cuyas actas son publicadas regularmente.
elementos, el erudito podrá considerarlo como un intento de «popularización» y de «divulgación» que, por tanto, escapa totalmente a sus intereses.
Aesa pregunta ya he respondido en parte antes: el papel editorial que he adoptado es el de ofrecer un instrumento de trabajo exhaustivo y útil, lo más posible, a los investigadores y estudiosos de las diversas disciplinas. Se dirá: ¿Pero quién tiene necesidad de todas las anotaciones o explicaciones que preceden o siguen al texto de la carta? ¿Quién exige esa extrema escrupulosidad al texto que, a lo mejor, impide una lectura fluida? La respuesta es: «nadie». Pero el texto no se edita para una persona sola. Se publica para un gran número de personas, comprendidos los que no son especialistas de ninguna disciplina, los que conocen poco o no conocen nada de la historia de don Bosco y de los orígenes de la Congregación salesiana, los que no saben mucho de la situación social, politica, cultural, religiosa de Italia en el siglo XIX.
En otras palabras, intentaré ofrecer una edición crítica, erudita, científica, pero que no exduya el acceso del gran público, la lectura seguida del honrado lector, que no es necesariamente un estudioso o un ratón de biblioteca. Y como es siempre difícil resistir a la tentación de decir todo, es igualmente posible escribir poco para algunos y demasiado para otros. Como criterio general de redacción de las anotaciones descriptivas y explicativas, se recurrirá, más que a normas abstractas, a la experiencia de otros, a la comparación, al sentido de medida que nace del propósito de mantener aun tipográficamente en primer plano el documento de don Bosco y de limitar su ilustración a lo que pueda servir para entenderlo.
Pero volvamos a los principios editoriales de los que hablábamos.
2.1. La recensión ecdótica
Es inútil subrayar que tampoco para el editor del epistolario en cuestión se han dado las condiciones ideales de trabajo, es decir, todas las cartas autógrafas de don Bosco, todas las respuestas que recibió y los documentos que permiten comprender bien las cartas escritas y recibidas. Aunque no tengamos ningún derecho a plantear ninguna crítica a los que se aventuraron a publicar antes que nosotros las cartas de don Bosco, hay un hecho: que tanto los compiladores de las Memorias biográficas como don Cenia en el Epistolario editado por él12 procuraron asegurar el contenido de las cartas (y que se reveló, por
12 Los 19 volúmenes de las MB recogen en orden, no siempre cronológico, unas 2360 cartas. De éstas se sirvieron tanto G. Luzi (S.G. Bosco, Lettere scelte, Torino, Paravia 1945) como el octogenario E. Ceda, para su edición de los cuatro volúmenes del Epistolario di S. Giovanni Bosco (Torino, SET 1955-1959), en el que se recogen 2845 textos. Desgraciadamente, don Cena, a pesar de haber tenido en su manos temporalmente los originales de muchas cartas por concesión de los legítimos propietarios, casi en ningún caso indicó el lugar en que se encontraban dichos originales. Por eso el responsable de la edición crítica, en muchas de las cartas, tendrá que reproducir el
otra parte, no siempre impecable filológicamente) sin plantearse el problema del continente, es decir, del soporte de archivo que es el único que garantiza su autenticidad y su valor.
Por este motivo he comenzado por la regla de que no creo que se pueda poner en duda la legitimidad, es decir, ver personalmente los autógrafos o, por lo menos, sus fotocopias. Su búsqueda y recogida han ofrecido hasta ahora la abundante mies de más de 3.000," incluidas las de pocas líneas, a las que se deben añadir varios centenares de textos impresos no respaldados por el encuentro del manuscrito, pero garantizados por testigos dignos de fe.
No es éste el lugar para anticipar la historia de archivo ni la historia de la tradición manuscrita o impresa de las cartas. Basta decir que la tarea laboriosa de inventariar, las molestas clasificaciones, las fructíferas o decepcionantes investigaciones se hicieron, por ahora sobre todo en Italia, a partir de indicaciones de repertorios, afortunadas iniciativas personales, encuestas exploratorias en centenares de archivos y bibliotecas públicas y privadas, civiles y eclesiásticas, en familias a las que se llegó gracias a los medios de comunicación social. Evidentemente, no se ha descuidado recurrir al anuncio de esta pesquisa en marcha en revistas especializadas y a la sensibilización de todas las comunidades salesianas del mundo."
Dejo también de contar sabrosos o desconcertantes episodios de los que he sido testigo, de comentar actos de generosidad y de avaricia, de subrayar la destrucción de originales por incuria de los herederos o por exceso de devoción, de insinuar una pizca de diplomacia para tener al menos copia de manuscritos guardados por coleccionistas especialmente celosos ante el editor oficial. Ni gasto palabras para iluminar un aspecto no secundario de la investigación: el comercial, agudizado por el hecho de que muchos textos han pasado las fronteras originales y que el centenario ha animado la carrera y el precio de los autógrafos por parte de los anticuarios. Un nombre por todos: la famosa casa de subastas de Londres, Sothebys, puso hace unos arios en el catálogo y vendió dos cartas originales de don Bosco, probablemente de importancia no muy notable. A pesar de varios intentos, todavía hoy no he logrado localizarlas.
texto de su predecesor, sin poder verificar la completa fiabilidad del mismo. Además, de algunas cartas se conserva sólo un resumen (debido a una tradición parcial) o bien una simple noticia de su existencia. Fueron igualmente tomadas del epistolario de don Cenia las docenas de cartas publicadas en: G. Bosco, Scritti spfiltuali, 2 vol., a cura di J. Aubry, Roma, Cittá Nuova 1976 (recientemene reeditados en un solo volumen).
13 Con la convicción de que las cartas que se deben publicar en el primer volumen (relativas a los años 1835-1864) difícilmente se pueden encontrar en países extranjeros (que, por otra parte, son numerosos, y no sólo en Europa), la búsqueda sistemática se ha hecho, hasta ahora, sólo en territorio italiano. Prácticamente no ha habido un periódico o revista de amplia difusión, que no haya acogido la invitación a publicar la noticia de la búsqueda en curso. Las celebraciones del centenario de la muerte de don Bosco han contribuido también a difundir dicha noticia.
so
" Los originales o las fotocopias de las cartas inéditas, conservadas en el ASC actualmente n más de un millar. Un cierto número de las cuales son de relevante valor histórico.
El aún provisional censo ha puesto en evidencia, en todo caso, grandes vacíos cronológicos, la destrucción o pérdida definitivas de correspondencia autógrafa aun importante,15 la gravedad de los daños que pueden derivarse para el material epistolar y para la edición crítica íntegra de un epistolario por archivos privados de inventario preciso.
Las mayores colecciones de originales se encuentran en el archivo salesiano central, en el archivo secreto vaticano, en el archivo municipal de Turín, en el archivo central del Estado en Roma, en algunos archivos diocesanos, especialmente del que fue reino de Saboya.16
Los documentos llegados ofrecen un cuadro cualitativo de notable variedad diplomática: se va desde numerosas minutas hasta originales hológrafos, apócrifos con firma autógrafa en copias autenticadas de diversa forma, simples transcripciones de textos impresos, por desgracia no irreprensibles, a los que faltan los originales, y que habrá que aceptar por ello.
2.2. La edición del texto
El objetivo de una edición crítica es dar al lector un texto auténtico y cuidado, de modo que lo pueda utilizar cualquiera que tenga algún interés por él. Si no fuese así, aun el más minucioso y completo aparato editorial resultaría falto de valor.
Piénsese en la falta, casi total, de correspondencia con mons. Fransoni, bajo cuya jurisdicción don Bosco trabajó durante casi veinte años. Igualmente, no se ha podido consultar, hasta ahora, el archivo de la Casa Saboya; que debería custodiar escritos de mucho interés. Se han perdido, por una serie de circunstancias, cartas a autoridades del gobierno central. El traslado de la capital de Turín a Florencia, y de Florencia a Roma fue una de esas circunstancias, y no precisamente la más insignificante. Sería una empresa casi desesperada intentar recuperar el manuscrito original de las docenas de misivas enviadas a la familia Callori (afortunadamente ya publicadas, en gran parte).
16 Por lo que se refiere a la búsqueda de la correspondencia de don Bosco con el papa y con la curia romana, sólo en el archivo secreto vaticano se deben consultar centenares de fascículos esparcidos en una serie de fuentes: Segreteria di Stato, Epistulae latinae, Epistulae ad príncipes, Spogli Cardinali, Nunziatura di Torino, Brevi etc. Se deben añadir también los archivos de las Congregaciones romanas, cuyos fondos no- han confluido en dicho archivo secreto: Congregazione dei Vescovi e Regolari, Propaganda Fide, Indice etc. Teniendo presentes la amplitud y la organización de los fondos del archivo secreto vaticano, se puede comprender la complejidad de una investigación exhaustiva. He dado ya algún. paso en esta dirección; y algunos hallazgos han sido publicados en la revista del «Istituto Storico Salesiano» y en L'azione mediatrice di don Bosco nella questione delle sedi vescovili vacanti in Italia dal 1858 alta morte di Pio IX (1878), en el volumen: BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 251-328. También el ASC está en fase de reorganización y no se excluye la posibilidad de que se descubran nuevas cartas o indicaciones sobre las mismas. Por lo que se refiere al archivo histórico del ayuntamiento de Turín, no se esperan especiales sorpresas, ya que se ha realizado recientemente una investigación de cierta envergadura en varios fondos: cf. la introducción del reciente estudio (en tres partes): G. BRACCO (ed.), Torino e don Bosco, Torno,
Archivio Storico della Cittá di Torino 1989.
¿Cómo reproducir las cartas de don Bosco? Exactamente tal cual, sin modificaciones o intervenciones arbitrarias del editor: es decir, con los mismos criterios filológicos con los que se publicaría cualquier otro escrito de un autor. Si se tuviese que corregir desde el punto de vista historiográfico algún error, habría que recurrir a las «notas» del pie de página. La letra del educador piamontés, como muchos saben, supone algún problema de lectura: pero para el que la tiene ya como algo familiar, las dudas se reducen casi sólo a la elección entre una mayúscula y una minúscula, a descifrar una letra o una sílaba que parece (o tal vez es) una, pero que no puede ser más que otra, a interpretar una palabra que no se ve bien. Otra cosa es el problema, evidentemente, de destacar las muchas correcciones hechas por él o por otros en las minutas y a veces también en los originales.
En todo caso, nuestra edición, que no será de carácter diplomático (pero con las técnicas fotográficas modernas y para textos del siglo XIX, ¿tiene todavía sentido una transcripción diplomática?), reproducirá el texto de las cartas más filológicamente atendible, aunque «corregido» con los mínimos e indispensables retoques de puntuación y ortográficos, con el uso de cursiva para los títulos de las obras o para expresiones en otras lenguas, con la inclusión de evidentes lapsus calami (indicados siempre, por otra parte), y con diversa división en párrafos respecto al original.
2.3. Notas del editor
La articulación de las notas será la siguiente:
1) El texto de la carta irá precedido por notas descriptivas. En ellas se darán todas las informaciones relativas al manuscrito (o texto impreso) que se edita: posición de archivo, dimensiones, posible color del papel y de la tinta, condiciones de conservación, señas especiales, timbres postales, tipología diplomática, ediciones anteriores aparecidas en las Memorias biográficas o en el Epistolario editado por don Cenia, breve resumen de la carta. Naturalmente, queda siempre la posibilidad de que don Bosco no haya enviado la carta.
2) El aparato de las variantes se situará inmediatamente después del texto de la carta y de la dirección correspondiente. En los casos en que se tenga la minuta de la carta, se la cotejará con el autógrafo original o el hológrafo, y por tanto el aparato crítico presentará todas las variantes. La honradez exige que digamos enseguida que en casi todo los casos, más que de interesantes desarrollos de ideas o de nuevas aportaciones sustanciales, se trata de añadidos o supresiones de interés limitado, o bien de correcciones formales de evidente poco valor literario. Deseamos que un conjunto de variantes de este género no constituya un solitario monumento a la pedante obsesión del editor, sino que pueda convertirse en un posible instrumento de análisis lingüístico y de mejor conocimiento del personaje don Bosco.
3) Finalmente, seguirán las anotaciones históricas que, dada la naturaleza del epistolario en cuestión, se colocarán sobre todo en la línea:
— de la biografía, en relación con los numerosísimos corresponsales o personajes citados, desconocidos con frecuencia no sólo en los repertorios nacionales, sino hasta en los regionales o locales;
— de los archivos, por las respuestas a cada carta o para otros documentos a los que se alude. Ayudará notar aquí que quien no se sienta interesado podrá pasar por alto determinadas alusiones, expresiones o modos de hablar que, en cambio, interesarán a quien esté más al tanto de las «cosas secretas» de los que pertenecen a la familia espiritual de don Bosco;
— de las crónicas o historiografía local, por los acontecimientos en marcha, sus antecedentes y consecuencias.
Después del cotejo de textos, el mayor problema lo constituye su ilustración oportuna y precisa. El peligro al que se aludía está en aplastar bajo el peso de anotaciones excesivas el texto de la carta, que es el moven de una edición. Subordinando, como es justo, mi cometido al del escritor, querría llegar a dar sistemáticamente todas las aclaraciones indispensables y nada más. Está claro que, en relación con esa indispensabilidad, las opiniones son diversas. Con todo, como mucho, las notas históricas o de explicación servirán para identificar al destinatario, a los personajes y los lugares que se citan, para justificar posibles propuestas de fechas, para explicar palabras o expresiones de difícil comprensión a un lector corriente de nuestros días, para informar sobre algunos lugares, ambientes, situaciones que resultarían incomprensibles a un público no únicamente italiano o que ofrezcan su difícil localización por parte de los mismos estudiosos.
Se dejarán para quien esté dotado de especial competencia los análisis lingüísticos y estéticos, las interpretaciones históricas, los juicios de valor, la biografía crítica de don Bosco. En cambio, nos aprovecharemos de esas notas para dar in extenso, en extractos o en síntesis, las cartas a don Bosco, en el caso en que pudiesen servir para comprender mejor las de don Bosco. Del mismo modo se hará con muchos de los documentos de cierto valor, como promemorias, billetes, escritos de diversa naturaleza que, aun sin ser cartas propiamente dichas,'' parezca importante publicarlas con el epistolario. En el caso de excesiva extensión, podrá servir para este fin un apéndice documental.
'7 Por «carta» entendemos una comunicación escrita de un individuo a otro, con una fecha y un lugar de proveniencia, un lugar de destino, un característico comienzo (incipit) y un saludo condusivo, seguido de la firma.
3. Conclusión
Desde hace tiempo me planteo una cuestión de relieve no pequeño acerca del plan metodológico: ¿debo esperar a recoger todas las cartas antes de comenzar a publicar el epistolario? Aparte del hecho de que ninguna publicación de este género podrá decirse que está completa nunca, porque las investigaciones nunca serán suficientemente extensas, me inclino a responder a la pregunta negativamente por el hecho de que si espero a tener todas las cartas, probablemente no las publicaré jamás. La dificil situación actual en decenas de bibliotecas y archivos, por no decir la imposibilidad de identificar a los herederos o descendientes de los destinatarios de cientos de manuscritos, son la demostración más tangible de que podrán aparecer cartas de don Bosco del modo y en el lugar menos pensados."
De todos modos, el hecho no debería crear problema: será siempre posible añadir suplementos y, gracias a los índices, situar cada carta en la misma secuencia cronológica seguida en los textos que estaban disponibles en el momento de la edición de cada uno de los volúmenes. Por lo demás, no creo que se dé mejor publicidad que la misma publicación.
El editor del epistolario es perfectamente consciente de su falta de adecuación para este cometido, no fácil, que se le ha encomendado y de su temeridad al aceptarlo. La única cualificación especial que puede ostentar es la de la edad, que le debería permitir, Deo volente, llevar a término la obra en la que se ha embarcado, y que desea que se convierta en una aportación preciosa para una interpretación bien cimentada del significado histórico, en la Iglesia y en la sociedad, de la personalidad y la obra de un hombre que se llamó don Bosco.
18 Una prueba de ello es que nos han llegado ya cartas de ambientes y Es en los que era difícil sospechar la presencia de autógrafos de don Bosco: Madagascar, Canadáe,tados Unidos de América, Guatemala, Checoslovaquia etc. No siempre el destinatario de tales cartas residía en aquellas localidades; a veces los originales fueron llevados allí por misioneros que, de modos diversos, habían llegado a hacerse con ellos.
LA SITUACIÓN Y LA UTILIZACIÓN DEL ARCHIVO SALESIANO CENTRAL
Raffaele FARINA
1. Breves noticias históricas sobre el Archivo desde sus comienzos hasta 1972'
Entre los primeros escritos de don Bosco encontramos un Regolamento per gli oratori festivi, compuesto entre 1847 y 1852, del que se conserva el manuscrito. Todo el capítulo IX está dedicado al Archivero o Escribano.' Este tenía, según se lee en él, el cometido de guardar los libros de registro, tener bajo llave la música del Oratorio, cuidar la pequeña biblioteca de libros escogidos para la juventud, anotar nombre y domicilio del que llevaba en préstamo algún libro y vigilar para que no se perdiese ninguna cosa de propiedad del Oratorio. Se trata en sustancia de una serie de disposiciones tomadas de otros reglamentos y que quedaron en los oratorios de don Bosco, según parece, en letra muerta. Los archivos de las obras salesianas surgieron, sin embargo, de un modo empírico y con documentación abundante. Don Bosco solía conservar lo que consideraba importante para la gestión y el recuerdo de los hechos: sus cartapacios escolares, listas de jóvenes, relación de confirmados, de misas, finiquitos con impresores; el teólogo Giovanni Borel, su primer colaborador ya en 1846, llevaba y guardaba la contabilidad. Después don Vittorio Alasonatti empezó a recoger listas de aceptación, de gaátos e ingresos, de rendimiento escolar.
No se trata todavía del Archivo de la Congregación, pero se insinúa ya. A los papeles que se producían por la actividad oficial y social se añadían testimonios diversos sobre las actividades del Fundador. Ya en los años 1860-61, los jóvenes miembros de la naciente Congregación religiosa (entre ellos, Ruffino, Bonetti, Francesia, Rua y otros) se sintieron obligados a formar una comisión para apuntar los hechos que parecían extraordinarios y las palabras de
Debo la redacción de este trabajo a la generosa y fiel colaboración de don Vendel Fenyó.
Cf. P. STELLA, Archivio Centrale Salesiano, en: L. PASZTOR, Guida alíe fonti per la stork dell'America Latina negli archivi della Santa Sede e negli archivi ecclesiastici d'Italia, Cittá del Vaticano 1970, 521; V. FENYÓ, L'Archivio Salesiano Centrale, en RSS 4 (1985) 149-151.
Véase la edición de 1877 en: OE XXIX, 49-50; cf. también: MB III, 104.
su superior y padre, para que «nulla di quello che appartiene a Don Bosco cadesse im oblio».4
El Archivo sigue las vicisitudes y el desarrollo de la joven Congregación y de la Casa Madre de Turín-Valdocco. Se le destinó un local a propósito, no siempre suficientemente espacioso, pero bueno. El responsable fue desde el comienzo el Secretario general de la Congregación. No se tienen rastros de algún reglamento u opúsculo que nos ilustre sobre aquél. El cuarto sucesor de San Juan Bosco, don Pietro Ricaldone, dedica un número de las «Atti del Capitolo Superiore» a los archivos. En él se extiende hablando de los archivos de las casas salesianas. Se detiene en los archivos inspectoriales y se limita a nombrar sólo el «Archivio Generale della Congregazione».5
En la etapa posterior a la última guerra maduró la idea de una reordenación completa del Archivo (fue ocasión de que se cambiase el nombre en «Archivio Centrale Salesiano»). Se le dotó de estanterías metálicas y sobre todo de un nuevo titulario, inspirado en el sistema decimal. El alma de la empresa fue don Tomás Bordas. El preparó el nuevo plan de clasificación, que tenía que servir indistintamente a las bibliotecas y a los archivos.6 Tal vez en vista de su utilización eri las bibliotecas, se incluyeron en el nuevo plan muchos temas, preparados con meticuloso cuidado, que comprometieron, al menos parcialmente, el ordenamiento esencialmente archivero, según la naturaleza de los contenidos: muchos materiales, en efecto, se sacaron del encartamiento en el que debían haber figurado y fueron colocados en posiciones extrañas (expedientes de cada superior, papeles diversos enviados por los diferentes dicasterios a la Secretaría general de Consejo superior, etc.). Así, desde el principio, se trastocó el criterio de archivo de proveniencia y hasta de cronología del material de papeles, que se depositaba a veces semanalmente en el Archivo. Este fue absorbiendo lentamente y confundiendo en uno solo el Archivo de «diario» y el histórico de una Congregación que ya tenía dimensiones mundiales.
Durante su vida más que secular, el Archivo ha tenido diversas denominaciones. Al principio se usaba indistintamente el término «Archivio della Congregazione» o «Archivio Salesiano».. Desde los primeros decenios de este siglo se habla del «Archivio del Capitolo Superiore», expresión que se encuentra en la mayor parte de los papeles conservados hasta 1972. De 1951 a 1985 ha llevado el nombre de «Archivio Centrale Salesíano»7 y al entrar en vigor el Rego
• mB VI, 861-863; VII, 129.
• ACS (1943) n. 120, 279.
6 Cf. T. BORDAS, La clasificación decimal aplicada a la Congregación Salesiana para sus bibliotecas y archivos, en «Boletín de la Dirección General de Archivos y Bibliotecas» 2 (1953) 14, 13-16.
• A decir verdad, el volumen de don Torras (cf. nota 13) lleva ya la denominación «Archivio Salesiano Centrale». Sin embargo, parece que el cambio (que se ha introducido con el fin de evitar la confusión con la misma sigla usada por la publicación periódica «Atti del Capitolo Superiore» [ACS]) llegó a ser oficial sólo en 1985.
lamento, el de «Archivio Salesiano Centrale».8
Bajo la dependencia del Secretario general del Consejo superior (hoy «Consejo general») se han sucedido, desde el tiempo de don Bosco hasta hoy, los siguientes archiveros en la dirección del Archivo Salesiano Central: 9
1. Don Gioacchino Berto (1847-1914): Secretario de don Bosco hasta 1882. Le ayudaban en su trabajo de archivero don Michele Rua, don Angelo Lago, don Giuseppe Lazzero, don Francesco Dalmazzo y otros. También don Carlo Viglietti (1864-1915), que le sucedió en 1882 como secretario de don Bosco, fue colaborador suyo en la recogida y ordenamiento cuidadoso de los escritos que se referían a la Congregación Salesiana.
2. Don Giovanni Schlápfer (1884-1946): siendo clérigo estudiante ayudaba a don Berto y, apenas ordenado sacerdote el 20 de julio de 1913, a las órdenes de don Calogero Gusmano, secretario del Consejo superior (1912-1935), sucedió a don Berto como archivero. Catalogó el Archivo con la ayuda del señor Giuseppe Balestra (1868-1942), secretario particular de don Rua. Don Schlápfer, aun con criterios empíricos, elaboró un cuidadoso ordenamiento del Archivo, alterado después por su sucesor. Fue responsable del Archivo hasta
1946.
3. Don Tomás Bordas (1889-1968): trabajó en el Archivo desde 1926 y tomó la dirección en 1946, cuando murió don Schlápfer. Le ayudaron en el Archivo don Johann Birkenbiehl y don Luigi Tavano. Se le recuerda por la primera redacción sistemática de un titulario del Archivo, inspirado en la clasificación decimal de Dewey y por haber colaborado en el traslado de la parte más importante del Archivo a los subterráneos de la basílica de María Auxiliadora de Turín, para sustraerla a la posibilidad de destrucción en los bombardeos aéreos de la ciudad durante la segunda guerra mundial.
4. Don Pietro Stella, apreciado estudioso de don Bosco, estuvo con don Bordas en 1961 y dirigió el Archivo hasta 1965. Se dedicó especialmente a la organización y clasificación del «Fondo Don Bosco», de cuyo conocimiento cuidadoso proceden sus conocidos trabajos históricos sobre don Bosco.
5. Actualmente, aunque con el grado de vicedirector desde 1985, dirige desde 1965 el Archivo don Vendel Fenyó, con la ayuda, desde hace algunos años, de don Tarcisio Valsecchi y, recientemente, de don Jaroslav Polácek y de don Ambrogio Park. Debernos recordar también aquí la dirección durante dos años (1980-1981), breve, pero eficaz de don Ugo Santucci.i°
8 ACG 66 (1985) n. 314, 48-56.
9 A. MART/N, Jaén en los archivos de Roma: Instituciones giennenses en el Archivo Central Sa
lesiano, en «Boletín del Instituto de Estudios Giennenses» 90 (1976) 6-7.
" Cf. Elenco Salesiani Don Bosco 1980/1981, vol. I, p. 11-12 (Sectores y actividades de la
Casa generalicia).
2. La problemática que se plantea después del traslado a Roma (1972)
En 1972 la «Direzione Generale Opere Don Bosco» pasa de Turín a Roma, en una nueva sede (via della Pisana, 1111, contigua al «Grande Raccordo Anulare»), llevando consigo también el Archivo. El traslado y la nueva sistematización tuvieron lugar, sin inconvenientes, en pocos meses. La mayor parte de los documentos se colocó en estanterías metálicas, en contenedores «Resisto», en un local, al menos por ahora, suficientemente amplio, climatizado con una temperatura de 20° y humedad de 50°.
La falta de espacio obligó enseguida a una opción que, al fin y al cabo, se demostró de utilidad, como fue la de sacar del Archivo la llamada «Biblioteca storica» de Turín-Valdocco, que encontró, también ella, con la creación del «Istituto Storico Salesiano» en 1982, y en 1985, con la sistematización de la biblioteca de la «Casa Generalizia», su ubicación definitiva. No hay que silenciar aquí el hecho deplorable de que, en esta separación, hecha sin un debido control, se han perdido algunos ejemplares de obras que formaban parte de la llamada «Biblioteca di Don Bosco», es decir, la biblioteca que usó el santo durante su vida. A esto debe añadirse el hecho de que buena parte de esta llamada «Biblioteca di Don Bosco» quedó todavía en Turín-Valdocco, separada de la otra parte trasladada a Roma.
Este ha sido uno de los problemas que el responsable del Archivo, al llegar a Roma, en los años de la gran crisis, debió afrontar. La problemática fue hecha presente repetidamente por don Fenyii, sobre todo en 1973, aun con su discreción característica, en un memorándum y apuntes, que conocen los que en los últimos veinte años han tenido relación con el Archivo o se han ocupado de algún modo en estudios sobre nuestro Fundador y sobre la Congregación salesiana.° He aquí sintéticamente algunos de los problemas planteados:
1. La clasificación decimal, realizada en 1951, tuvo el mérito de facilitar la búsqueda del material por argumentos y personas, pero sin salvaguardar suficiente y adecuadamente el principio en archivos, de la procedencia del material. Por ello no reflejaba la historia, como habría debido, ni las estructuras y competencias del tema del que recogía y ordenaba el material documenta1.12
2. El plan de clasificación, redactado con estos criterios de división decimal, no tenía en cuenta la división que se usaba en los Archivos de las casas
" Cf. por ejemplo: V. FENYÓ, L'Archivio Centrale: difficoltá nella consultazione (15 aprile 1973); ID., I problemi del titolario nell'Archivio Centrale Salesiano (2 maggio 1973). Cf. también:
J. HOMOLA, La funzione della Segreteria generale di una Casa generalizia in rapporto coll'Archivio, in modo particolare con quello corrente (Lavoro di studio presentato nella Scuola di Archivistica dell'Archivio Segreto Vaticano 1973). Este trabajo, redactado por un salesiano, se refiere a la situación del Archivo de la Casa generalicia salesiana.
Leyendo el trabajo citado en la nota 6, se ve claramente que el criterio adoptado por don Bordas en la recogida y ordenación del material fue el de una «Oficina de Prensa» bien equipada.
Merece la pena recordar que, cuando asumió el cargo de archivero, don Bordas procedía precisamente de ese tipo de oficina.
generalicias, es decir, la división en los tres núcleos tradicionales de generalia, provincialia, personalia, aunque éstos se podían deducir sin gran dificultad del conjunto de voces.
3. La consulta era difícil por falta de instrumentos de descripción y búsqueda. El único instrumento era el titulario, de cuyos defectos ya hemos hablado antes.
4. El material del archivo no estaba dividido con criterio único. Mucho material del mismo tipo se encontraba en diversas secciones.
5. El fichado del material estaba y está a medias. En algunas partes o secciones, está bien hecho. En otras, menos. Por estos motivos y por los apuntados en el n. 3, la consulta exige que el archivero dedique mucho tiempo a la búsqueda para el servicio del investigador-estudioso o que permita al estudioso la búsqueda directa del material, lo que es inadmisible.
6. Faltaba el reglamento del Archivo y esto creaba problemas a los que apenas hemos hecho referencia; y otros, como el ingreso de material de los despachos en el Archivo y el de la clasificación de ese material.
7. Algunos de los problemas del Archivo eran fruto de la insuficiente organización de los despachos, que producen documentos destinados después al Archivo.
3. La reproducción del «Fondo Don Bosco» sobre microfichas (1979-1980)
La sección del Archivo que se refiere al Fundador, continuamente consultada hoy, como lo fue desde el principio de la Congregación, requiere la máxima atención. Por eso se pensó conservar su integridad recurriendo al microfilme. El trabajo lo realizó entre junio de 1979 y jimio de 1980 el sacerdote salesiano español don Alfonso Torras. Se trata de 2.322 microfichas (150 x 104 mm.), cada una de las cuales contiene 60 fotogramas. Lo que quiere decir 139.151 páginas de documentos reproducidos.
Para una adecuada utilización de este Fondo microfilmado se procedió a la numeración de los papeles uno por uno, para su colocación vertical y horizontal sobre la microficha: 5 filas de 12 fotogramas por fiCha. Después se impuso hacer el índice o catálogo para identificar cada documento situado en la ficha. Este último paciente trabajo de don Torras se publicó después impreso en 629 páginas.° La consulta de este Fondo raicrofilmado es posible, no sólo en el Archivo Salesiano Central, sino también en muchas instituciones salesianas del mundo que adquirieron copias."
13 ARCHIVIO SALESIANO CENTRALE, Fondo don Bosco. Microschedatura e descrizione, a cura di A. Torras, Roma, Direzione Generale Opere Don Bosco 1980.
" A. Torras, a petición de algunas Inspectorías salesianas, realizó, entre. 1980 y 1982, una segunda serie de microfichas (149.090 fotogramas) de las que, desgraciadamente, no ha publicado la guía.
La realización de tal empresa, aun con defectos debidos a la organización no completa del Archivo, merece un sincero agradecimiento. No sólo ha logrado el fin que se propuso de salvaguardar para la posteridad un tesoro precioso de los avatares del tiempo (guerras, incendios, terremotos, etc.) y del uso diario para su consulta, sino que lo ha puesto prácticamente a disposición de los estudiosos de todo el mundo, que no siempre tienen la posibilidad de poder consultar en Roma los originales.
Precisamente un uso más fácil de este Fondo microfilmado hace pensar en su segunda edición, cuando se haga la programación en ordenador del «Fondo Don Bosco». Se podrá entonces hacer aparecer sobre cada ficha la signatura propia de cada documento y facilitar una guía para la consulta más accesible intuitivamente."
4. La sistematización reciente del Archivo (1984-1988)
La iniciativa de la reproducción del «Fondo Don Bosco» sobre microfichas es un ejemplo que muestra un nuevo clima.
Los Capítulos generales, a partir del Especial de 1970-1971, habían hecho una invitación a la renovación y dado un estímulo al estudio del espíritu del Fundador y de los orígenes y, por consiguiente, a la valoración de todo lo que se recibió por escrito. Se pueden recordar, como más salientes, la refundación, en 1972, en la Universidad Pontificia Salesiana, del «Centro Studi Don Bosco», que fue consecuencia del Capítulo General Especial (cf. Actas n. 186),16 y la fundación, en 1982, en la Casa generalicia del «Istituto Storico Salesiano», de acuerdo con la deliberación del Capítulo general 21° de 1977-78 (Actas n. 105ss.)."
La exigencia de búsqueda y de estudio del Instituto Histórico Salesiano, apenas nacido, dieron el impulso definitivo a la reciente sistematización del Archivo, en cuya preparación y puesta en marcha he participado de manera activa y directa. Esto se hizo en tres etapas: la preparación y promulgación del Reglamento, la preparación de su «informatización», la misma «informatización».
15 Se pueden ver algunas indicaciones sobre la organización del «Fondo don Bosco» en: P. STELLA, Gli scritti a stampa di S. Giovanni Bosco, Roma, LAS 1977, p. 15-16.
16 Cf. Atti del Capitolo Generale Speciale XX, 457; R. FARINA, Leggere don Bosco oggi: note e suggestioni metodologiche, en: P. BROCARDO (ed.), La formazione permanente interpella gli istituti religiosi, Leumann (Torino), Elle Di Ci 1976, p. 356.
17 Cf. el primer número de RSS 1 (1982).
4.1. El Reglamento del Archivo Salesiano Central (24 de Mayo de 1985) 18
Promulgado con carta del Rector Mayor, dirigida al Secretario general,' el Reglamento del Archivo contiene su programa de reestructuración, que se está llevando a efecto desde hace tres años y que se puede decir que está sustancialmente acabado, si se prescinde del hecho de que la inclusión en ordenador de todo el material del Archivo llevará un buen número no determinado de años.
Me parece oportuno destacar aquí algunos de los contenidos más importantes:
1. La constitución de un grupo de archiveros, debidamente preparados, guiados por un director y un vicedirector, que se ocupan de la ordenación, clasificación e inventario, codificación e «informatización», además de la conservación de la documentación contenida en el Archivo (art. 4-14). Hasta este momento, toda -la responsabilidad y el trabajo gravaban, casi exclusivamente, sobre las espaldas de una sola persona.
2. La división del material documental, hecha por razones de tipo práctico, en cuatro secciones: Archivo histórico, Archivo de depósito, Archivo corriente y Archivo de procesos reservados (art. 15-16).
3. La reglamentación detallada de la consulta del Archivo (art. 17-27). En la carta de promulgación, el Rector Mayor determina la apertura del Archivo a la consulta de todos los estudiosos que lo soliciten, ateniéndose a las normas del Reglamento, hasta 1931, año de la muerte del tercer sucesor de don Bosco.
4. El programa de organización de la documentacion contenida en el Archivo, que contempla, sobre todo: 1) censo de todos los documentos (registro y sellado); 2) recogida de cada documento en cajas numeradas y asignación de un código de clasificación, que hace referencia al plan de clasificación del Archivo, y de un número de colocación, que determina la identidad de cada documento; 3) la entrada de cada documento en el Archivo; 4) la clasificación.
" Cf. ACG (1985) 48-49. El Reglamento está a continuación de la carta (p. 50-56). Al hacerse alusión a este Reglamento en el manual para el Inspector (L'Ispettore Salesiano: un ministero per l'animazione e il governo della comunta ispettoriale, Roma, Direzione Generale Opere Don Bosco 1987), el Apéndice 13 (p. 547-558) confirma y pone al día las indicaciones para los archivos inspectoriales y locales dadas por don Ricaldone en 1943 (cf. nota 5).
" Sin embargo, como no ha sido completamente resuelto todavía el problema del «protocolo» único para todos los sectores de de la Casa generalicia (ni existe, por otra parte, un Reglamento que prescriba, entre otras cosas, un modo más o menos uniforme de entregar los expedientes cerrados), el Archivo Central continúa teniendo, en un lugar contiguo, un archivo que es, al mismo tiempo, depósito y archivo corriente (Reg., art. 15, par. 3-4).
4.2. La preparación para el ordenador
Este importante trabajo procedió, con todas las cautelas debidas al ser de los primeros en este campo, en tres frentes al mismo tiempo. Ante todo, se tuvo que preparar el Archivo como tal a tan importante empresa. Se trataba de resolver el antiguo problema de la separación del Archivo histórico del Archivo corriente. Esto se hizo: 1) reduciendo las entradas de los despachos al Archivo a los establecidos en el Reglamento (Re g. art. 36) cada seis o doce años y, en todo caso, cuando los procesos están concluidos y, por tanto, no sacarlos de nuevo del Archivo ni «hincharlos»;20 2) extrayendo, con un trabajo que ha durado en total unos dos años, todas las carpetas y la documentación de los hermanos salesianos vivos, para formar un Archivo corriente a propósito, del todo nuevo, situado en un local contiguo y dependiente de la Secretaría general y, de todos modos, del todo independiente y fuera del Archivo Salesiano Central; 3) numerando todas las cajas que contienen los documentos,2' de modo que se le pueda asignar a cada uno de ellos un número propio individual que hace referencia a la caja y a la «camisa» o sobre en la que se encuentra.
La asignación de una sigla alfanumérica individual exclusiva de colocación a cada documento distingue a este último de cualquier otro y es el medio para encontrarlo en la masa de documentos conservados (cerca de 2.500.000). La búsqueda deberá hacerse no ya como hasta ahora, haciendo referencia local a la clasificación, sino a través del ordenador, haciendo referencia a la colocación. Por lo que las diligencias que han entrado no se desmembrarán poniendo los documentos en cajas distintas según la clasificación recibida, sino que quedarán íntegras como fueron depositadas y recibirán la sigla de colocación por medio de la cual se podrán encontrar. Así será posible consultar, según las normas habituales y con las ventajas de que cada historiador conoce la documentación exactamente como entró en el Archivo.
Mientras tanto se había elaborado un sistema, único para el Archivo y para la Secretaría general, mediante la asignación de un código alfanumérico (con no más de seis letras o cifras) tanto a las casas como a los hermanos salesianos desde el comienzo de la Congregación hasta hoy. Era el primer paso para la redacción del plan de clasificación de los documentos. Éste recibió su última
20 Esto ha exigido un largo trabajo de compulsación y revisión de los nombres de los hermanos, vivos y difuntos, cada uno de los cuales — para evitar todo tipo de confusiones y de equívocos futuros — está contraseñado con un propio y exclusivo «codice alfanumerico» (no más de 6 cifras o letras). El «codice» (por ej. 78A001) comienza con dos cifras y una letra que se refieren al año de entrada en la Congregación (78A = 1878; 78B = 2078 etc.); siguen tres cifras, con las cuales son señalados progresivamente, de uno en adelante (001, 002, 003 etc.), los hermanos que en tal año entraron en la Congregación.
21 La numeración de las cajas va de A000 a A999 en el primer millar; de Z000 a Z999 en el 25° millar. En la numeración del 26° al 50° millar se pasa la letra al final: 000A-999A, 000Z-999Z.
redacción el 31 de mayo de 1988 y constituye el punto de referencia para el fichado a través del ordenador del Archivo Salesiano Central.
Mientras que en el plan anterior los títulos eran diez, ahora se han convertido en veintitrés. Empiezan con una letra del alfabeto, excepto los que se refieren a los hermanos, que empiezan, en cambio, por una cifra.
4.3. El proceso por ordenador
Sí el Archivo hubiese tenido las vicisitudes y dificultades normales en cualquier otro Archivo, si se hubiese podido disponer de un fichado suficiente del mismo, tal vez no nos habríamos embarcado en la aventura del proceso del mismo por ordenador. Es tal que, al principio, descorazona a cualquiera. Pero no nos hemos arrepentido, aunque el camino que hay que recorrer es largo. Lo sería más todavía si quisiésemos usar los medios tradicionales para la gestión de un Archivo así.
Preparado el plan y fijada la colocación y numeración de los documentos, después de algunos meses de rodaje, se comenzó la memorización (input) para cada documento (que puede ser un simple folio de apuntes o un conjunto de hojas o páginas), de los siguientes datos: Colocación, Clasificación, Tipo de documento, Fecha, Lugar de origen, Autor/ es, Destinatario/ s, Título/Resumen, Soporte, N. de hojas/páginas, Presentación, Autenticidad (Originales/Autógrafos), Publicación (Si/No), Claves de búsqueda (hacen referencia al plan de clasificación: 32 posibilidades).
El número de los documentos, calculados sobre la base de 6.700 cajas existentes en el Archivo, cada una de las cuales contiene una media de 400 documentos, es aproximadaMente de 2.500.000. Calculando el número de las voces por cada documento y la amplitud de algunas de ellas (por ej.; Título/Resumen, claves de búsqueda...) se puede uno hacer idea del trabajo y vastedad de la tarea emprendida. Se ha dado comienzo a la memorización del «Fondo Don Bosco»: se trata de casi 30.000 documentos y se acabará sólo dentro de cinco años.
Las ventajas de este sistema son los que presenta cualquier fichado (censo,
ordenación, colocación, clasificación) y con ahorro de personal, rapidez, exactitud y posibilidad de un tipo de búsqueda (unívoca o cruzada con dos o más voces o campos) impensable con los sistemas tradicionales. Se garantiza además la seguridad de encontrar cualquier documento memorizado en un 99%.
Mientras se avanza en esta tarea, el Archivo permanece abierto a la consulta de los estudiosos, y los archiveros, aun con este grave compromiso, se prestan generosamente a ayudarles a encontrar la documentación que precisan y, con frecuencia, en su lectura e interpretación. Y mientras tanto, me es grato reiterar desde este prestigiosa tribuna esa disponiblidad, y pido comprensión para posibles descuidos y, sobre todo, retrasos.
DON BOSCO
EN LA IGLESIA Y EN LA SOCIEDAD
DON BOSCO Y LA IGLESIA EN EL MUNDO DE SU TIEMPO Émile POULAT
La Iglesia vive y ha vivido en el presente. Pero no está presa en él: el presente no es su limite ni su horizonte; es más bien su condición. Según la fórmula del Vaticano II, la Iglesia se sitúa «en el mundo de este tiempo», el nuestro contemporáneo, que camina al paso de los hombres que lo modelan.
Decir don Bosco es decir el siglo pasado, su tiempo, difícil para la Iglesia, y en ese aspecto muy parecido al nuestro y, sin embargo, muy diverso. Otro mundo, del que no podemos darnos idea de verdad. Un mundo desaparecido bajo el embate de dos guerras mundiales y de presionantes transformaciones técnicas.
Don Bosco y la Iglesia en el mundo de su tiempo: no querría ponerme a repetir aquí lo que los historiadores conocen hasta demasiado bien, quiero decir, las peripecias del gran conflicto entre la Iglesia romana y la sociedad moderna, el sentimiento de incompatibilidad que las pone una contra la otra con la misma intransigencia, sin conciliación o reconciliación imaginables. La inteligencia y la generosidad que una situación como ésa suscita entre los católicos para no dejarse abatir, para reconquistar el terreno perdido y volver a poner en su sitio las cosas en lo que sea posible.
Pretendo trazar alguna pista de reflexión y de investigación en niveles más modestos, sobre los que la investigación se ha aventurado todavía demasiado poco.
1. El contexto
La historia política y la religiosa se han mostrado sensibles a las fuerzas que venían enfrentándose y a los conflictos internos y exteriores que resultaban de esa oposición. Menos atención se ha prestado, en cambio, a los intereses y a todo lo que constituía la puesta en juego de esa lucha, excepto en sus traducciones ideológicas. Puede servirnos de ayuda una categoría, un término que no es nuevo, que es, al contrario, una categoría corriente y clásica: la de cultura, civilización.
Hoy estamos ya bastante sensibilizados ante el pluralismo de las culturas y la historia de las civilizaciones. La curiosidad antropológica y la evolución internacional nos han ayudado en este sentido.
Recordamos que hubo una era de cristiandad y un sueño de civilización cristiana, reactualizados de Lamennais a Maritain, si podemos decirlo así. El encuentro del cristianismo y estas civilizaciones lo miramos según el modo de aculturación o inculturación; pensamos en la cristiandad como un encuentro logrado dentro de sus límites y pensamos en la civilización cristiana como un ideal cada día más problemático. Deploramos el choque de las culturas que acompaña, con sus efectos destructores, a la difusión en el mundo de los modelos occidentales. La cristiandad no es, en cambio, ciertamente — o no lo es ya — la imagen que nos deja la historia interna de nuestros países europeos desde hace dos siglos hasta hoy.
Y, sin embargo, aquel fue precisamente el tiempo de un fragoroso choque de culturas, como un topetazo frontal entre dos continentes: un Kulturkampf Fue la irrupción que vino a hacer una nueva civilización, cimentada en la razón, en la ciencia, el progreso y la democracia en la tierra de antigua civilización católica o, más generalmente, cristiana.
Este conflicto lo fraccionamos nosotros, o bien lo interpretamos. Evocamos un clima de hostilidad anticlerical, un doble proceso de secularización y descristianización ante el que el catolicismo reacciona con un proyecto de restauración de un orden social cristiano: una Iglesia, en una palabra, con una mirada en el pasado y otra en el futuro, pero, en todo caso, extraña y refractaria al presente.
Nuestra visión ha ido cambiando a medida que la situación evolucionaba y que la figura del tiempo, la relación entre las fuerzas, las formas de lucha iban modificándose. Pero este realismo necesario ha actuado en nuestro recuerdo y nuestra comprensión del pasado. Y no es sólo una noche de recuerdos la que viene a echarse encima, sino que es el veredicto de un juicio. Y severo. Pedimos a la inteligencia que tenemos ahora del presente y del mundo circunstante la clave para entender lo que nos ha precedido. En un juego así se llega a perder muy pronto la propia alma y la propia identidad. Se convierte uno en color de pasado. Y sucede que también esto nos preocupa y llega entonces el momento de aceptar una lucidez difícil.
He tenido experiencia de ello con ocasión del centenario de la muerte del P. Emmanuel d'Alzon (1810-1880), fundador de los asuncionistas, en el coloquio que tuve que moderar en aquella ocasión. Un coloquio restringido, en el que un centenar de religiosos y religiosas de la Asunción se encontraban con unos quince historiadores. Una pregunta esencial — «¿Cómo es posible ser hoy descendencia espiritual de un fundador como él, cómo se puede ser fiel a su espíritu, a su mensaje?» — chocaba contra el muro del saber universitario. ¿Y que congregación fundada el siglo pasado no ha tenido que resolver por • cuenta propia ese interrogante?
En aquella época se razonaba por medio de oposiciones macizas: Italia Negra e Italia Blanca, las dos «Francias» (la de Voltaire y de M. Homais y la de San Luis, de Juana de Arco y de los cruzados). Más profundamente, perduraba una interpretación agustiniana de la historia, elevada sobre las dos ciuda des, interpretación de la que la Ilustración mantenía una controversia secular. El siglo XIX fue más anticatólico, y hasta antirromano, que verdaderamente irreligioso. Nunca se había visto una proliferación semejante de nuevos cristianismos, de profetas, de mesías, de fundadores de religiones la mayor de las ve-ces efímeras; su inspiración común era siempre la búsqueda de una religión de la humanidad, que a los seguidores del cristianismo histórico no podía aparecer sino como blasfemia, aberración y contradicción en sus términos.
En el seno de la Iglesia católica, la respuesta fue generalmente ambivalente. Por una parte, se sentía todavía en posición dominante, en razón del puesto que ocupaba en las instituciones y en el número de fieles que contaba. Por otra, sin embargo, había atravesado una revolución por la que tuvo que pagar un alto precio. La Iglesia se sintió amenazada por un enemigo proteiforme y omnipresente, que con paciencia iba minando y corroyendo su influencia; un enemigo que actuaba al descubierto, pero que también tramaba en la sombra de sectas y de sociedades secretas. ¿Cómo se podía pensar en im compromiso, en una componenda, en una conciliación? La cínica regla posible era la intransigencia, con la disciplina y la concentración que la suelen acompañar. Sólo la intransigencia permitía prever que llegaría al final la transformación de una situación mortal y la restauración de una sociedad de acuerdo con las leyes cristianas y penetrada por el espíritu cristiano.
Una intransigencia así se funda también en varías ambigüedades. La primera pone al descubierto una relación de incertidumbre. La Iglesia se siente todavía en posición mayoritaria, expuesta al riesgo permanente de perder un día — ¿próximo o lejano? — esa posición para despertarse en minoría; pero al mismo tiempo se siente ya aquí y allí minoritaria. La segunda es una cuestión de valoración. ¿Cómo se puede pertenecer al propio tiempo, a lin tiempo que parte de puntos inaceptables, rechazando toda nostalgia por lo que ya ha pasado definitivamente? ¿Y cómo tener en cuenta los hechos pasados sin legitimar al mismo tiempo el juego de la violencia y el derecho del más fuerte en la historia, sin sacrificar un pasado que fue grande y que sigue siendo respetable; sin, en una palabra, renegar de sí mismos?
De aquí las incertidumbres, las perplejidades, las divisiones y las contradicciones entre los católicos. En los extremos se encontrarán, por una parte, una intransigencia blanda, modulada — los católicos liberales que invocan la hipótesis oficial sin renegar de la tesis en marcha — y, por otra, una intransigencia paroxística, activada — los católicos «apocalípticos», que ponen la tesis común dentro de una hipótesis sobrenatural, más segura a sus ojos que la liberal: venganza divina, penitencia y arrepentimiento, profecías y visiones, grandes y pequeñas maniobras satánicas, catástrofes sangrientas y terribles.'
! Por ejemplo, la profecía de Prémol, que tanto se ha divulgado: «Quels sont ces bruits de guerre et d'épouvante qu'apportent les quatre vents? Le dragon s'est jeté sur tous les Etats et y porte la plus effroyable confusion. Les hommes et les peuples sont levés les uns contre les autres. Guerre! Guerre! Guerres civiles, guerres étrangéres. Quels chocs effroyables! ». Por «dragón» hay
Los segundos elevaban la voz, alzaban el tono, cargaban las dosis. Un clima de este género hacía cada vez menos posible la linea de los católicos liberales, reforzando la oposición católica a la modernidad, endureciendo la identidad católica, facilitando el cierre de filas y la movilización de las fuerzas católicas. En una palabra, hizo neta la división de los campos. Hizo sentir su peso en la relación de fuerzas, sin hacer avanzar la solución de los problemas y empujando al campo contrario a los católicos — numerosos — que veían de otro modo la sociedad moderna y lo que en ella podía ser una vida religiosa.
Hago aquí alusión a los secuaces del que he llamado catolicismo burgués, distinto del catolicismo liberal en el hecho de que no admitían su tesis intransigente. Para él, la fe y la vida cristianas son, ante todo, hechos de conciencia, cuestión de orden privado y familiar. Sólo el influjo del individuo tiene derecho a actuar en la sociedad. Se constituían así, en el siglo XIX, dos tipos de catolicismo, recíprocamente irreducibles, de los que la Iglesia romana reconocía a uno sólo, mientras que el segundo tenía que quedar por eso desconocido para historiadores y sociólogos, ante la inicial imposibilidad de identificarlo. Lo que se logró conocer de ello casualmente está muy lejos de hacer entender su importancia real.'
En los antípodas de una religión testimonial y de un apostolado conquistador, este cristianismo interior, seco y reservado, más que definir una categoría, señala un temperamento.3
Hasta podía llegar a una vida mística, de lo que poseemos numerosos testique entender la «revolución». Cf. también la investigación iniciada por P.G. CAmmiaz, 11 diavolo, Roma e la rivoluzione, en «Rivista di Storia e Letteratura Religiosa» 3 (1972) 485-516.
2 ¿Es necesario repetir que ese «catolicismo burgués» no es la religión de toda la burguesía, y tampoco de la sola burguesía, sino que es la concepción del papel y del lugar de la religión que apareció con el espíritu burgués y fue desarrollada por éste, en íntima simbiosis con su actividad económica? Max Weber había asociado esta última con la ética protestante: en este sentido, el catolicismo burgués es un auténtico protestantismo de dentro. El rigorismo católico que sobrepasó al jansenismo, fue una expresión y un vehículo del mismo, más allá de su lugar de origen. El alfonsianismo y el salesianismo fueron un antídoto tardío de aquél en el ambiente mismo de su origen. Solamente una investigación positiva y biográfica nos podrá hacer salir de afirmaciones genéricas y dar al modelo un equivalente histórico y espiritual. B. Groethuysen trató de hacerlo para el siglo XVIII, pero en negativo, es decir, a partir de las recriminaciones eclesiásticas.
3 «Au plus profond et au plus pur de nos coeurs fidéles, nous tendons tous á une religion sans église, sans sculpture et sans peinture»: la observación es del dominico P.A. Couturier, precursor de la renovación del arte religioso. Cf. La vérité blessée, Paris, Plon 1984, p. 311. De tales exterioridades entre dos culturas podríamos buscar un testimonio en un reciente best-seller de un párroco rural de Normandía: B. ALEXANDRE, Le horsain, Paris, Plon 1988 (en la colección «Terne Humaine» dirigida por J. Malaurie). Ha pasado su vida en Pays de Caux, observando a su gusto las costumbres y las tradiciones de sus habitantes; pero permaneciendo para ellos siempre el «extranjero»: una tradición que no ha cambiado gran cosa por mucho que se pueda uno remontar en el tiempo, un catolicismo que, por otra parte, ha cambiado mucho desde la última generación, y campesinos que parece que no tienen vida interior. Evidentemente, el autor no ha leído Maupassant, que presenta una imagen completamente diversa de esos campesinos; pero que sesentía, entre ellos, como en su casa.
raoníos. Más frecuentemente, fue una religión de convicciones silenciosas y de prácticas jalonadas entre la cuna y la tumba, en las que, sin embargo, «no entra el cura»; al, cura no se le pedía más que «que hiciese su papel». Y, sin embargo, es esta fe, compartida, a pesar de un fondo de divergencias sobre el lugar que debe dársele, la que explica la larga persistencia de una moral común a los «dos campos». Y es precisamente la aceptación de esta moral lo que permite en Francia a Jules Ferry, en 1882, hacer laicos los programas de la enseñanza primaria pública. Está convencido de que es posible suprimir los fundamentos religiosos de la moral sin perjudicar su fuerza imperativa y su evidencia social. El maestro, después igual que antes, seguirá enseñando «la buena antigua moral de nuestros padres, la nuestra, la vuestra, porque nosotros no tenemos más que una...».
¿Una sola moral idéntica? Haría falta empezar ya a distinguir entre una moral venida de la Ilustración, no muy difundida todavía, privilegio de un grupo social selecto, y la moral del Decálogo, fundada en la tradición judeocristiana, sobre la que se encontraron de acuerdo Le Play y Ferry, adversarios en lo demás: «Sé obediente, no digas mentiras, no robes, no mates». Sin embargo, también aquí podían distinguirse bien la moral católica y la moral laica (el Parlamento francés hará pronto la experiencia al votar en 1884 las leyes que introducían el divorcio). La primera, aun abandonando el rigorismo anterior, no se hacía ciertamente menos estricta y exigente, hasta el punto de alejar a los fieles del confesonario. Quería ser severa y austera, lo que le autorizaba a juzgar a la otra más fácil y acomodaticia. Este es, no obstante, un punto de vista unilateral, que una investigación sobre la moral laica — cenicienta de nuestros estudios — tendrá que rectificar. Esta última, en efecto, tenía también sus puntos sensibles, sobre los que no estaba dispuesta a ceder y en los que podía encontrar acentos pascalianos para fustigar el laxismo católico. Cada una de las dos tiene, en fin, su perfil particular. ¿Qué más podemos decir?
Sobre estos temas, la carencia parece general. Conocemos bien los diversos sistemas de filosofía moral formados a lo largo de todo el siglo pasado. La historia de las costumbres, entre modos de actuar y mentalidad, parece atraer vocaciones y comienza a desplegar su curiosidad. Pero el espacio intermedio queda por llenar totalmente. Fuera de toda teorización, ¿qué energías éticas mueven a esos grupos sociales que chocan entre sí a veces tan duramente sobre ideas e intereses? ¿En qué se sienten deudoras ante la fe y la moral de la Iglesia católica? ¿Descienden todas de una sola e idéntica comprensión del cristianismo?
Durante mucho tiempo la divergencia pareció sutil: se sabía que se difería sobre las creencias, pero se sentían participar de la misma moral. Etnólogos y sociólogos no arañarán esta convicción muy extendida: muestra, es verdad, que nuestra moral no es universal, que hace falta relativizarla a través de la historia de las culturas y de las civilizaciones, pero sigue en pie que les ha enseñado el camino por el que no hace sino precederlas. De hecho, la divergencia se irá consolidando a medida que esta universalidad vaya cediendo, a medida que situaciones nuevas hagan saltar los esquemas tradicionales y que problemas inéditos vengan a provocar respuestas conflictivas, por ejemplo, entre la moral de la Iglesia y la legislación de los Estados.
Inmoralidad y amoralidad (dos términos recientes: 1845 y 1907 para el francés) figuran como perversiones o singularidades. Cada hombre, su moralidad, en función del modo que tiene de ver el mundo, la sociedad, a los otros; un modo más o menos capaz de análisis, más o menos interiorizado. Esta moralidad no se podrá reducir, desde arriba, a la ideología de la que, por otra parte, es inseparable. Muy en concreto, es una deontología, un saber recibido sobre lo que se debe hacer según los momentos y las circunstancias para comportarse en sociedad según las leyes del común vivir. Pertenece al patrimonio de esta comunidad, a su cultura; en este sentido, existe verdaderamente una cultura moral que estructura la personalidad de sus miembros.
Como la Iglesia romana, los Estados modernos han acariciado el sueño de unificar los particularismos de todo orden existentes en su seno. Ni aquélla ni éstos lo han logrado perfectamente: han tenido que llegar a pactos, encauzar esta diversidad interior. Pero aquélla y éstos han tenido, además, que afrontar un problema imprevisto: las disensiones internas políticas, sociales y religiosas aparecidas después de la gran tormenta revolucionaria que durante cuarenta años (1775-1815) sacudió los cimientos de la vieja cristiandad, desde las Américas hasta Rusia. Francia no fue más que el epicentro más dramático. La Restauración no logró restablecer el pasado, y el tratado de Viena fue el acta de los hechos vividos. Todo había cambiado, pero no se había resuelto nada, y la actualidad no dejaba de recordarlo, mientras dos nuevos actores colectivos los pueblos y el proletariado — hacían su aparición y contribuían a modificar las reglas del juego.
En este juego, la Iglesia estaba implicada por dos títulos: como Iglesia, con su poder espiritual, y como Papado, por el poder temporal sobre sus propios Estados. La Revolución, situada ya en lo más íntimo y en el origen de la sociedad moderna, se le presentaba al mismo tiempo como el mal radical y como el enemigo absoluto. Como escribirá Donoso Cortés, la Revolución arrastra a la ciega humanidad titubeante a un laberinto del que ninguno conoce la entrada ni el trazado. Y Newman: «No medium between Catholicity and Atheism». El ateísmo más grave y más preocupante no es entonces el de los individuos que profesan la negación de Dios; es, en cambio, el «ateísmo social», el de los Estados y los Gobiernos que rehúsan reconocer los derechos de Dios sobre la sociedad, el reino social de Jesucristo y el lugar público sin iguales de su Iglesia; en otras palabras, que practican el indiferentismo en cuestión de religión, protegiendo todas las confesiones sin practicar ninguna.
Desde este momento, la historia obliga a una opción decisiva. Pone a todos ante un inmenso e inevitable «o... o...». O Cristo y su Iglesia, o la Revolución con dos variantes literarias: o Cristo o la pistola, o Cristo o nada. La Revolución desemboca en la anarquía y el nihilismo. Aquélla comenzó en el liberalismo y éstos han dado lugar al socialismo; el «o... o...» va acompañado de un radical «ni... ni...»: ni liberalismo, ni socialismo. El primero es el error-padre, que pudo arrastrar al engaño a los mejores, pero que hoy, aplastado y sumergido en el segundo, no tiene ya porvenir. El gran reto, la batalla decisiva se anuncia ahora entre el socialismo y el catolicismo.
En 1866, Mons. Dupanloup, obispo de Orléans, liberal de fama, había publicado una carta pastoral Sobre los males y los signos de los tiempos. Pío IX se la agradeció con un breve elogioso:
En vuestra carta habéis descrito y deplorado, con fuerza que iguala la razón, los males innumerables, dignos de todas nuestras lágrimas, que en estos tiempos calamitosos afligen y turban de un modo tan lamentable a la Iglesia católica .y a la sociedad humana. Usted ilustra, reprobándola enérgicamente, la odiosa guerra que han declarado los incrédulos de todos los lugares a Dios, a su Iglesia y a la santa doctrina. Lo mismo han hecho las sectas condenadas y los fautores de revoluciones. Con dolor enumeráis y estigmatizáis las culpables e innúmeras maniobras, las opiniones peligrosas, los errores, las doctrinas perversas con que estos enemigos de Dios y de la Humanidad, audaces perseguidores de toda verdad y de toda justicia, querrían — si lo pudiesen — arruinar el catolicismo, sacudir los cimientos de la sociedad civil, corromper los espíritus, pervertir las almas, abolir todo derecho humano y divino, propagando por todas partes el crimen y fomentando el vicio...
Cuadro fiel de un estado de ánimo y de una percepción de la situación muy extendidos entonces. Cuatro años más tarde, tendrá lugar la toma de Roma, el final del poder temporal, y el Papa quedará «prisionero» en el Vaticano. El año siguiente, la commune de París. La conciencia católica quedará marcada fuertemente por estos dos acontecimientos dramáticos que„ además, inauguran una nueva fase de laicización de la sociedad.4 Mons. Dupanloup está en la pista de una verdadera y propia retractatio, y llega a superar a Donoso Cortés en su crítica a los nuevos liberales, como atestigua una segunda carta pastoral, el mismo año de 1866, sobre el ateísmo y el peligro social:
Yo os conozco, a vosotros y a vuestras aspiraciones morales. Si mañana se vuelve en ventaja vuestra, será el principio el que triunfa; si mañana se vuelve contra vosotros, serán los enemigos: ¡tiremos sobre ellos sin piedad!
Se le acusa de chaquetero, de quemar lo que había adorado. Y, sin embargo, no es así: no reniega de sus esperanzas. Confiesa su decepción y explica las razones que tiene para ello, poniendo en evidencia el malentendido sobre la sociedad moderna. Ésta no es para todos lo que ha significado siempre para él: «la igualdad civil y la justa libertad, el poder respetado, la paz europea y sus
Es la reacción de mons. Roncalli, futuro papa Juan XXBIE, entonces nuncio en Sofía, en una carta a la hermana, el 24 de febrero de 1929, después de los acuerdos de Letrán, y de la Conciliación que ponía fin a la espinosa cuestión romana: «Le Seigneur soit béni! Tout ce que la francmagonnerie, c'est-á-dire le Diable, ont entrepris depuis soixante ans contre l'Eglise et le Pape en Italie a été réduit á néant» (Lettres á ma famille, Paris, Ed. du Cerf 1969, p. 195).
trabajos fecundos, la mejora moral y material de la condición de los obreros, de los campesinos y los pobres, la dignidad de las costumbres, el acercamiento de los espíritus y de los corazones en la civilización cristiana». Un liberalismo católico, se ve claramente, templado por una intransigencia de principio que sigue intacta y que las duras lecciones de la experiencia ponen nuevamente en primer plano:
No, yo no ataco a la sociedad moderna, yo tiemblo más bien por la sociedad futura... Todos habíamos tenido un precioso sueño. Todos, cualquiera hubiese sido nuestro origen, cualesquiera hubiesen sido nuestras inclinaciones, parecíamos navegar juntos hacia una tierra maravillosa, prometida a nuestros esfuerzos y que llamábamos siglo XIX, la sociedad moderna...
¡Y también acuso! Pregunto a los poderosos qué han hecho de la libertad; a los sofistas les pregunto cómo la interpretan. Pregunto a los enriquecidos qué han hecho del crédito; pregunto a la juventud opulenta y a los favorecidos por la fortuna qué han hecho de la dignidad de las costumbres. Pregunto a la prensa corruptora qué se ha hecho de la palabra, si se le ha dado para pervertir o para iluminar. Pregunto a los muchos que se creen representantes de la sociedad moderna por qué la hacen solidaria con sus quimeras y sus impiedades...
Y grito, y os acuso, a vosotros, los que habéis cambiado mi sueño en una pesadilla espantosa...
En este espacio público que se llama sociedad viene a diseñarse de este modo un espacio propiamente católico que deja de identificarse con ella a medida que el principio de la confesionalidad nacional — cuius regio eius et religi o — venía cediendo frente al imperativo de las libertades modernas, la de conciencia y la religiosa en primer lugar. Este espacio católico está estructurado por una doble polaridad: una positiva y una negativa; un polo débil con débil atracción y un polo fuerte con fuerte repulsión. Entre ellos, una tensión permanente y un movimiento oscilante de vaivén. El Syllabus, de 1864, simbolizará el acmé del non possumus de la Iglesia a la modernidad, y constituirá la gran referencia — la Magna charta — del movimiento social católico que se desarrollará bajo León XIII. No hará falta siquiera medio siglo para que el juego de la polarización llegue a una fase crítica, en la que el modernismo y el integrismo se conviertan en los términos en liza, una disputa encendida siempre desde entonces...
En sus grandes líneas, este proceso histórico está ahora bien documentado; y muchas monografías, de todo tipo, han venido a ilustrarlo. Lo que sigue oscuro es lo que sucede a lo largo de este continuo movimiento de atracción-repulsión que se autoconserva sin pararse nunca; las transformaciones que se dan en este gran cuerpo católico sin que sufra su estructura interna, ni su posición relativa, ni su orientación doctrinal. Este tiempo, inmóvil en superficie, ha motivado durante muchos años la sensación equívoca de una Iglesia inmóvil, vulnerable en su plataforma terrena, pero inaccesible en su sustancia a los accidentes de la historia. Igual que ha disimulado el incesante movimiento elemental de acción y reacción que anima a su modo a cada uno de sus miembros y ue la atormenta en su propio cuerpo, distrayéndonos de las modificaciones en
P
rofundidad que, antes o después, tenían que aparecer. Lo que viene modificándose en la Iglesia poco a poco es el estado de su cultura: vigilada, encuadrada, protegida todo lo que se quiera por las autoridades católicas, pero expuesta también a todas las influencias que empapan al pueblo cristiano. El espacio católico no es un recinto cerrado en sí mismo. Ningún compartimento estanco logra aislarlo. El carácter negativo del juicio que da la Iglesia a los principios que rigen la sociedad civil y política, no logra atraerla hacia una fuga mundi ni interrumpir los intercambios recíprocos con el mundo exterior a ella. La Iglesia da y recibe. No podría vivir en este mundo sin ese intercambio porque, ante todo, traicionaría su misión, su razón de ser aquí abajo.
De este intercambio bastará recordar sólo lo que deriva de la iniciativa y de la generosidad católica o, al contrario, los fracasos y las crisis que ponen al aíre una insuficiencia inmnnitaria, un atractivo exagerado por las compañías peligrosas; un intercambio que — auténtica communicatio in cultura — necesita ser estudiado en sí mismo. Esta comunicación supone un par en oposición: por una parte, una cultura común que permite la comunicación; por otra, en esa base, dos culturas que se enfrentan, separadas por su propio carácter. A lo largo de todo el siglo XIX, si por una parte la cultura católica logra mantenerse, hay toda una nueva cultura que logra también constituirse, fuera y contra aquélla, la llamada liberal, laica o moderna, según los casos, a la espera de que venga a desarrollarse otra tercera, la socialista, especialmente obrera, pero también rural.5
2. Don Bosco y los salesianos en Francia
Todos los caminos llevan a don Bosco, y éste en especial: lo sabía desde que lo emprendí, sin sospechar que se iba a presentar tan largo. Lo escogí pensando en todo lo que la radiante personalidad y la gran obra de don Bosco podían hacernos olvidar: no tanto las íncomprensiones y las resistencias que tuvo que soportar, como sus causas profundas, esta cultura emancipada del cristianismo, que era su tierra de cultivo. Nos encontramos frente a un fenómeno importante, muy descuidado, minusvalorado y mal estudiado. Tomaré un ejemplo tardío, pero sugestivo: el delito de congregación, en Francia, al comienzo de este siglo, en el clima de anticlericalismo que en 1905 desembocó en la separación de la Iglesia y el Estado.
La tradición franco-galicana en esta materia se remonta al Ancien Régime:
Remito a mi obra Modernistica cap. 111: «Le Catholicisme comete culture», y cap. IV: «Catholicisme et modernité», Paris, Nouvelles Éditions Latines 1982.
toda congregación religiosa tenía que estar autorizada. La Revolución prolube los votos y suprime las congregaciones. Éstas empiezan a reaparecer en el Imperio y, después, en la Restauración. Pero sigue la regla: las congregaciones tienen que ser autorizadas. Cinco congregaciones recibieron enseguida la aprobación: lasalianos (hermanos de las Escuelas Cristianas), espíritanos, paúles, sulpicianos y misiones extranjeras de París. Hasta hoy siguen siendo los únicos autorizados. Las otras siguieron siendo congregaciones de hecho, toleradas por los gobiernos sucesivos.
A partir de 1880, con la llegada de una mayoría republicana anticlerical, al compromiso tácito siguió la guerra abierta: las «leyes laicas» se suceden, las congregaciones saltan al primer plano. Dos decretos del gobierno (1901 y 1902) obligan a las congregaciones a regularizar su situación con una petición de autorización sobre la que debería decidir una de las dos Cámaras. Aquéllas se deciden sobre la conducta que deben adoptar: entre las masculinas, 61 aceptan y 68 lo rechazan. El primer ministro, Emile Combes, forma dos grupos: 54 peticiones se envían a los diputados, que las rechazan en bloque sin examinarlas; 6 van a los senadores que emprenden una encuesta minuciosa.6
En el clima entonces reinante, estar en el Senado para ser oído por los senadores era un privilegio y casi un testimonio de benevolencia. Del privilegio gozaban dos congregaciones misioneras (entre ellas, la de los Padres Blancos), dos congregaciones contemplativas (los cistercienses de Citeaux y de Lerins), una congregación hospitalaria (los hermanos de San Juan de Dios) y, por fin, los salesianos. El presidente de la comisión era Clémenceau. Antes de seguir las orientaciones del gobierno, la comisión expurgó, verificó, hizo registros domiciliarios, discutió. Un sí modulado a las cinco primeras, un no global a los salesianos: 10 votos contra 4 en la comisión, 158 contra 98 en sesión plenaria.
Los salesianos estaban en Francia desde los años 75, y habían abierto unas veinte casas (de ellas dos en Argelia). Habían secularizado prudentemente ocho; pidieron, por tanto, doce autorizaciones. Como aparecían con la fuerza de casi 250 obras en Europa y América del Sur, el gobierno las vio como «una de las más poderosas congregaciones de todo el mundo», y «su espíritu de expansión, que algunos califican de invasión y acaparamiento», inspirado por un «cosmopolitismo extraño al alma francesa» suponía preocupación.
Los historiadores no se extrañarán de este «chauvinisme» rancio frente a la inmigración italiana (el racismo ha tomado su lugar y perpetúa su tradición), sino porque este hecho a nivel estatal no es cosa de todos los días. Pero no es sino un rasgo de la hostilidad hacia los salesianos:
Sin duda nosotros estamos entre los que creen que, como la ciencia, la caridad no tiene patria y no pondríamos ningún obstáculo al desarrollo de una obra humanitaria
6 La 61' congregación — una pequeña congregación de provincia dedicada al cuidado de los enfermos — tuvo un destino inesperado: su documentación fue unida a la de la homóloga congregación femenina.
sólo porque nos viene de un país extranjero. Pero se debería tratar de una auténtica obra de beneficencia; carácter que la obra de los salesianos no parece tener.
Mucho ruido y pocas nueces: éste es el secreto de sus pseudoorfanatos.
Cada uno de ellos está en un edificio que, como todo lo demás, proviene de la caridad pública: se mantiene, ante todo con las pensiones, tanto las pagadas por la familia, como por personas caritativas (lao gratuidad es de tal modo excepcional, que se puede decir que no existe siquiera) y p el producto del trabajo de los muchachos y, mente, de limosnas y suscripciones.
El niño está explotado: se exige de 'é1 — y en condiciones deplorables de higiene y salubridad — una superproducción; además, está especializado de modo que, al salir, no tiene, en la práctica, ningún oficio. Añádase que no cuesta casi nada, porque su pensión la pagan terceras personas; y, por tanto, es pura fuente de rentas. Gracias a la gratuidad de la mano de obra, a la cantidad de trabajo producido en razón de una especialización exagerada, a las ventajas fiscales que se obtienen por su condición de asociación caritativa, es fácil comprender las quejas que se producen en todas las zonas en que funcionan estas obras. Según la ocasión, tipógrafos, editores ( ¡y qué dase de editores! Todas sus publicaciones van dirigidas contra nuestras instituciones), comerciantes de vino, licores, productos farmacéuticos, su actividad económica es nefasta; su acción política no lo es menos y, entre todas las congregaciones, es tal vez la que nos hace sentir una mayor y persistente combatividad.
Afectada por la gravedad de estas afirmaciones, la comisión senatorial se sintió obligada a constatarlas. Los religiosos que fueron escuchados no lograron ser suficientemente persuasivos. El Tesoro reclamó las tasas debidas y no pagadas. Los prefectos emitieron parecer desfavorable o se abstuvieron. Diez concejos municipales se pronunciaron a favor, pero sin discusión y sin aducir razones. En la visita, las obras ofrecieron situación desigual: buena en París y deplorable en tres casos.
Dos quejas principales resumen la situación, una de orden económico y la otra de orden político. «La apariencia caritativa» disimula «una empresa comercial e industrial», fomentando al mismo tiempo una áspera incitación a la guerra civil. «Mucha gente buena y entre los menos hostiles a los congreganístas en general» se reunieron «para restituir a los salesianos de Don Bosco su verdadera fisonomía de monjes que esconden y nutren sus apetitos y sus instintos comerciales bajo el manto de la religión y del desinterés caritativo»:
No hay que tener miedo en afirmarlo, porque ésta es la pura verdad. Sí, los salesianos de don Bosco han abierto talleres, obras de Oratorio donde, bajo la hábil dirección de expertos maestros, enseñan a los jóvenes confiados a ellos un oficio. Es verdad que logran hacer de estos jóvenes excelentes obreros. No es esto lo que rechazamos. Pero podemos afirmar también con seguridad que al final de dos o tres años de aprendizaje o de práctica, estos aprendices se convierten en obreros capaces no sólo de hacer recuperar a la congregación los gastos que la enseñanza le ha supuesto, sino de ofrecerle además ventajas económicas con los trabajos que hacen por cuenta propia en los años sucesivos.
¿Salvadores de la infancia perdida? ¿Educadores de la juventud? Vistos de cerca, su aureola se disipa. Queda su aspecto banal, ordinario, de industriales que buscan el beneficio de los amos sobre los asalariados. Con muchas ventajas respecto a los industriales laicos: los regalos de las almas piadosas, un régimen de vida comunitaria con exigencias materiales reducidas, los bajos salarios, amplia exoneración fiscal. « ¡Que no se hagan ilusiones los salesianos! Esta situación de combate, de lucha, que han adoptado contra la industria laica, en el mundo del trabajo, ha contribuido no poco a alejarles las simpatías que, en cambio, les podrían hoy acompañar».
En el plano político no le quedaría ninguna duda al que se ponga a leer una colección de «Lectures Catholiques», opúsculos mensuales editados por la Librería Salesiana, y en Italia, desde cerca de cincuenta años antes. Un ejemplo, de agosto de 1899, después de la absolución de Fratel Flamidien, en cárcel durante cinco meses, bajo acusación calumniosa, y sometido a «torturas morales que superan la crueldad refinada y los suplicios físicos de los antiguos Nerones»:
¿Llegó por fin la hora de Dios? La Francmasonería sale derrotada de la guerra emprendida contra la enseñanza de las congregaciones. ¡ ¡El Gran Oriente cae abatido por el Gran Occidente!! Aullad si queréis, chacales: vuestra derrota no va a ser por eso menos completa!
[...] Los francmasones han sufrido la desgracia en su salida contra el hisopo; ¿serán menos afortunados en su lucha contra la espada? No han logrado arrancar la condena para Fratel Flamidien. ¿Lograrán ahora arrebatar una absolución para Dreyfus? ¡Ah, qué asunto tan deplorable! Y ¡qué hábilmente han logrado los hebreos tejer su tramal...
De este modo de escribir se puede deducir el modo con que los salesianos fueron defendidos por sus amigos. Un estilo combativo que llamaba a Combes «Tartufo», «cura traidor», que veía en su proyecto de ley nada menos que un libelo difamatorio, que había que acoger a puntapiés, cubrir de ignominia por su perfidia... Si Dom Chautard, abad de Sept-Fonds, había logrado convencer a Clémenceau y ganarse su estima, eso no fue ciertamente denigrando a sus enemigos, sino exaltando la obra secular de los trapenses en favor del país, en las situaciones más ingratas. En estas condiciones, llega el veredicto. Los grandes éxitos obtenidos por los salesianos en las exposiciones no impide que su obra sea «simplemente por afán de lucro», sin merecer ni agradecimiento ni favor, dado que «cualquiera» y «fuera de cualquier congregación» podría hacer lo mismo. Supone «una competencia desleal a la industria y al comercio de nuestro país», y al mismo tiempo una «desagradable injerencia extranjera en el dominio político de Francia».'
Hay que reconocer a los senadores la seriedad y la lealtad con que hicieron esa declaración. Nada permite dudar de ello. Empezar descalificándolos como sectarios y pérfidos es impedirnos radicalmente comprender lo que sucedió; es sustituir nuestra buena conciencia — la convicción de estar en la verdad y de hacer el bien — por la atención al mundo y a la sociedad que nos rodea; es cerrarnos a todo posible y necesario análisis; es concedernos facilidades indebidas y, al fin y al cabo, onerosas.
Cf. Journal Projets de lois, propositions et rapports. Sénat. Séance du 22 juin 1903, p. 468-471 (anexo n'. 192).
Y sin embargo, en esta investigación, este debate y sus conclusiones surgen interrogantes. En el fondo faltan elementos de valoración. No hay cifras: ni de limosnas, ni de salarios, ni de gastos, ni de presuntos beneficios. Haya habido o no un control de la contabilidad de las obras, ignoramos totalmente cómo se llevaba esa contabilidad. Al menos, la expansión rápida de los salesianos y la evidente calidad de sus instalaciones pueden interpretarse como signos exteriores de su prosperidad.
La injerencia política no es más que un agravante. Los «congreganistas» tienen sólida fama de opositores de la República. La acusación de explotación patronal de la juventud abandonada deriva menos de un interés real por la misma que de sus consecuencias inmediatas: una competencia económica que falsea las leyes de mercado, penalizando así a industriales y comerciantes que no gozan de esa ventaja. La investigación no ha descubierto ninguna otra acusación: ni por parte de las familias, ní por parte de los aprendices, ni por parte de los maestros de taller. Si estamos a lo que aparece, los salesianos responden a necesidades y logran darles satisfacción. Si en ello no todos están de acuerdo, es por el hecho de que chocan con intereses. Se les habría podido perdonar el hecho de que se portasen como amos ante sus asalariados si los verdaderos amos no hubiesen tenido que sufrir sus efectos desleales. La moral de los salesianos ignora y lesiona la deontología de los empresarios.
Iglesia y burguesía: nuevo episodio de un contencioso nunca resuelto, de una historia periódicamente agitada, de un antagonismo a veces tumultuoso.8
Ideología contra ideología, principios contra principios, está claro; pero también cultura contra cultura. Cultura política, con toda evidencia; pero más aún la cultura general, de género un poco social, que no se aprende en la escuela, una cultura que, en cambio, es el modo concreto de vivir las vicisitudes cotidianas de la existencia y que hay que plasmar día a día. En nuestro caso, para los salesianos, la experiencia y el horizonte de un ambiente popular empapado de tradición y de espíritu católico, en los antípodas de los ideales republicanos laicos que vivía una burguesía iluminada y progresista.
La investigación reveló, fuera de París, «condiciones de higiene y de salubridad deplorables». Es posible; más aún, probable. Pero ¿según qué criterios? No se dice una sola palabra. ¿En contraste, tal vez, con las instituciones públicas, que aquí ni siquiera se mencionan? ¿O se trata sólo de un reflejo propio de señores que están acostumbrados a un medio de vida mejor? ¿Qué podían pensar los jóvenes acogidos allí, a partir de la experiencia que podían tener acerca de ello en sus casas? ¿Y quién se ocupaba de ellos y quién se ocupaba mejor?
8 Debo remitir en este punto a mi libro: Église contre Bourgeoisie, Paris, Casterman 1977.
Son preguntas muy concretas que nuestra documentación sugiere y a las que no sabemos dar respuesta. Nuestra atención se centra en los problemas y en los conflictos que se generan y sigue su desarrollo. Pero, ¿cómo se gestan estos grandes choques en las profundidades del cuerpo social? Esta misteriosa alquimia que se opera en las relaciones humanas ordinarias exige curiosidades aún no suficientemente despiertas.
Queda una última pregunta: la hostilidad que se manifiesta aquí hacia los salesianos, ¿es un hecho típicamente francés? ¿Se da en Italia y en otras partes? ¿Se funda en los mismos motivos? Y sí no ha sucedido en otros países, ¿cuál es la razón? Parece que las reacciones fueron en todas partes complejas y no se puede resumir todo en Turín, Fiat y Agnelli. Los mismos ambientes católicos no son tampoco unánimes.
«Hemos superado un cierto triunfalismo, de otros tiempos», declaró recientemente el vicario de los salesianos de Lyon, autor de una historia de los salesianos.9 Sin duda; era necesario. Pero, atención al riesgo concomitante de perder su comprensión, de juzgar anacrónicamente o paradójicamente, como los senadores, sin llegar con ello a comprenderlos mejor.
Dos mentalidades de una época chocaban, convencida cada una de su propio derecho. Nuestra época está lejos de una y otra, y nos damos cuenta de que es mejor así. ¿Pero no sería aún mejor si supiésemos asumir ese pasado sin complejos, sin exclusiones, sin descalificaciones, e integrarlo en nuestro presente?
Hoy las pasiones parecen ya aplacadas, a juzgar por el homenaje unánime que se ha rendido al fundador de los salesianos en este año 1988. Sería muy bonito. Digamos más bien que se han desplazado...
«San Juan Bosco: una vida llena de muchachos» que es un «inmenso grito del corazón inspirado en el Evangelio». Así titulaba, el 25 de marzo de 1988, «Pélerin Magazine», un semanal católico francés más que centenario, del que don Bosco pudo ser testigo de los primeros pasos en los últimos arios de su vida. Un ejemplo siempre vivo y contagioso al servicio de la juventud, como atestigua en todo el mundo su familia religiosa. Realizaciones numerosas, impresionantes, eficientes...
¿Qué voz desafinada se atrevería a malograr esta concierto de elogios? Y, sin embargo, ¡qué infinita distancia nos separa de lo que don Braido describió como el progetto operativo di don Bosco e l'utopia della societa cristiana (1982)! Utopía, precisamente, como la de León XIII, como todas las perspectivas de «nueva cristiandad» cuyo ideal histórico estaba aún floreciente. Y además, utopía escatológica por naturaleza.
9 Cf. M. Wirth en «L'Actualité Religieuse dans le Monde», febrero 1988, p. 36.
La utopía de don Bosco, con su optimismo conquistador, cortaba tajante el catastrofismo del que se nutría entonces toda una postura apocalíptica católica. Se distinguía también del modelo construido por el movimiento católico a partir de los años '70. Sin duda, todo esto se debía a la opción personal que tuvo que hacer interiormente entre el rigorismo de su formación clerical y el salesianismo de su vocación personal.
De aquí el espíritu nuevo que él infunde en el corazón del mundo católico, al que pertenece con todas sus fibras. De su «intransigentismo» como de su modernidad — falsos debates, perspectivas pioneras, distinciones necesarias — lo han dicho todo ya, y bien dicho, F. Traniello, M. Guasco, P. Scoppola, P. Bairati. Y yo no voy a volver sobre ello. Pero es precisamente el espíritu nuevo de este salesianismo el que nunca acabaremos de escrutar, en sus secretos, en sus virtudes: un rostro nuevo, abierto y atrayente, de la tradicional intransigencia católica.
LA EXPERIENCIA Y EL SENTIDO DE IGLESIA EN LA OBRA DE DON BOSCO*
Juan María LABOA
1. Don Bosco en el contexto de la Restauración
Don Bosco fue hombre que reflejó nítidamente las características y peculiaridades de la Restauración, del antijansenismo y del antigalicanismo. Bastaría, probablemente, este juicio somero, repetido por alguno de sus mejores estudiosos para encuadrar la figura y su pensamiento edesiológico; pero ¿qué quiere decir, en realidad, esta afirmación no sólo demasiado general sino, sobre todo, susceptible de matizaciones e interpretaciones de diverso calibre?
Son diversos los factores que contribuyeron a centrar en el tema de la autoridad la discusión de los agudos problemas planteados a la Iglesia por los postulados de la Ilustración y por los estragos que causó la Revolución en las diversas Iglesias. Señalaré dos que me parecen fundamentales:
1°. La constatación de que la Revolución dejó tras de sí un montón de ruinas, y el convencimiento de que el caos producido fue consecuencia, sobre todo, del rechazo del principio de autoridad o, por lo menos, de haberlo echado en olvido.
2°. Ante el desorden político, social y religioso, el hombre del siglo XIX ansió obtener nuevas garantías de seguridad en el ámbito cultural y religioso. De este planteamiento resultó fácil concluir con el convencimiento de la necesidad de la sumisión a la autoridad de la Iglesia, y con el interés renovado por una centralización edesial que aniquilara los movimientos centrífugos. Quisiera recordar aquí dos eximios representantes de esta postura.
José de Maistre presentó la autoridad papal como un postulado ineludible de la restauración europea. Su concepción eclesiológica puede ser compendiada en estas dos tesis: primera, la Iglesia debe ser comprendida en total analogía con la sociedad política, y, segunda, la Iglesia halla su plena concentración y realización en el Papa, y éste infalible.
* Esta ponencia fue redactada y leída en castellano por el autor (n.d.e.).
Don Bosco cita este paso en su Simia d'Italia y puntualiza: «Nelle sovrania teniporali l'in
«No puede darse sociedad humana sin gobierno, ni gobierno sin soberanía, ni soberanía sin infalibilidad».' Probablemente, su planteamiento, era mucho más político que teológico, y su interés por recalcar la autoridad pontificia tenía claros antecedentes en su rechazo de cuanto recordase soberanía popular, pero su influjo en la eclesiología ultramontana fue decisivo.
Quiero recordar dos afirmaciones suyas que, dé una manera u otra, iban a ser repetidas con frecuencia a lo largo del siglo: «Pour faire court, voici mon sentiment: aux conciles le moins possible, aux papes le plus possible».2 Y esta otra: «Plus de Pape plus de souveraineté, plus de souveraineté, plus de foi».3
Lamennais, por su parte, consideraba que entre las demás sociedades humanas, el cristianismo era la única sociedad perfecta, con su autoridad suprema, sus dogmas y sus leyes. La negación de esta autoridad suprema llevaba por necesidad a rechazar a la Iglesia y con ésta a Dios mismo. Para él era absurdo hablar de una Iglesia infalible si no se admite, al mismo tiempo, la infalibilidad del Papa, ya que sólo a través de un Papa que tiene que ser infalible, lo es también ella. Aquí Lamennais hizo suya la conocida frase de San Francisco de Sales: «Le Pape et l'Ég,lise c'est tout un».
Podríamos decir que resumió su doctrina de esa primera época con la afirmación tan repetida después: «Point de Pape, point d'Église; point d'Église, point de christianisme; point de christianisme, point de religion, au moins pour tout peuple qui fut chrétien, et par consequent point de societé».4
Evidentemente, podríamos continuar, pero me parece suficiente en mi intento de delinear un punto de referencia de la formación eclesiológica de don Bosco y de quienes en su tiempo estudiaron en la mayoría de los seminarios italianos. Se trataba del tradicionalismo de la Restauración, de la compenetración buscada y deseada entre sociedad y religión, religión e Iglesia, Iglesia y papado. Se trata de una eclesiología que presenta la imagen de Iglesia paradigma de sociedad organizada, gobernada por la jerarquía. Don Bosco escribe: «La chiesa é la societá dei credenti governata dai propri pastori, sotto la direzione del Sommo Pontefice», definición paralela a la del catecismo diocesano de Turín de 1844; y en otra ocasión resume su pensamiento en una idea que aparecerá de mil maneras diversas a lo largo de su obra: «La chiesa cattolica é fondata snll'autoritá del Sommo Pontefice, e si conserva e propaga solo in virtó, della fede e riverenza che si conserva a questa autoritá e [...] perció é cosa della massima importanza il propagare ed accrescere la fede e riverenza verso l'autoritá del Papa».
fallibilitá é umanamente supposta, e nella spirituale del Papa é divinamente promessa» (G. Bosco, Opere e scritti editi e inediti, vol. IfI, Torino, SEI 1935, p. 435).
2 Citado por C. LASTREILLE, Joseph de Maistre et la Papauté, Paris 1906, p. 170.
3 J. DE MAISTRE, Lettres et opuscules inédites, vol. II, Lyon, A. Vaton 1851, p. 296. F.R. LAMENNAIS, Oeuvres complétes VII, Paris, Pagnerre 1844, p. 122. 132. 141.
Don Bosco acostumbraba recitar la siguiente oración: «Padre nostro, che sei ne' cíeli, sia santificato il tuo nome, venga il tuo regno, si dilati e trionfi la chiesa cattolica, la sola vera chiesa di Gesú Cristo, tutte le nazioni riconoscano i suoí diritti e quelli del suo Capo e dei suoi vescovi, tutti gli intelletti a lei docente aderiscano come l'unica depositaria delle veritá rivelate, testimone divina della autenticitá ed autoritá dei libra sacri, maestra infallibile degli uomini, giudice supremo inappellabile nelle questioni dottrinali. A lei tutte le volontá obbediscano nell'osservanza delle sue leggi morali e disciplinari, anché Jopo le vittorie sulla terra entri a trionfare eternamente nei cieli, colle moltitudini delle anime salvate».5
Según era común en la teología de la época, que ignoraba el significado escatológico de la predicación de Jesús, se da por sentado que la Iglesia terrestre se identifica con el Reino de Dios. De dicha identificación nace el espíritu de triunfo que proclama constantemente la victoria de la Iglesia sobre sus adversarios. Surge asimismo la visión de una Iglesia sin pecado, ni errores ni fallos históricos.
Para don Bosco la institución edesial es absolutamente sólida y sin fisuras, caracterizada por su normatividad. Su tutela se extiende no sólo a la vida religiosa, sino también a la vida social y ello tanto en d ámbito diocesano como en el de cada parroquia.
La Iglesia se presenta como un grupo monolítico que propone la verdad inmutable, sin variaciones históricas, transmitida en forma pura e incontaminada a lo largo de los siglos. Los demás hombres y grupos se encuentran en el error y, por tanto, no tienen los derechos de que goza la verdad. El mismo Pío IX, en una frase que puede desconcertar, pero cine expresaba esta mentalidad dominante afirmaba que él quería la libertad de cultos allí donde el catolicismo era minoría, pero que no podía admitirla allí donde constituía la mayoría.6
Se trataba de la edesiología de la societas perfecta, dominada por la centra-. lización doctrinal y disciplinar de la Curia Romana y cerrada a cualquier apertura o integración con las corrientes modernas que entonces eran representadas por Rosmini,7 Dupanloup, Manzoni, Newman, Sailer, Montalembert o Scheeben. Intransigente en materia política, religiosa y ecuménica, con una fuerte piedad generalmente de tipo devocional y con la teología de las escuelas romanas como única intérprete reconocida del pensíamento católico. En conjunto parece tratarse de lo que podríamos denominar catolicismo popular, que, por un lado desarrolla las expresiones devocionales de la fe más dirigidas a la fantasía que a la razón, y, por otro, alimenta las formas práctico-sociales de pertenencia eclesiástica de tipo educativo y asistencial. Esta pastoral fomenta y favorece el «mundo católico», es decir, una especie de civilización católica distinta y bastante rígidamente separada de la civilización dominante y circundante.
• MB II, 272.
• «El Papa quiere la libertad de conciencia en Rusia, pero no como principio general» (G. MARTINA, La Iglesia de Lutero a nuestros días, vol. III, Madrid 1974; ID., Pio IX (1851-1866) Roma, Universitá Gregoriana 1986, p. 329.
' «D. Bosco, che venerava riel Rosmini la santitá del sacerdote, non condivideva neppure ir mínima parte questo entusiasmo per il suo sistema filosofico» (MB XIII, 20).
Por esta razón, don Bosco era tajante en el tema de la pertenencia a la Iglesia, desarrollando en su explicación las analogías de camino, casa, madre, nave, rebaño, cuerpo.8 Es decir, un grupo compacto, bien organizado, piramidal, jerárquico. Y en esta misma dirección, nos puede ayudar en la comprensión de esta concepción si nos fijamos en las imágenes que utiliza para describir la Iglesia: reino, monarquía, familia.8 Bellarmino utilizaba también este planteamiento: «ecclesia quasi status», y su influjo ha perdurado de alguna manera casi hasta nuestros días. Pocos años antes de morir escribía don Bosco: «Siccome nei regni della terra vi ha un ordine, per cuí si parte dal Sovrano e si discende a grado a grado sino all'ultimo dei sudditi, cosi nella Chiesa Cattolica esiste un ordine, detto gerarchía ecclesiastica, per cuí secondo questa gerarchia noi partiamo da Dio, che della Chiesa é Capo invisibile, veniamo al Romano Pontefice, di Lui Vicario e Capo visibile in terra, índi passiamo al Vescovi ed agli altri sacri ministri, da cuí i divini voleri sono comunicad a tutti i rimanenti fedeli sparsi nelle varíe parti del mondo ».1°
Esta Iglesia católica costituye la «unica arca di salvezza», el único lugar donde se mantiene íntegramente la doctrina de Jesús," el lugar en el que con carácter absoluto y exclusivo se puede hallar la salvación, el único espacio donde es posible la virtud y la santidad.
A las tendencias del racionalismo, liberalismo y panteísmo, que exaltaban el valor del individuo, y a los varios postulados individualistas del panteísmo opone la Iglesia «como única arca de salvación», y como representante de Dios y dotada de autoridad divina. «No, fuera de esta Iglesia nadie puede salvarse; así como aquellos que no estuvieron en el arca de Noé perecieron en el diluvio, así, dice San Jerónimo, perece inevitablemente el que se obstina en vivir y morir separado de la Iglesia Católica, Apostólica, Romana, única Iglesia de Jesucristo, sola depositaria de la verdadera religión»."
Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 125.
9 «P. Supponete una famiglia che debba durare sino alla fine del mondo, come potra conservarsi? F. Questa famiglia conserverassi guando abbia sempre un buon capo che la governi. P. Comprendete ora chi sia questa famiglia e chi ne sia il Capo? F. Basta, basta; abbiamo ottimamente capito. Questa grande famiglia é la Chiesa, questo capo é fi Romano Pontefice»
(G. Bosco, II cattolico nel secolo. Trattenimenti famigliari..., Torillo, Tip. e Libreria Salesiana 1883, p. 138).
Ibid., p. 163 ss.
" «Voi dite che credete a Cristo ed al Vangelo, ma non é yero perché non credete a tutto quello che c'insegna Gesú Cristo nel suo Vangelo, non credete alla sua Chiesa, non credete al Pontefice Romano stato da Gest' Cristo stesso stabilito per governare la Chiesa. Inoltre permettendo voi ad ognuno la libera interpretazione del Vangelo di Gest' Cristo, aprite con ció una larga vía all'errore, nel quale é quasi inevitabile fi cadere guidato solo dal proprio Jume. Perció voi, o Protestanti, siete come membri d'un corpo sena Capo, come pecorelle sena pastore, come discepoli sena maestro, separati dalla fonte della vita che é G. Cristo» ([G. Bosco], La Chiesa Cattolica-Apostolica-Romana é la sola vera Chiesa di Gesú Cristo, Torillo, Tipografia Speirani e Ferrero 1850, p. 17-18.
Don Bosco escribió mucho sobre la Iglesia: dedicó veintidós libros y opúsculos a este tema, además de los veinticuatro escritos de historia en los cuales el argumento edesial ocupa un lugar importante,'' pero creo que nos equivocaríamos si nos plantáramos en la música de la letra sin ir más allá. Su insistencia manifiesta la importancia concedida a una religión-institución-jerarquíaRoma, que es la Iglesia católica, pero su vida gota a gota indica la centralidad concedida a la gracia, a Cristo, a María, a los sacramentos. No existe confusión, pero tal vez especialización: los escritos subrayan un aspecto y la actividad pastoral otro.
Esta Iglesia santa y divina es la única que puede conducir a los hombres a Dios. Este convencimiento explica su lucha contra los valdenses y contra los protestantes en general. En sus escritos leemos que «una sola é la vera Religione», que «le Chiese degli Eretici non hanno i caratteri della Divinitá.», que «nena Chiesa degli. Eretici non c'é la Chiesa di Gesú Cristo».14 Por estas y otras razones concluye que «chi é imito al Papa, é imito con Gesú Cristo, e chi rompe questo legame fa naufragio nel mace burrascoso dell'errore e si pende miseramente»," o, en otro lugar, «pronti a patine qualunque male, fosse anche la morte, anziché dire o fare alcuna cosa contraría alla Cattolica ReliIone, vera e sola Religione di Gest). Cristo, fuori di cuí niuno puó salvarsi»."
3. Una sociedad piramidal y autoritaria
Poco antes del Vaticano I, Turín se había convertido en un centro vivo de opinión conciliar y antiinfalibilista. En 1869 se traduce el libro de Dóllinger, 11 papa e il concilio; Pasaglia escribía y actuaba en Turín, y en la Facultad de Teología eran bien conocidos y utilizados los autores más críticos con el ultra-montanismo y la infalibilidad pontificia.
Sin embargo y a pesar de este ambiente, uno de los aspectos más conocidos, significativos y comentados de don Bosco es su ilimitada devoción al pontificado y su incansable defensa, de modo que, en cierto sentido, podríamos resumir y sintetizar su eclesiología con este rasgo.'' Todos los autores, desde los primeros años, han puesto de relieve esta característica.18
u J. Bosco, Fundamentos de la religión católica, en: R. FIERRO TORRES, Biografía y escritos de
San Juan Bosco, Madrid, BAC 1955, p. 535.
" Cf. E. VALENTINI, Don Bosco e la Chiesa, en: In Ecclesia, Roma, LAS 1977, p. 215-234.
" [G. Bosco], Avvisi al cattolici, Torillo, Tip. Dir. da P. De-Agostini 1853, p. 17.
12 G. Bosco, Ii Centenario di S. Pietro Apostolo, Torillo, Tip. dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco
di Sales 1867, p. IV.
16 [Bosco], La Chiesa Cattolica, p. 6.
En su lecho de muerte confiaba al arzobispo de Turín: «Tempi difficili. Eminenza! Ho passato tempi diffícili... Ma l'autoritá del Papa... L'autoritá del Papa... L'ho detto qui a monsignor Cagliero che lo dica al Santo Padre che i Salesiani sono per la difesa dell'autoritá del Papa, dovunque lavorino — dovunque si trovino»,19 y el cardenal Alimonda recordaba poco después en el funeral que «su vida entera, privada y pública, conocida es de todo el mundo como un testamento papal».
Juan XXIII resumía este aspecto con una bella frase: «Per chi sa leggere a fondo nella vita di D. Bosco, Egli appare insieme il sacerdote della giovinezza e il sacerdote del Papa», y don Bosco, a menudo, en sus pláticas y escritos unía ambos aspectos: «Pertanto, figliuoli miei, nella vostra vita non dimenticate mai che il Papa vi ama, e quindi dalla vostra bocca non esca mai parola che possa essere a lui d'insulto, le vostre orecchie non ascoltino mai con indifferenza ingiurie e calunnie contro la Sacra sua persona, i vostri occhi non leggano mai giornali o libri, che osino vilipendere l'altissima dignitá del Vicario di Gesú Cristo ».2°
Para él el inspirar amor por el Papa constituía un medio y remedio infalible contra las actividades de las sectas y de los disidentes, y por esta razón creemos que se puede afirmar que su tema preferido como escritor fue, sin duda, el Papa, hasta el punto que sus numerosas vidas de los diferentes papas constituyeron una ocasión y un modo de mantener vivo el amor al papado y de rebatir los errores y animosidades entonces tan extendidas. De hecho, él pensó en escribir una historia de los papas al comprobar que «certi autori pare che abbiano rossore di parlare dei Romani Pontefici e dei fatti piú luminosi che direttamente alla S. Chiesa riguardano».21 Pero no sólo se trataba de un planteamiento doctrinal y teórico, sino también de una actitud práctica y de gobierno ya que consideraba que la devoción al Papa constituía una condición necesaria para ser superior, y para considerarse auténtico católico.
" Ya en 1845 pidió a Gregorio XVI la indulgencia plenaria in articulo monis para él y su familia. Más tarde explicaba que «non le sole indulgente gli stavano a cuore, ma che non vedeva I'ora di mettersi in relazione diretta con la Santa Sede e con le Congregazioni romane» (E I, 11).
18 Existe toda clase de testimonios. Elijo el siguiente de Ballesio: «In D. Bosco l'amore al Papa era il pió bel frutto della virtó della fede. "Sacerdote schietamente cattolico di fede e di opere, D. Bosco aveva l'amore, direi istintivo dei Santi, per la Chiesa e per il Papa"» (L. TERRONE, Lo spirito di San Giovanni Bosco, Torino, SEI 1934, p. 64).
19 MB XVIII 491.
20 MB VIII, 720.
21 F. MOLINARI, La «Storia ecclesiastica» di don Bosco, en: BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 204. Recordemos también su testimonio: «Pió volte ho tra me pensato al modo di calmare l'odio e l'avversione che in questi tristi tempi taluno manifesta contro al Papi e contro la loro autoritá. Mezzo molto efficace mi sembró la conosc>nza dei fatti che riguardano la vita di quei supremi pastori stabiliti a fare le veci di G. C. sopra la terra e a guidare le nostre anime per la via del Cielo» (G. Bosco, Vita di San Pietro..., Torino, Tip. di G.B. Paravia e Comp. 1856, p. 3).
Evidentemente, este planteamiento iba más allá de la mera devoción a la persona del Pontífice ya que, en realidad, planteaba su concepción de Iglesia y su idea de la organización eclesiástica, tan deudora de la teología entonces predominante.
Lemoyne resumía así su pensamiento: «Don Bosco sosteneva che il perno di, una storia ecdesiastica, attorno a cui essa doveva aggirarsi, era il Papa, e quindi una vera storia della Chiesa dover essere essenzialmente una Storia dei Papi. Il Papa non é egli il Capo, il Príncipe, il Supremo Pastore? diceva D. Bosco. [...] Non é forse necessario che si sappia doversi tutto al Papi, onore, gloria, obbedienza come a centro d'unitá, senza del quale la Chiesa non é piú Chiesa? E' un grande errore scrivere della Chiesa e lasciar trascorrere lunghi periodi senza far menzione del suo Capo».23
No podríamos, ciertamente, atacar a don Bosco por su concepción de la historia, ya que era la entonces dominante y, en gran parte, la actual. A los historiadores nos resulta más fácil hablar de papas y de sus relaciones con los Estados que de la vida interna, de la presencia de la gracia divina en la comunidad edesial. ¿Podríamos imaginarnos, dada su sensibilidad, una historia de la Iglesia escrita por don Bosco y centrada en la santidad presente en la congregación de los fieles cristianos? Pero, en realidad, en él, más allá de un enfoque entonces dominante, se daba, como vemos, un decidido planteamiento eclesial centrado en el Romano Pontífice.
. En el tratamiento de la figura del Papa no se permite ningún ejercicio de discernimiento ni hermenéutica de sus prescripciones. Hay que defenderlo en todo. Más aún, la voluntad de identificarse con el Papa debe llevar a pensar, sentir, hablar como él quiere. La razón de tan grave exigencia está en que el Papa es el Vicario de Cristo; quien está con el Papa, está con Cristo y con Dios. En una ocasión confiaba a Pío IX: «Santo Padre, i miei figli Vi arcano! Ví hanno nel cuore! Il vostro nome lo portano intrecciato con quello, di Dio! »...
Y, en realidad, la figura del Papa que se deduce de sus escritos es la de un superhombre alrededor del cual gira absolutamente todo en la Iglesia: «Come al tempo della vita mortale del Salvatore gli Apostoli raccoglievansi attorno a Gesú come a centro sicuro, e maestro infallibíle: cosi noi tutti dobbiamo schierarci intorno al degno sucessore di Pietro, intorno al grande, al coraggioso Vicario di Gesú Cristo, al forte, all'incomparabile Pio IX. In ogni dubbio, in ogní pericolo, ricorriamo a luí, come ad ancora di salvezza, come ad oracolo infallibile. Né mai alcuno dimentichi che in questo portentoso Pontefice sta il fondamento, il centro d'ogni veritá, la salvezza del mondo. Chiunque raccoglie con lui, edifica fino al Cielo; chi non edifica con lui, disperde e distrugge fino all'abisso. Qui mecum non colligit disperdit».24
n «Non si puó essere buoni Cattolici se non si presta anche in questo obbedienza pratica al Papa. Chiunque se la piglia col Papa é perduto. [...] Se ti parlo del potere temporale del Papa non lo fo che sotto il punto di vista della religione e della coscien7a, che invano si vorrebbe restringere alle cose invisibili» (MB VI, 481). 23 MB V, 575.
De algunas afirmaciones podría deducirse que la existencia del clero en sus diferentes niveles sólo es debida a la imposibilidad de que el Papa pueda hacer él solo todo y llegar a todos: «Ma questo Capo, ossía il Romano Pontefice, non potendo da sé solo attendere ai bisogni particolari di ciascun fedele, é necessario che vi siano altri ministri inferiori, dal Papa dipendenti, i quali colla predicazione della parola divina, e coll'amministrazione dei Santi, Sacramentí promuovano la domina e la santitá negli uomini».25 La actuación real de don Bosco y la consideración otorgada al sacerdocio redimensionará esta primera impresión.
Los concilios ecuménicos son considerados por don Bosco como actos supremos del Papado. Esta afirmación, en sí, non significa mucho o, al menos, no se aparta del sentir general. Pero da la impresión de que los concilios constituyen simplemente un marco más solemne de lo ordinario de la actuación pontificia habitual. De hecho, aunque resultan útiles, no le parecen necesarios: «perché il Papa supremo pastore di tutti i cristiani puó fare da sé solo tutto quello che puó fare un concilio anche generale», ya que en su opinión «é sol-tanto il Papa che colla sua conferma comunica al Concilio nelle cose di fede e di morale l'infallibilitá e gli fa godere nella Chiesa una autoritá suprema».26
En realidad, hoy podríamos decir que don Bosco considera a la Iglesia como una única inmensa diócesis cuyo obispo efectivo es el Papa, imagen reforzada en buena parte de los católicos después del Vaticano I. No resultaría atrevido afirmar que las iglesias particulares son consideradas simplemente como partes o porciones de la Iglesia universal, gobernada por el Papa.27 En este sentido, a veces, se manifiesta con afirmaciones que hoy nos resultan sorprendentes: «I vescovi accolgono le suppliche, sentono i bisogni dei popoli e li fanno pervenire fino alla persona del supremo Gerarca della Chiesa. fi Papa, poi, secondo il bisogno, comunica i suoi ordini ai vescovi di tutto il mondo ed i vescovi li partecipano ai semplici fedeli cristiani».28 ¿Y a qué quedan reducidos los obispos en esta perspectiva? A útiles y necesarios intermediarios. En este mismo sentido, P. Stella considera que «facilmente é portato a vedere i vescovi in funzione, non solo subordinata, ma quasi sussidiaria a quella del Papa: come suoi rappresentanti e portavoce prenso i fedeli che per moltissime ragioni non possono direttamente comunicare con il padre comune».29 En este sentido don Bosco escribía: «I nostri pastori, e specialmente i vescovi, ci uniscono col Papa, il Papa cí uniste a Dio».3° Evidentemente esto no quería decir che don Bosco no respetase plenamente la figura de los obispos e, incluso, de los párrocos: «Perciocché io non sarei giammai per mandare alcuno dei nostri preti o maestri in qualche diocesí, senza il pieno gradimento dell'ordinario da cui intendo ora e sempre ognuno debba dipendere, siccome appunto le nostre regole prescrivono»;31 aunque ésta, naturalmente, tenía sus límites: «Ecco in breve il motivo per cui cono andato a Roma e in generale ció che ho fano coa. Abbiamo ottenuto esenzioni e privilegi, ma noi saremo sempre obbedientissimi ai Vescovi ed ai parroci, e non ci serviremo delle nostre facoltá, se non esaurití tutti gli altri mezzi anche di umile deferenza».32
24 MB XII, 641.
" G. Bosco, II Cattolico istruito nella sua religione. Trattenimenti..., Torino, Tip. Dir. da P. De-Agostini 1853, p. 4.
26 G.M. MEDICA, I Concili generali della Chiesa cattolica nel pensiero di D. Bosco, en «Riviita di Pedagogia e Scienze religiose» 1 (1963) 2, 22.
27 Cf. P. RIFA, L'argomentazione delle «note» della Chiesa nell'apologetica popolare di San Giovanni Bosco, Colle Don Bosco, Ist. Sal. Art. Grafiche 1971, p. 33.
28 F. DESRAMAUT, Don Bosco e la vita spirttuale, Torino, LDC 1967, p. 93.
Passaglia y otros teólogos con él, insistían en que los obispos no eran meros delegados del Papa. Este era centro de unidad en la Iglesia, pero sólo a Cristo correspondía ser fuente de potestad en su cuerpo místico. Para ellos, entre el primado y el episcopado se da una relación de complemento recíproco que deja intactos los derechos de cada uno. Don Bosco, en realidad, no realiza una reflexión estrictamente teológica ni sobre el pontificado ni sobre el episcopado, pero su posición antigalicana le lleva a acentuar la subordinación de los obispos al Papa, sujeto de la autoridad suprema sobre la Iglesia universal, así también como maestro y juez supremo en materias de fe.33
Frente a la permanente insistencia sobre el papel de Pedro, salta a la vista la casi total ausencia de la correspondiente corresponsabilidad de los obispos. Don Bosco concede espacio e importancia a las asambleas conciliares no por sensibilidad al principio de colegíalidad sino porque los concilios, gracias a la aprobación pontificia, que los hace infalibles, pulverizan las herejías y determinan la verdad.
No se trata, evidentemente, de falta de respeto a los obispos, ni de que no considerara o valorara su puesto en la Iglesia, sino del hecho de que la centralidad del papado era concebida de tal manera que automáticamente la razón de ser de los obispos quedaba devaluada. Escribía el 13 de febrero de 1863 a Pío IX: «La morte, l'esilio di non pochi Vescovi ha messo in diffidenza i meno fervorosi e fece si che il clero si strinse vie piú tra sé, portando esclusivamente e clirettamente il pensiero al centro della veritá, al Vicario di Gesú Cristo [...]. Dirá cosa strana ma che credo vera. In questo momento sembra che i Vescovi facciano maggior bene dal loro esilio o dalle loro carceri, che forse non farebbero nella loro sede; giacché col fano pubblicano, difendono il principio dell'autoritá divina nel suo capo visibile, che é la base di nostra santa cattolica religione».34
29 STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 133. De hecho, en las propuestas que hizo a Pío IX para nombramientos episcopales eligió siempre candidatos dóciles al Pontífice y de clara tendencia infalibilista, incapaces de crear dificultades al Papa en el gobierno eclesiástico.
" STELLA, Don Bosco 11, p. 122.
" MB XIII, 456. En el volumen X, 931, Amadei escribe: «Gli premeva soprattutto che i salesiani si prestassero in aiuto del parroco del luogo ove esisteva la casa». Y en 1861 escribía: «Del resto Ella sa che da vent'anni ho sempre lavorato e tuttora lavoro e spero consumare la mia vita lavorando per la nostra diocesi ed ho sempre riconosciuto la vote di Dio in quella del Superiore ecclesiastico».
32 MB IX, 565-567.
33 La Santa Sede «é una Suprema Autoritá che concede e limita i poteri e regola l'esercizio dei medesimi» (E IV, 59).
34 E L 258.
Parece duro que la centralización de la Iglesia ha adquirido a lo largo de la historia ritmos más rápidos a medida que las dificultades doctrinales o las persecuciones políticas exigían un respaldo más consistente de Roma, generalmente más fuerte y con más capacidad de apoyo, a los obispos individual o colectivamente considerados, generalmente más débiles y más fácilmente dominados o chantajeados por el poder civil. A esto se refiere indirectamente don Bosco en el citado párrafo, pero también se puede deducir de su lectura esa división típica del siglo pasado entre obispos dóciles a Roma y, por tanto, buenos, y obispos más autónomos y, consiguientemente, dignos de reforma y conversión.
El autor de las Memorias biográficas responde a esta mentalidad simplista cuando señala que «in Francia i giornali cattolici liberali si schierano decisamente coi gallicani, coi Giansenisti, contro la definizione dell'infallibilitá. Le sciagurate stampe del Janus, del Gratry, di Mons. Maret, o del Dupanloup facevano il resto».35 El motivo del juicio y de la división entre buenos y malos no era tanto el de la ortodoxia doctrinal sino el de la defensa más o menos entusiasta del ultramontanismo. Así se explica esa amalgama sorprendente e injusta de nombres no equiparables. Para los ultramontanos convencidos y decididos un Maret, un Dupanloup o un Gratry eran tan peligrosos como Dóllinger.
En esta organización eclesiástica, ¿qué parte y qué papel cumplían los laicos? Evidentemente, más bien poca. Es verdad que Rosminí en su obra Las cinco llagas de la Santa Madre Iglesia encuentra uno de sus pilares fundamentales en el descubrimiento del laicado y de su participación activa en la comunión edesial. Rosmini pedía mayor colaboración entre clero y pueblo, reivindicaba el sacerdocio de los fieles y asignaba al laicado una participación activa en el nombramiento de los obispos.36 Rl había recogido las instancias más aceptables de los grupos reformistas, algunos de ellos bastante radicalizados, que, ciertamente, no eran escuchados ni tenidos en cuenta por la Curia Romana ni por la mayoría del los obispos. De hecho, no cabe duda de que la condena de las Cinco llagas el 30 de mayo de 1849 resume y significa la victoria de una eclesiología hostil a la nueva apertura.
35 MB IX, 777.
36G MARTINA, L'atteggiamento della gerarchia di fronte alle prime iniziative organizzate di apostolato dei laici alla metá dell'Ottocento in Italia, en: Spiritualitá e azione del laicato cattolico italiano, Padova, Ed. Antenore 1969, p. 317.
El P. Curci, fundador de la «Civiltá Cattolica», por su parte, defendió una participación más activa en la vida de la Iglesia, recordando los primeros siglos, cuando «La multitudo fidelium ed i viri fratres vi avevano una parte notevole e maggiore che argomentandolo dal sistema prevalso modernamente»,37 pero esta postura la mantuvo en su época más conflictiva, fuera ya de la Compañía de Jesús.
Resultaba más común la actitud del cardenal Antonelli cuando recordaba que el Papa consideraba «soramamente doloroso [...] essere l'Italia ridotta a sostener la religione cattolica coi mezzi proposti», es decir, con la acción organizada de los laicos católicos. Y el mismo Pío IX declaraba con energía que «al Papa ed all'Episcopato [...] spetta unicamente la tutela della Religione»,38 y es el mismo Papa quien subraya el adverbio, que excluye cualquier pretensión de los laicos en este campo.
¿Cuál era el pensamiento de don Bosco?
A primera vista, cuando uno lee su abundante epistolario, en gran parte dirigido a laicos, llega a la conclusión de que fundamentalmente le interesaban sus bolsillos, es decir, su dinero, tan necesario para las obras que llevaba entre manos. Por otra parte, su insistencia y casi obsesión por el sacerdocio, por el papel y la necesidad de sacerdotes, puede dar a entender que los laicos erano meros sujetos pasivos de la acción edesial. ¿Cuál era la función de los laicos en la Iglesia? En realidad, habría que preguntarse sobre cuál es la función, la razón de ser de los sacerdotes. Era la de santificar a los laicos, dirigirlos hacia la salvación. Los laicos estaban en la Iglesia para ser santificados por la acción del clero y para obedecer.39 «Sismo adunque docili alle voci dei sacri minístri, come le pecore lo debbono essere alla voce del loro pastore. Dio ce li ha .dati per nostri maestri nella scienza della religione; dunque andiamo da essi ad impararla e non dai maestri mondani. Dio ce li ha dati per guida nel cammino del cielo, dunque seguitiamoli ne' loro ammaestramenti».46
Evidentemente, el tema es complejo y no conviene simplificarlo. Desramaut, con su habitual talante equilibrado, considera que «é interessante rilevare che pensó al crístiani, al modo di esistenza che loro conveniva, al loro compito missionario nella chiesa e alla loro santificazione nella vita corrente e nell'apostolato diretto»,41 pero parece evidente que también en este tema don Bosco se encontraba más cerca de Pío IX que de Newman,42 y de quienes propugnaban una eclesiología más renovada y menos clerical.
37 G. Mucci, Il primo direttore della «Civiltá Cattolica». Carlo Curci tra la cultura dell'immobilismo e la cultura della storicitá, Roma, Ed. La Civiltá Cattolica 1986, p. 193.
38 MARTINA, L'atteggiamento della gerarchia, p. 345.
39 «Nella Chiesa devonsi considerare due classi di persone, quelle cioé che insegnano e comandano, e queste sono nella Gerarchia, e la forman; e quelle che obbediscono e queste sono sotto la Gerarchia. E questi ultimi sono tutti i semplici fedeli, ricchi e poveri, re e principi» (G. Bosco, La Chiesa cattolica e la sua gerarchia, Toririo, Tip. dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales 1869, p. 67). Recordemos a este respecto el conocido párrafo de la encíclica Vehementer de Pío DI: «Sólo en el cuerpo pastoral reside el derecho y la autoridad necesaria para mover y dirigir todos los miembros hacia el fin de la sociedad. En cuanto a la multitud, no tiene otro derecho que el de dejarse conducir y, dócil grey, seguir a sus pastores».
40 G. Bosco, Il mese di maggio consacrato a Maria SS. Immacolata ad uso del popolo, Torino, Tip. G.B. Paravia e Compagnia 1858, p. 46.
Este planteamiento profundamente piramidal, jerárquico y centralizador, era, como ya he afirmado, propio de una eclesiología y de una mentalidad que es bien conocida y ha sido suficientemente estudiada." En don Bosco encuentro, además, algunos argumentos propios de su carácter y peculiaridad, que refuerzan la argumentación anterior, pero con un talante menos doctrinal y más existencial.
Don Bosco está convencidísimo de que la estructura ha sido querida por Cristo y que servía para la salvación de las almas, pero creo que, de manera más o menos explícita, considera la Iglesia a modo de una gran familia donde la autoridad resulta necesaria sobre todo en cuanto es útil y beneficiosa para conseguir sus objetivos:14 Se trata de una imagen cercana y substancial en su concepción pedagógica,45 en su planteamiento de la nueva congregación religiosa,46 y, ciertamente en la imagen que vive y transmite de la comunidad eclesial.47
En la manera como concibe y gobierna su congregación religiosa se encuentra «la tendenza a sentirsi un padre que godeva tutta la confidenza e la fiducia dei figli associati in tutto alla sua opera», de forma que las primeras redacciones de las Reglas resultaban extremadamente centralizadas y autocráticas.48 De hecho, por ejemplo, el cuarto Capítulo o Congregación general, tras
41 DESRAMAUT, Don Bosco e la bita spirituale, p. 209.
42 MARTINA, Pio IX, p. 176.
" Cf. A. ANTÓN, El misterio de la Iglesia II, Madrid, BAC 1987.
44 «Ora questo Padre é il Papa, e i suoi figli sono i cristiani, fi regno é la Chiesa, il Re supremo ed invisibile é Gesú Cristo, il Re visibile n'é Il suo Vicario, i1 Romano Pontefice» (Bosco, cattolico nel secolo, p. 173).
45 «El alumno tendrá siempre gran respeto a su educador, recordará complacido la dirección de él recibida y considerará en todo tiempo a sus maestros y superiores como padres y hermanos suyos» (El sistema preventivo en la educación de la juventud, en: Sj. Bosco, Obras fundamentales, Madrid, BAC 1979, p. 565); cf. Carta sobre el espíritu de familia, en: Ibid., p. 612-620.
46 Cf. MB IX, 572-573; cf. G. BOSCO, Scritti spirituali, vol. II, a cura di J. Aubry, Roma, Cittá Nuova 1976, p. 128. 159.285-286.
47 «Ora io considero tutto il clero del mondo come un vasto seminario rispetto al Papa. [...] Del resto noto ancora come al Papa, anche come Dottore privato, si debba avere molta deferenza e che sia conveniente conformarsi al suo modo di pensare. Cosi i buoni figliuoli usano di portarsi verso il loro padre» (MB XIII, 21). P. Stella subraya también este aspecto: «Come formato nel primo quarantennio dell'Ottocento agisce in forza di una religiositá, la cui ossatura di base é familiale e paternale, che tende a vedere nel rapporto Padre-figli; di comando, di obbedienza (o consacrazione: darsi a Dio) e di esecuzione» (STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 253). Estas expresiones se repiten con frecuencia en sus obras: «Questa gran famiglia é la Chiesa, questo Capo é il Romano Pontefice» (Bosco, II cattolico istruito, p. 41-42). El, «a guisa di padre universale, regola e governa tutta la cattolica famiglia» ([Bosco], La Chiesa Cattolica, p. 22).
48 Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 159.
trabajar, reflexionar y medir, después de determinar y dictaminar..., decidió que don Bosco podía cambiar y modificar todo lo que quisiera.49 Esta característica que se encuentra también en otros Institutos del tiempo responde a una eclesiología que desembocará en el Vaticano I.
En esta familia, como en todo organismo, la autoridad era necesaria y, en este caso, resultaba imprescindible para encauzar la salvación. A veces, probablemente, a causa de su estricto planteamiento teológico, da la impresión de que su defensa de la autoridad es fundamentalmente utilitaria en el sentido de que considera que únicamente una Iglesia homogénea, compacta, bajo un solo jefe es capaz de responder con eficacia a las dificultades existentes. En este sentido, su insistencia en la definición de la infalibilidad aparece, a menudo, motivada por los continuos ataques infligidos a la Iglesia, por el convencimiento de la necesidad de una guía centralizada «como un ejército en guerra», y por el deseo de que no se repitiesen males pasados: «la definizione dommatica avrebbe posto termine agli errori del Gollicanesimo in Francia e del Febronianismo in Germania: mentre era necessaria per le missioni e qua-lora il Sommo Pontefice venisse a trovarsi nene dolorose strettezze di Pio VPI»?° De subrayar, sin duda, el motivo de un trabajo más eficaz en las misiones como exigencia de la definición. Y este deseo de eficacia le hacía pedir, tembién, un catecismo único, universal, obligatorio, compuesto y promulgado por la Sede Romana." Esta motivación no teológica sino de conveniencia se extiende a la esfera civil: (La definición de la infalibilidad) «es de gran utilidad a los soberanos y a toda la sociedad, pues, haciéndose oír a los pueblos con más autoridad la voz infalible del Soberano Pontífice para inculcarles el deber de sumisión a los príncipes, llega a ser por esto el sostén más poderoso de su trono y también la mejor garantía de la tranquilidad pública» 52
4. Mentalidad práctica y utilitaria
Creo que conviene subrayar y resaltar la mentalidad utilitaria, práctica de don Bosco. P. Stella, como una descripción feliz, así resume lo que quiero decir: se trata de la teología del campesino que se hace cura, del hombre práctico que tiene muy claro su objetivo y que utiliza todos los medios honestos que tiene a mano para conseguirlo. Esta actitud, de hecho, relativiza, en gran parte, su defensa del centralismo eclesial. Don Bosco en su práctica diaria relativiza la teología absoluta.
49 «Mi scriveva un salesiano solamente ieri: Mi basta che una cosa sia disposta dai Superiori, che subito mi piace e non vado a cercarne il perché. Io vorrei che proprio tutti poteste dire cosi» (MB XIII, 91). Lemoyne confirmará que don Bosco «sapeva far valere la sua autoritá, né tollerava impunita la resistenza» (MB VII, 118); cf. DESRAMAUT, Don Bosco e la vita spirituale, p. 91.
50 MB IX, 779.
51 MB IX, 827. El tema del catecismo único planteó en el Vaticano I las diversas direcciones eclesiológicas. De hecho, a menudo, quienes se oponían a este proyecto pertenecían generalmente a la minoría conciliar (cf. L. NORDERA, Ii catechismo di Pio X. Per una storia della catechesi in Italia [1896-1916], Roma, LAS 1988, p. 45).
Bosco, Fundamentos de la religión católica, en: FIERRO TORRES, Biografía y escritos, p. 541.
En la eclesiología de algunos teólogos italianos y alemanes tenía un papel decisivo el pueblo de Dios en el que se inserta la jerarquía. En don Bosco es la jerarquía la que tiene y ejerce este papel. Sin embargo, en la vida práctica, da la impresión de que es el bien del pueblo cristiano el que obtiene la prevalencia, aunque sea a costa de semiengaños o subterfugios.
En las Memorias biográficas encuentro un párrafo delicioso que podría ser juzgado por algunos como cínico, pero que en español puede ser sintetizado con la expresión clásica: A Dios rogando y con el mazo dando: «Don Bosco aveva eziandio riflettuto sull'importanza di potersi gíovare in certe occasioni dell'influenza che l'Abate Rosmini esercitava in Torino sugli uomini nuovi rivestiti di autoritá, e quindi la convenienza di averío amico e protettore. Era suo sistema premunirsi diligentemente con ogni mezzo umano, lascíando poi con fiduciosa rassegnazione, che la Divina Provvidenza guidasse le cose a suo beneplacito >>.53
«Es hijo dócil, hijo obediente, pero también hábil», dice P. Stella: «Egli sa scegliere i momenti, i morfi e anche le persone a cuí parlare. Ha il seno della Gerarchia, ma anche quello del carisma singolare donato a luí e alle sue opere. Ardisce presentarsi talora come portavoce del Signore».54 Hay que tener en cuenta que esta habilidad, la desarrolla también con la jerarquía y la Curia Romana, y es en este sentido en el que quiero insistir. Belardinelli llega a afirmar que «D. Bosco non mancó di collegare l'impégno "infallibilista" al sostegno delle sue opere: nell'udienza del 12 febbraio presentó a Pio IX la collezione delle "Letture cattoliche" e della "Biblioteca" ottenendo il plauso papale, e con ció stesso un potente avallo per la diffusione, anche a dispetto delle diffi denze di molte curte piemontesi, di efficaci strumenti di comunicazione socia-le»." En otras ocasiones utilizaba la protección pontificia para conseguir facilidades y ayuda,56 o se aprovechaba de la conmoción producida por la muerte de Pío IX para animar a la generosidad: « A D. Bonettí che prepari un articolo pel Bollettino salla chiesa di S. Giovarmi dicendo: 1° Esser opera consigliata, benedetta, sussidiata da Pio IX, 2° Non potersi promuovere miglior monumento che condurre a termine un'opera da Pio IX cominciata, consacrata al suo nome, e che é secondo il suo ultimo ricordo: Abbiate cura della povera gioventü».57
53 MB III, 248. En este sentido «furbo», de habilidad, encuentro incomparable su defensa de los jesuitas utilizando palabras y juicios de Gioberti (MB III, 310).
54 STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 138.
55 M. BELARDINELLI, Don Bosco e il concilio Vaticano I, en: BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa,
p. 249.
56 Escribía a don G. Cagliero: «Mi scriverai poi la visita che farai coll'Arcivescovo a Carmen o Patagones; dirai al medesimo che il Santo Padre desidera tanto nuovi esperimenti pei selvaggi ed applaude al nostri sforzi per aprire case di educazione sui loro confirú» (E III, 95).
Preguntado por qué favoreció el nombramiento de Gastaldi como arzobispo de Turín, contestaba: «Oltre a questo io aveva tutte le ragioni di credere che egli ci sarebbe stato sempre largo del suo favore. Che vuoi? Appena divenne Arcivescovo di Torino, cambió registro ».58 Éste, por su parte, se quejaba amargamente de Don Bosco: «Diminuisce assai Pautoritá dell'arcivescovo di Toríno, e introduce lo scisma nel clero [...] ma io sono costretto a invocare la protezione della Santa Sede contro gli attentati di questo ecclesiastico, il quale ha la mente plena e la riempie a' suoi dello spirito di autonomía e di indipendenza»." No olvidemos que también su antecesor, mons. Riccardí había tenido fuertes y prolongados contrastes con don Bosco por su deseo de conseguir plena autonomía para su Instituto.60
Por su parte, don Bosco invocó sucesivamente diversas protecciones en función de las diversas circunstancias. En el proceso de aprobación de las constituciones, utilizó todas las artes para que fueran aceptadas tal cual él las había redactado. A Pío IX le habló de una inminente fundación en Hong-Kong, que, naturalmente, exigiría una pronta aprobación; al Secretario de la Congregación le habló del Prefecto y a éste del Papa. En relación con esta aprobación se dio cuenta de que el camino de los obispos podía resultar complicado, por lo que se apoyó decididamente en Roma. «Al Santo Padre D. Bosco aveva mandato 11 libro con un intento speciale: desiderava che Sua Santitá vedesse con quale alacritá i salesiani lavorassero e quanto fosse il loro attaccamento alla Cattedra di Pietro e che sforzi facessero per istillare negli altri l'ossequio e l'amore verso il Vicario di Gesó Cristo. Gli paree dí ayer ottenuto il suo scopo e santamente se ne compiacque».61
Claro que esta absoluta y sincera aceptación del significado de la Curia Romana no le impidió no aceptar sin más las correcciones de la Regla realizadas por la Congregación Romana correspondiente. Don Bosco dijo a sus hijos que estuviesen tranquilos porque su Congregación había sido aprobada por la autoridad infalible, pero acto seguido intentó «manipular» o cambiar algunos artículos de esas constituciones aprobadas que a él no acababan de satisfacer.62
57 Carta a don M. Rua en: E III, 305-306.
58 MB 23.
59 MB XIII, 336. Naturalmente la realidad era mucho más compleja y estas difíciles relaciones manifestaron no sólo dos maneras de ser y de actuar, sino también, la objetiva dificultad existente en el acomodamiento de la autoridad episcopal con la exención de los religiosos. Como contrapunto a la opinión del arzobispo podríamos recordar las siguientes frases de don Bosco: «Tuttavia, sebbene io sia persuaso di non ayer ecceduto la fattami concessione nel falto accennato, per l'avvenire me ne asterró assolutamente, poiché tale cosa é di gradimento al superiore ecdesiastico» (E II, 405); y Lemoyne estaba convencido de que «questi fascicoli delle vite dei Papi, prima esposte da Don Bosco sal palpito, ispiravano nel suo giovane uditorio un grande rispetto e sottornissione alle prescrizioni non solo del Pontefice, ma di tutti i vescovi e specialmente a quelle dell'Arcivescovo di Tocino» (MB VI, 52).
60 Cf. G.G. FRANCO, Appunti storici sopra il Concilio Vaticano, a cura di G. Martina, Roma, Universitá Gregoriana 1972, p. 104.
61 MB XIII 517.
Yo no sé si puedo traer a colación el siguiente texto como explicación de su manera de ser y de actuar en esta materia. Hablando con Pío IX sobre la actuación del papa Honorio — actuación largamente utilizada por los antünfaliMistas como argumento demostrativo de la existencia de errores dogmáticos le decía: «Io peró ritengo che se cunctavit, se temporeggió, egli l'abbia fatto per prudenza, e siccome si puó temporeggiare sena mancare, cosi peno che Papa Onorio non abbia commesso neppure peccato veniale».63
En cualquier caso, conviene recordar también su pretensión de conseguir una total autonomía económica no sólo con relación a la autoridad diocesano, sino también en relación a la Santa Sede."
P. Stella parece relacionar el rechazo romano de estas pretensiones con las condenaciones posteriores del liberalismo católico o de la Democracia de Murri. No cabe duda de que se trata de un filón histórico interesante, pero a mí me resulta más sugestivo en esta panorámica preguntarme si esta pretensión no revelaba un redimensionamiento de la autoridad romana. De hecho, en nuestros días se ha dado algún caso semejante en relación con alguna institución eclesial más reciente.
Por otra parte, este hombre supo manejarse e instrumentalizar las diversas autoridades en función de sus necesidades. Se apoyó en Roma para conseguir la aprobación de los salesianos, pero, cuando encontró dificultades en la Congregación de Obispos y Regulares en el tema de la Hijas de María Auxiliadora, no dudó en apoyarse en el obispo de Acqui y en otros ordinarios diocesanos que las aprobaron según sus deseos.
No se trataba tanto de maquiavelismo o de sorprendente capacidad de manipulazión cuanto de un sentido innato del compromiso con el fin de conseguir su objetivo principal. Por ejemplo, en otro orden de cosas, en aquellos mismos años el P. Curci, en Il moderno dissidio della Chiesa e ¡'Italia defendía la necesidad de un acuerdo, mientras que Manning, en The independece of the Holy See, demostraba absurda cualquier probabilidad de acuerdo. Por su parte don Bosco deseaba el acuerdo, «ma in modo tale che innanzituno si assicurasse l'onore di Dio, l'onore della Chiesa, il bene delle anime». Frente a dos mentalidades doctrinales, una práctica que le ayudó a permanecer en buenas relaciones con ambas orillas del Tíber, en un momento en que esto parecía imposible.65
62 MB XIV, 229. Sobre este tema resulta imprescindible consultar: P. BRAMO, Don Bosco per i giovani: L' «Oratorio». Una «Congregazione degli Oratori. Documenti, Roma, LAS 1988. También: P. STELLA, Le Costituzioni salesiane fino al 1888, en: J. AUBRY - M. MIDALI (eds.), Fedelti e rinnovamento. Studi sulle Costituzioni salesiane, Roma, LAS 1974, p. 52.
63 Mg IX, 817.
64 P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica e sociale (1815-1879), Roma, LAS 1980,
p. 399. Ver también: E W, 505-508.540-544.
65 Escribía a G. Lanza, presidente del Gobierno, el 11 de febrero de 1872: «Io scrivo con confidenza e l'assicuro che mentre mi professo sacerdote cattolico ed affezionato al Capo della Cattolica Religione, mi sono pur sempre mostrato affezionatissimo al Governo, per i sudditi del quale ho costantemente dedicate le deboli mie sostanze e le forze e la vita» (E II, 195).
66 BRAIDO, Don Bosco per i giovani, p. 10.
67 MB I, 89.
68 E I, 88-89.
69 Ver, por ejemplo, el caso del conde Gays (E 111, 352-354.364).
70 STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 155-156.
En relación con los obispos, aparece evidente su síncera voluntad de colaborar con ellos en la pastoral diocesana, pero también su deseo de llevar adelante su obra según su talante e inspiración, y, por consiguiente, con la autonomía necesaria. De hecho, a propósito de la ordenación de Cagliero parece evidente que con un tono respetuoso y sumiso, don Bosco mantiene íntegro su planteamiento de autonomía.67 En 1854 Rosmini le pide que informe al Vicario general acerca de los proyectos comunes sobre una tipografía, proyecto que se encontraba ya bastante adelantado. Don Bosco le contesta: «In quanto al parlare al nostro sig. Vicario generale giudicherei bene differire ancora: e forse sará meglio cogliere Poccasione che qualcheduno dell'Istituto passi a Lione per parlare verbalmente all'arcivescovo medesimo; ma il parlare di ció al nostro Vicario (che é un sant'uomo; ma pochissimo pratico delle cose del mondo) forse sarebbe suscitare difficoltá dove io credo non ci siano».68 Evidentemente, se trata sólo de una anécdota sin importancia, pero probablemente constituya también un indicio de cómo actuaba sorteando aquellas autoridades que consideraba problemáticas para apoyarse en las que le eran afectas en el caso concreto. Creo que se puede afirmar que don Bosco siempre pensó que el cuidado de las almas debía prevalecer sobre la organización y la administración.
En cuanto a los lazos y complicaciones jurídicas eclesiásticas, no estoy seguro de que don Bosco les concediese la importancia que se les daba habitualmente.69 Los estudiantes que dejaban la Congregación parece que podían permanecer como externos. ¿Podría esto indicar que de hecho no atribuía tanta transcendencia a los lazos jurídicos? P. Stella se pregunta: «Che cosa era dunque il noviziato secondo Don Bosco? Una casa di studio? Un semenzaio di vocazioni per i Salesiani e per qualsiasi altro istituto nella Chiesa? Un modo per far prendere contatto con l'Opera salesiana, con lo stato ecclesiastico e quello religioso? [...] Leggendo necrologie di salesiani vien da chiedersi se piú d'uno sapesse esattamente a quale titolo si trovava in casa di D. Bosco».7° Manifiesta la misma libertad de espíritu con relación a los religiosos de vida contemplativa. Convencido como estaba de que lo más importante era la salus animarum, no dudaba en afirmar que estos religiosos debían extender su celo a otros ámbitos explicando el catecismo a los niños, instruyendo religiosamente a los adultos y escuchando sus confesiones. Para él, las reglas y las costumbres no estaban por encima del bien de las almas sino a su servicio. En este sentido resulta significativa la siguiente narración: «A porporati che gli movevano difficoltá per il conseguimento di favori necessarí a rendere stabile e operosa la Congregazione, soleva dire: Io ho bisogno che mi aiutino a superare le difficoltá e non a farne. Vorrei che si considerasse non tanto la persona diD. Bosco, ma il tiene e il vantaggio della religione e delle anime: perché io lavoro per la Chiesa»." Obviamente, también los cardenales trabajaban para la Iglesia, pero consideraban que había que cumplir las disposiciones legales existentes, disposiciones que en este caso para don Bosco se reducían a trabas y dificultades que había que superar.
Non cabe duda de que conocía a la perfección la situación de la Curia Romana y los diversos partidos e influjos en ella existentes, conocimiento que le proporcionó motivos y ocasiones para bandearse con éxito en el difícil y complicado mundo romano. A propósito de la cuasi condenación de su obra Centenario di S. Pietro, escribía a un amigo: «... di questo ne fui minacciato in Roma ed anche Jopo la mia partenza, ed una persona moho a mica ne diede la ragione principale: perché in Roma ho avuto di preferenza molta familiaritá coi Gesuiti. Qui peró prudenza somma e silenzio».72 Sin duda ésta es una regla de oro de actuación, pero denota, en todo caso, su capacidad de navegación y movimiento en las aguas procelosas del mundo romano y su distinción de los diversos niveles existentes en toda autoridad."
Es decir, y terminando este apartado, creo que se puede subrayar el sentido empírico, práctico de la eclesiología de don Bosco. Curia Romana, Obispos, Párrocos son más cultivados o marginados en función de la ayuda que dispensan a la obra de los jóvenes. Don Bosco estaba totalmente convencido de que esta obra era de Dios, y en función de este convencimiento y de esta realidad instrumentAlizaba a la jerarquía con el fin de que su obra saliese adelante. Nos encontramos ante un hombre, un santo, que en la práctica relativiza la teología absoluta. En este sentido, deberíamos afirmar que don Bosco se acerca a los reformistas en la acción práctica, en cuanto redimensiona la autoridad de la jerarquía en su actuación, en la vida de cada día, en sus relaciones y determinaciones inmediatas.
5. Don Bosco y Pío IX
7' MB XIII, 504. n E I, 461.
73 Apenas elegido León XIII, le envió un escrito que «giudicava venire dal Signore» en el que, entre otras cosas, le aconsejaba: «Queste novelle istituzioni hanno bisogno di essere giovate, sostenute, favorite da coloro che lo Spirito Santo pose a reggere e governare la Chiesa di Dio» (E DI 304).
Sobre las relaciones de estos dos personajes tan sugestivos y sugerentes existe numeroso material y creo que se ha escrito suficientemente. Yo quisiera simplemente apuntar un interrogante. Dada la benevolencia y simpatía manifiesta del pontífice por el fundador, ¿por qué encontró tantas dificultades en la aprobación de la Regla? ¿No parece darse una cierta contradicción entre las conversaciones de ambos, entre la insistencia de don Bosco en que su mana constituía casi una iniciativa de Pío IX, por una parte," y las reticencias fiestas de la Curia Romana, por otra? Cuando escribía al Papa: «Societas Salesiana quam Tu, Beatissime Pater, opere et consilio fundasti, direxisti, consolidasti, nova beneficia a Magna dementia Tua postulat», ¿consideraba que la protección pontificia sería suficiente para superar las dificultades existentes? ¿Por este motivo infravalorará las animadversiones que le mandaron de Roma?
¿Eran reales las promesas y concesiones del Papa? Así lo creía, al menos su biógrafo: «... piú di una volta noi abbíamo avuto occasione di recordare come per il governo interno della societá Pio IX l'avesse munito oralmente di facoltá amplíssime, tanto Egli si fidava della sua prudenza».75 De hecho, don Bosco afirmó en más de una ocasión haber recibido «vivae vocis oraculo» dispensas de Pío IX 76
Yo concuerdo plenamente con el juicio de P. Braido: «Lascia, semmai, perplessi il fano che la conclamata benevolenza verso don Bosco non li abbia indotti a un tempestivo discorso chiaro e perentorio; a meno che non ne siano stati dissuasi dalle adamantina persuasioni del Fondatore torinese, convinto tanto della bontá della causa quanto delle proprie capacitó di manovra e delle potenti amicizie».77 Uno puede preguntarse, seguramente, si Pío IX prometió tanto como imaginaba don Bosco o si éste interpretaba con demasiado optimismo las palabras del pontífice. Probablemente Pío IX actuaba con el santo turinés como actuaba en política: se entusiasmaba con lo que el Santo le contaba y le prometía el oro y el moro, pero más tarde tenía que echar marcha atrás. Tal vez así puede explicarse el que, por una parte, el Papa prometía a don Bosco (o, al menos éste lo entendía así) mientras que por otra parte, el Cardenal y Secretario de la Congregación correspondiente actúen más restrictivamente sin que aquél diga o haga nada.78
No cabe duda de que tenían muchos puntos en común, y por eso sus encuentros eran gozosos y convergentes." Para ellos el demonio estaba muy presente en sus actividades y en la vida de la Iglesia,8° defendieron una infalibilidad personal amplia,81 confiaron el uno en el otro.
74 «In seguito a quena udienza (e altra o altre) don Bosco tenderá ad accentuare soprattutto un aspetto: la parte avuta da Pio IX, rievocato come colui che traccia quasi ad un quanto mai improbabile ignaro fi profilo di una "nuova" Congregazione religiosa, che d'altra parte coincide punto per punto a quello che don Bosco continuerá a difendere anche in contrasto con il diritto dei religiosi piú comunemente accettato» (BRAmo, Don Bosco per i giovani, p. 96).
75 MB XIII, 237.
76 E II, 126; III, 347. 361.
77 P. BRAMO, L'idea della Societa Salesiana nel «Cenno istorico» di don Bosco del 1873/74, en
RSS 6 (1987) 304.
78 Hay que tener en cuenta también que no era infrecuente que Pío IX cayese en contradicciones (cf. MARTINA, Pio IX, p. 605).
79 Don Bosco escribió el mismo día de la muerte de Pío IX: «Entro brevissimo tempo sará certamente sugli altari» (E lit, 294).
En cuanto al tema de la infalibilidad por el que tanto luchó y se movió, don Bosco utiliza un argumento curioso: «Il Signore ha dato rinfallibilitá alla sua Chiesa: resta solo a vedere dove questa risieda. Ogni vescovo (da solo) é per certo fallibíle, quindi non nei singoli si ha da cercare questo dono; e se ciascuno é fallibile anche radunati tutti insieme i Vescovi non potranno divenire infallibili per il solo fatto di essersi radunati. Che cosa li rende adunque e dá loro ció che non hanno? É l'essere collegati col Papa».82
Por el mismo tiempo escribía Newman que, tras el Concilio de Nicea, la gran mayoría de los obispos había caído en el error, pero que la recta doctrina se había mantenido gracias a los laicos. Evidentemente, también en este punto la sensibilidad de Pío IX era mucho más cercana a la de don Bosco que a la del clérigo inglés.
6. Una Iglesia santa y santificante
Todos los que conocen más y mejor a don Bosco insisten en que resulta necesario leer y comprender sus escritos como parte inseparable de una experiencia.83 A menudo, en la pura teoría, no resulta original, copia con desparpajo, repite lo que ha estudiado y le resulta apropiado. Su genialidad y su verdadera personalidad aparece en su vida, en su actuación continuada, en su experiencia hecha vida.
En el tema de la santidad, punto clave y determinante en su concepción de Iglesia, encontramos igualmente este planteamiento dual. En su concepción estrictamente doctrinal, la confesión de la santidad de la Iglesia, públicamente pronunciada en el Símbolo de los Apóstoles, es entendida de una forma que conduce no sólo a negar que la comunidad cristiana sea sujeto colectivo de pecados comunes, infidelidades y ofensas al Evangelio, sino incluso a rechazar los fallos y errores históricos, o sencillamente el que la Iglesia hubiera llegado tarde a responder a determinados problemas o necesidades humanas.
En este planteamiento se distinguía los pecados de los católicos y la actitud de la Iglesia. Con esta distinción se introducía una consideración ideológica que pretendía salvar a la Iglesia, es decir, a la institución o a la jerarquía, de sus fallos y responsabilidades históricas. Pero se hace a costa de un desdoblamiento por el cual determinados cristianos, solos o agrupados, que cometen errores e infidelidades al Evangelio, no parecen ser Iglesia. Es decir, por una parte, se da una identificación subliminar entre Iglesia y Jerarquía: y por otra se desconoce que los pecados de los creyentes hacen a la Iglesia menos apta para ser signo eficaz de salvación en cada momento de la historia.
8° G. CANATAN1, II diavolo, Roma e la rivoluzione, en «Rivista di Storia e Letteratura Religiosa» 8 (1972) 485-516; MB V, 694; Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 301.
81 Como cuando declara que todos deberían aceptar la opinión del Papa incluso en los temas de libre opinión, como doctor privado (cf. MB VIII, 277-278).
82 BELARDINELLI, Don Bosco e il concilio Vaticano I, p. 246.
" «Il veto Don Bosco é quello che risulta da una considerazione globale, unitaria e vitale, di tutti i suoi scritti, di tutte le sue realizzazioni e scelte operative e di tutta la sua vita» (R. FARINA, Leggere don Bosco oggi. Note e suggestioni metodologiche, en: P. BROCARDO (ed.), La formazione permanente inteipella gli istituti religiosi, Leumann [Tormo], Elle Di Ci 1976, p. 351).
En don Bosco esta actitud generalizada quedaba probablemente mediatizada y complementada por el hecho de no utilizar la analogía del cuerpo místico sino el de familia y madre," es decir, una vez más, por su concepción eclesiológica vertical y no horizontal y, sobre todo, por su amplio y complejo concepto de Iglesia.
En efecto, don Bosco identificaba Iglesia con Religión,85 y ésta con santidad. La santidad en don Bosco es la más teológica de las cuatro notas de la Iglesia. Desde el punto de vista apologético se manifiesta por medio de la presencia de medios eficaces de santificación, de los numerosos casos de santidad y de los extraordinarios milagros en ella presentes.86 Me parece que su concepto fundamental, el criterio que inspira sus acciones pero, de hecho, también sus teorías y formulaciones, es el de la santidad de los cristianos. A esta santidad subordina todo y en función suya concibe, más o menos explícitamente, la organización eclesiástica en sus diversas vertientes. La Iglesia fue fundada por Cristo, escribe nuestro santo, «mentre viveva su questa terca, e perché da lui formata dentro al suo sacratissimo costato, consacrata e santificata col suo sangue. Essa é da luí ripiena del suo Santo Spirito, che esso le mandó perché rimanga con lei e le insegni ogni veritá sino al termine dei secoli».87
«Ció che stava a cuore di D. Bosco — dice el autor de las Memorias biográficas —: salvare anime» o, en otro lugar: «La salute delle anime unico scopo della sua vita», o, también en otra página: «Le anime sono un tesoro affidato al sacerdote» 88 Por esta razón, como indicaré enseguida, el sacerdocio constituyó una de las obsesiones de su vida.
En la dimensión histórico-salvífica, la Iglesia es, según Newman, el pueblo de Dios.
«11 fatto poi che nella Chiesa vi siano peccatori non suscita nei suoí scritti gravi problemi dottrinali. Don Bosco infatti, piú che alla analogia del Corpo Mistico, allorché discorre del peccato e dei peccatori, si rifá a quena di famiglia e di madre. La Madre Chiesa é santa, sen7a macchia e sena ruga. Tale rimane, anche se molti suoi figli siano peccatori, anche se suoi figli la combattano e la rinneglun' o» (STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 140).
85 «Pueblos católicos, abrid los ojos; se os tienden gravísimas asechanzas cuando intentan alejaros de la única santa religión que es la Iglesia de Jesucristo» (Bosco, Fundamentos de la religión católica, en: FIERRO TORRES, Biografía y escritos, p. 545).
86 RIPA, L'argomentazione delle «note», p. 36.
87 MOLINARI, La «Storia ecclesiastica» di don Bosco, p. 221-222.
88 Escribe don Bosco en sus memorias: «il prete non va solo al cielo, non va solo all'inferno. Se fa tiene andrà al cielo con le anime da lui salvate col suo buon esempio; se fa male, se a scan-dalo andrà alla perdizione colle anime dannate pel suo scandalo» (Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 314).
Naturalmente, el pueblo de Cristo tiene también una organización social, pero en todo momento reconoce la prioridad de su realidad espiritual. La igualdad fundamental de todos los miembros de este pueblo en virtud de la fe y de los demás bienes sobrenaturales de la existencia cristiana tiene prioridad sobre la distinción entre las diversas categorías de personas en razón de las funciones específicas que están llamadas a ejercer en el seno de este pueblo. Para Newman — dice Congar — «la Iglesia no era primariamente un sistema de doctrina, ni tampoco una institución. Ella estaba constituida fundamentalmente por el don de la gracia que Dios ofrece a los hombres, y éstos, aceptándola, se unen entre sí y forman un solo Cuerpo».89
Tengo la impresión de que don Bosco, a pesar de que nunca haya escrito algo parecido, ha actuado a lo largo de su vida en esta misma longitud de onda, aunque no cabe duda de que en sus escritos acentúa y desarrolla fundamentalmente y casi exclusivamente el carácter individual de la salvación: «Ogni parola del prete deve essere sale di vita eterna e ció in ogni luogo e con qualsivoglia persona. Chiunque avvicina un sacerdote deve riportare sempre qualche veritá che gli rechi vantaggi all'anima».9° Salvación que permanece, también, relacionada con la figura del Papa: «Fortunati que' popoli che sono uniti a Pietro nella persona de' Papi suoi successori. Essí camminano per la strada della salute; mentre tutti quelli che si troyano fuori di questa strada e non appartengono all'unione di Pietro non hanno speranza alcuna di salvezza; perché Gesú Cristo ci assicura che la santitá e la salvezza non possono trovarsi se non nell'unione con Pietro sopra cui poggia l'immobile fondamento della sua Chiesa».91
En su Storia ecdesiastica la santidad aparece como un objetivo de la vida y, sobre todo, como un distintivo de la Iglesia. De hecho, no.resulta difícil advertir el predominio de la vida y la acción de los santos en su historia que acaba de transformarse en un reclamo implícito de la característica eclesial de la santidad. En las otras Iglesias, dirá, no existen santos,92 llegando a afirmar que inmoralidad y herejía van unidas." «Dai Valdesi giunto Don Bosco nel corso della sua Storia alle luride, empie e sanguinarie figure di Lutero, di Calvino e di Arrigo VIII, loro contrapponeva la celeste visione dei figli della Chiesa Cattolica che vissero ad essi contemporanei: San Gaetano da Thiene [...] e cento altri. La santitá é una sola cosa con la veritá».94 Siguiendo esta argumentación relacionará enseñanza y prácticas religiosas con moralidad 95
89 Citado por ANTÓN, El misterio de la Iglesia, p. 275.
90 11113 VI, 381.
91 Bosco, Vita di San Pietro, p. 164-165.
92 «Egli é proprio della sola Religione Cattolica ayer dei Santi e degli uomini segnalati in (MB XIV, 229).
93 E II, 23.
" MB W, 307. En otras ocasiones relacionará protestantes con inmoralidad: ... «sí sono purtroppo stabiliti i Protestanti che in mille modi fiaudulenti minacciano il costume e la credenza degli adulti e dell'incauta gioventá» (E III, 30).
95 «Le povere ragazze [...] non avendo né luogo né comoditá di frequentare la scuola, nemmeno di intervenire alle funzioni religiose, versano in grave pericolo per la moralitá» (E III, 30).
«O Religione Cattolica, religione santa, religione divina! Quanto sono grandi í beni che tu procuri a chi ti pratica, a chi in te spera e in te confida! Quanto sono fortunati quelli che si troyano nel tuo seno e ne praticano i precetti».96 Don Bosco estaba tan seguro de esto que dedicó su vida y fundó una congregación con el fin de que los jóvenes y, en general, todas las personas fueran capaces de conseguir estos bienes. Este convencimiento espoleó su interés y su preocupación constante por las misiones. «Nei casi poi di esercizi spirituali, tridui, novene, predicazioní, catechismi, si faccía 1-llevare la bellezza, la grandezza, la santitá di questa religione che propone dei mezzí cosi facili, cosi 'mili alla civile societá, alla tranquillitá del cuore, alla salvezza dell'uomo, come appunto sono i santi sacramenti».97
Tan convencido estaba de esta realidad que se atrevió a escribir a Pío IX: «Vostra Santitá secondi l'alto pensiero che Iddio Le ispira nel cuore proclamando ovunque possa la venerazione al SS. Sacramento e la divozione, alla Beata Vergine, che sono le due ancore dí salute per la mísera umanitá».98
Toda su vida estará centrada en este deseo: que todos vivan la religión, permanezcan en la Iglesia, es decir, en la verdad, se santifiquen con los sacramentos, sean devotos de María. Para que esto sea posible resultan imprescindibles los sacerdotes, y a la tarea de conseguir y formar sacerdotes dedicará permanentemente su esfuerzo: «Ricordiamoci che noi regaliamo un gran tesoro alla Chiesa guando noi procuriamo una buona vocazione: che questa vocazione o che questo prete vada in Diocesi, nelle Missioni, o in una casa religiosa non importa. E sempre un gran tesoro che si regala alla Chiesa di Gesú Cristo».99 Toda su vida consistió en una manifestación palpable de su concepción del sacerdocio, de la grandeza del sacerdocio, de la total dedicación que debe caracterizar al sacerdote."
96 STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 139. Este autor afirma que «la sua riflessione sulla santitá della Chiesa e dei fedeli s'inserisce consapevolmente in una mentalitá accentuatamente cristologica e soteriologica» (Ibid., p. 140).
" P. BRAMO, Il progetto operativo di don Bosco e ¡'utopia della societá cristiana, Roma, LAS 1982, p. 16-17. Resulta llamativo y digno de notarse su devoción y su insistencia en la indulgencia plenaria in articulo mortis.
98 E I, 259. «Dígase cuanto se quiera acerca de los diversos sistemas de educación; pero yo no encuentro base segura sino en la frecuencia de la confesión y de la comunión; y no creo exagerar afirmando que, sin esos dos elementos, la moralidad queda descartada» (BOSCO, Obras fundamentales, p. 306). Conviene recordar el influjo de San Alfonso María de Ligorio en G. Bosco, G. Cafasso, L. Guanella a través del «Convitto ecdesiastico» de Turín. San Alfonso fue el santo de las misiones poprolares, de la devoción eucarística y mariana, de la devoción al Romano Pontífice (cf. G. ANGELINI, La realtá religiosa tra escatología e storia, en: Coscienza civile ed esperienza religiosa nell'Europa moderna, Brescia, Morcelliana 1983, p. 379).
99 MB XVII, 262.
100 Decía don Bosco a B. Ricasoli: «Eccellenza, sappia che Don Bosco é prete all'altare, prete in confessionale, é prete in mezzo al giovani, e come é prete a Torino, cosi é prete a Firenze, prete nella casa del povero, prete nel palazzo del re e dei ministri» (MB VIII, 534).
Se podría decir, de alguna manera, que lo más importante para don Bosco son los sacerdotes porque ellos se dedican directamente a la evangelización, a la santificación del pueblo. Los obispos, en general, no eran líderes de evangelización ya que, de hecho, su tarea era más administrativa, más jurídica. En este sentido, con toda la imprecisión del significado, tal vez se podría afirmar que para don Bosco los sacerdotes eran, de hecho, más importantes que la jerarquía y que la estructura en la tarea de santificar, evangelizar y edificar al pueblo de Dios.
7. La experiencia de Iglesia
En la compleja actividad de don Bosco, en su múltiple apostolado, en su total dedicación a la santificación de las almas podemos encontrar un sentido de Iglesia más complejo, más libre y más dinámico del que aparece en sus formulaciones teóricas. Es en este terreno de la experiencia y de la acción donde superó las estructuras eclesiásticas existentes iniciando caminos nuevos."
Don Bosco supo y quiso comprometerse con todos los problemas edesiales de su época. En su actividad como catequista y confesor; en su diaria acción educativa juvenil y popular; en sus proyectos, comportamientos y actitudes; en sus escritos teológicos, históricos y didácticos, manifestó su personalidad de sacerdote visiblemente comprometido con los problemas de la Iglesia local y tiníversal."
La razón de la entrega total de su vida la encontramos en su experiencia de Iglesia: «Tutti i suoi pensieri, tutte le sue opere miravano essenzialmente alla esaltazione della chiesa e godeva dele sue gioie e delle sue glorie, e soffriva dei suoi sentimenti e delle persecuzioni che l'angustiavano. Perció si adoperava con ardore ad accrescere le sue contentezze e le sue conquiste, a lenire i suoi dolori e a compensare le sue perdite, col ricondurre al suo seno materno gran numero di pecorelle smarrite, accrescendo cosi la sua famiglia di nuoví figli. [...] Perció non lasciavasi sfuggire un'occasione di dare un buon consiglio, di ascoltare una sacramentale confessione, dí predicare, di ammoníre, di prender parte ad una preghiera, riguardando tutte queste azioni quali opere di importanza suprema», se afirma en las Memorias biográficas. Toda su vida estuvo orientada a satisfacer las necesidades de la Iglesia," podríamos concluir nosotros.
101 Cf. E. ALBEIUCH, resperienza e u seno della chiesa nell'educazione salesiana, en: R. GIANNATELLI (ed.), Progettare l'educazione oggi con don Bosco, Roma, LAS 1981, p. 258-278.
102 P. BRAIDO, Pedagogia ecclesiale di don Bosco, en: Ch. Cim - A. MARTINELLI (eds.), Con i giovani raccogliamo la profezia del Concilio. Atti della XIII Settimana di Spiritualítá della Famiglia Salesiana, Roma, Dicastero per la Famiglia Salesiana 1987, p. 24.
103 Escribía a don Fagnano: «Ricordati che i tuoi sforzi siano sempre indirizzati a provvedere al bisogni crescenti di tua Madre. Sed Mater tua est Ecclesia Dei, dice S. Girolamo» (E IV, 334).
En esto no era tradicional y restauracionista. Era consciente de que no todo lo anterior había sido bueno y rechazó volver al estado de cosas de otras épocas defendiendo que la libertad de la Iglesia, a pesar de haber sido conquistada por medio de tantas penalidades, había sido un logro extrordinario.
No vivió don Bosco ciertamente la época más tranquila o más brillante de la historia de la Iglesia, pero su optimismo y confianza en el futuro se manifestó en todo momento firmísimo. Ni los protestantes ni la masonería, ni la constante actividad del diablo prevalecerían: «In ogni tempo la Chiesa fu sempre col ferro o cogli scritti combattuta, ed ella sempre trionfó. Ella ha veduto i regni, le repubbliche, e gli imperi a sé d'intorno crollare e rovinar affatto; essa sola é rimasta ferina ed immobile. Corre il secolo decimonono dacché fu fon-data, e si mostra tutto giorno nella piú florida eta. Verranno altri dopo di noi, e la vedranno sempre fiorente, e retta dalla mano Divina supererá gloriosa tutte le vicende umane, vincerá i suoi nemici, e si avanzerá con pié fermo a traverso dei secoli e dei rivolgimenti sino al finir dei tempi, per fare poi di tutti i suoí figli un solo regno nella patria dei beati».'°5 Este convencimiento de un final feliz permaneció incólume tras el 20 de septiembre de 1870. Lemoyne comenta: «Fece meraviglia a tutti quena sua calma glaciale»;" y el Santo escribe el mismo día de la toma de Roma: «Ritenga queste parole: un tempo-rale, una burrasca, nn turbine, nn uragano, coprono il nostro orizzonte; ma saranno di breve durata. Dopo comparirá un sole che parí non risplendette da San Pietro a Pio IX» .107
Para muchos teólogos de aquel tiempo, y tal vez del nuestro, creer en la Iglesia significaba aceptar su autoridad más que su misterio. También don Bosco insiste como hemos visto casi exclusivamente en la autoridad y en la institución eclesiástica. Desramaut afirma que insistía mucho más en su aspecto terreno, social y orgánico que en su esencia mística: «Si costaterá che, dopo tutto, nell'universo spirituale di Don Bosco, gli esseri concreti occupano un posto notevole, mentre invece le profonditá dí Dio, l'ami' na della chiesa e per-fino lo Spirito Santo vi compaiono ben poco» .108 Sin embargo durante toda su vida hablará de lo que, en realidad, constituyen los misterios de la gracia, y consagrará su vida a avivar esta vida de la gracia en el alma de los fieles, es decir, la presencia del Espíritu Santo en los creyentes.
Tenemos que concluir afirmando que su praxis educativa lleva de mil maneras distintas a inculcar el sentido de Iglesia a través de una fuerte experiencia de Iglesia, frente a una praxis común que identificaba más o menos conscientemente Iglesia con estructura. Experiencia de Iglesia que es vida, sacramentos, santidad y relación con la Trinidad.109 Pedagogía eclesial que se condensa en escuelas, oratorios, iglesias, hospicios, institutos profesionales, asociaciones, obras para las vocaciones adultas, prensa, editoriales, librerías, colegios. Don Braido piensa que «l'iniziazione al sensus eclesiae, con radicale accentuazione papale, diventa spontanea forma quotidiana del suo essere educatore»,"° y recuerda una recomandación que puede convenirse en emblemática: «Continuate ad amare la religione nei suoi ministri, continuate a praticare questa santa cattolica religione, che possa renderci felici su questa terra, sola che valga a renderci eternamente beati in cielo». Se trataba de una concepción universal, capaz de superar capillismos y sectarismos: «Fra cattolici non vi sono né opere nostre né opera di ahí. Siamo tutti figli di Dio e della Chiesa, figji del Papa»,111 incluso en situaciones en las que un sentimiento espontáneo podía haberle movido en otra dirección. Por ejemplo, cuando desechó y destruyó los libelos escritos contra mons. Gastaldi.
" «Non vi pare — decía a los jesuitas de Piacenza — un yero trionfo della Chiesa l'essersi potuta svincolare dei trattati con i Governi, che pretendevano di eleggere non solo i vescovi per le varie diocesi, ma anche i parroci per le singole parrocchie? Adesso é piú libera di prima. Si son rotti i concordad che ne inceppavano la liberta specialmente nelle elezioni dei vescovi» (MB X, 464).
" SE, 388.
" MB IX, 920. 107 E II, 118-119.
'" DESRAMAUT, Don Bosco e la vita spirituale, p. 95.
Parece claro che lo más importante en su vida y en sus obras fue la pureza de la religión — de ahí su constante oposición a los protestantes — y la santidad del pueblo. Estos dos objetivos, que pueden identificarse en el sentido explicado en estas páginas, con la religión y la Iglesia, constituyeron la razón de ser de su vida. Él no fue un teólogo en el sentido técnico de la palabra y menos un eclesiólogo, aunque manifestó y representó una corriente dominante en aquel momento. De hecho, tal como afirma P. Braido, su visión teológica de la Iglesia había sido modelada en los catecismos diocesanos y en la modesta literatura teológica e histórica entonces dominante en el sector ultramontano. Vivió y sintió la comunidad eclesial, comprendió en qué consistía el nervio vital de la vida de la Iglesia y actuó en consecuencia. Tal vez hubieramos preferido que su eclesiología correspondiera más con su praxis, que, a veces, no parecen concordar del todo, ya que la primera es legal, jurídica, institucional, mientras que la segunda es existencial y vivencial. En realidad, don Bosco está convencido de que sólo en la Iglesia católica pueden encontrarse y producirse los sacramentos y la santidad.
Don Bosco en este tema eclesiológico representa nítidamente un ejemplo paradigmático de lo que pensaba y escribía la mayoría del clero italiano de aquel tiempo, y en este sentido no resulta original ni siquiera en su universalidad y exageración ultramontana, pero, al mismo tiempo, manifestó con su vida y su actuación la urgente necesidad de adaptación y evolución, si se quería que el mensaje evangélico llegase a más gente, sobre todo, a los más alejados y marginados.
109 Define en la edición de 1870 de su Stork ecclesiastica: «La Chiesa é manifestamente la figlia di Dio Padre, la sposa di Gesú Cristo e il tempio vivo dello Spirito Santo», y más adelante afirma: «La Chiesa non ha nulla a temere, e se anche tutti congiurassero per gettarla a terra, vi é sempre lo Spirito Santo per sostenerla».
110 BRAIDO, Pedagogia ecclesiale di don Bosco, p. 24.
BS 6 (1882) 81.
EL CONFLICTO ENTRE DON BOSCO
y EL ARZOBISPO DE TURÍN LORENZO GASTALDI (1871-1883)
Giuseppe TUNINEM
1. Elementos para la explicación de un conocido contraste
El título de esta comunicación no pretende en absoluto poner énfasis, de forma periodística, a un hecho especial: refleja las relaciones reales que se dieron entre don Bosco y el arzobispo de Turín, Lorenzo Gastaldi, en los años 1871-1883.1
Es verdad que la historia de la Iglesia está surcada por frecuentes conflictos entre los llamados carismas y la autoridad eclesiástica, tanto la del Papa, como la de los obispos. Pero no sólo eso.
Sín embargo, sería banal recurrir a esa constante histórica o a ilustres precedentes históricos para intentar explicar de modo satisfactorio, o, peor aún, desmontar el conflicto que se dio entre don Bosco y el arzobispo Gastaldi.
Pertenece, sin duda, al género de los conflictos entre autoridad episcopal y carisma religioso, pero tiene una especificidad incontrovertible, que constituye una de las claves de lectura de la rica y compleja personalidad, así como de la actividad, de los dos protagonistas.
Frente a la gravedad y a la continuidad del conflicto se siente un inevitable estupor que se hace mayor si se piensa que, al menos durante veinticinco años — es decir, hasta la primavera de 1872 — los dos protagonistas habían estado en relaciones de óptima amistad, de estima y colaboración.
Si recurrimos a la geometría, las vidas de los dos personajes se pueden imaginar como dos rectas que, partiendo del mismo año de nacimiento — 1815 — se mantuvieron paralelas durante treinta años. Desde 1844 a 1872 se aproximaron en estrecha colaboración, para contraponerse de repente y literalmente en los años 1872-1883. Era diversa su extracción social: campesino pobre Giovanni Bosco, burgués acomodado Lorenzo Gastaldi. No menos diferente su formación cultural y eclesiástica: después de estudios primarios no regulares, don Bosco había asistido a los cursos de filosofía y de teología en el seminario diocesano de Chieri; mons. Gastaldi, en cambio, había recibido una instrucción regular y de buen nivel, dados los tiempos, primero, en el Collegio dei Nobili (o del Carmen) dirigido por los jesuitas, después en la Universidad de Turín, donde, como clérigo externo, había estudiado filosofía y se había doctorado en teología.
Todo lo expuesto en esta comunicación ha sido presentado ampliamente en mi monografía sobre Gastaldi, a la que remito también para las fuentes, bibliografía y citas documentales: G. Tu. ~ni, Lorenzo Gastaldi 1815-1883, vol. I: Teologo, pubblicista, rosminiano, vescovo di Saluzzo: 1815-1871, Roma - Casale Monferrato, Edizioni Piemme 1983 (especialmente las p. 132-135); vol. II: Arcivescovo di Torino: 1871-1883, Roma - Casale Monferrato, Edizioni Piemme 1988 (especialmente las p. 259-290: «Il conflitto con don Bosco»).
Ordenado sacerdote en 1841, don Bosco había completado su formación pastoral en el Convitto Ecclesiastico di S. Francesco d'Assisi, la escuela de don Luigi Guala y de don Giuseppe Cafasso, echando a andar al mismo tiempo la actividad entre la juventud abandonada; don Gastaldi, sacerdote en 1837, había sido agregado en 1838 al Collegio dei Teologi de la. Universidad, dedicándose, por tanto, a la actividad académica, al estudio y a la publicación de obras de teología moral, introduciéndose en el debate cultural, especialmente en la cuestión rosminiana.
El hecho de que don Bosco perteneciese al clero del Convitto di S. Francesco y don Gastaldi al de formación universitaria significaba que pertenecían a dos escuelas sacerdotales diversas y en muchos aspectos alternativas: alfonsiana y ultramontana la primera, con tendencias rigoristas y moderadamente filogalicanas la segunda, con todas las implicaciones eclesiológicas correspondientes, espirituales y pastorales.
Esta diversa formación tendrá su peso en el conflicto en cuestión; pero en un primer momento no condicionó el encuentro, la comprensión y la colaboración en la actividad que se llevaba en el Oratorio de Valdocco, ya a partir de 1844 o poco después.
El canónigo Gastaldi prestaba su ayuda a don Bosco en la catequesis y la predicación, mientras que su madre, una hermana y después una sobrina ayudaban a mamá Margarita.
Admirador del cura de Valdocco, el canónigo Gastaldi, el 7 de abril de 1849, escribió en las columnas del «Conciliatore Torinese», del que era director, un verdadero panegírico de Valdocco y de su director, exaltado como el «nuovo Filippo Neri».
Y cuando en 1853 partió para Inglaterra como misionero rosminiano, en su testamento secreto legó a don Bosco y a su Oratorio una notable suma de dinero. Desde Inglaterra mantuvo relación epistolar e inició la colaboración en la colección de las «Letture Cattoliche».
Hecho obispo de Saluzzo, también gracias a don Bosco, escribió las más entusiastas y elogiosas cartas comendaticías para obtener de Roma la aprobación de la Sociedad de San Francisco de Sales. Por último, su traslado a Turín en 1871, además del aprecio de Pío IX por el apoyo abierto que dio a la causa de la infalibilidad en el Vaticano I, se debe atribuir también a los consejos de don Bosco al mismo Papa.
2. Las causas
Evidentemente, don Bosco, después de las graves dificultades que había tenido con monseñor Riccardi di Netro para la aprobación de su congregación, había cogido al vuelo la posibilidad de tener en la sede de san Máximo a un obispo amigo. Y con Lorenzo Gastaldi parecía darse la perspectiva más halagüeña.
Los cálculos resultaron errados. Además, no sólo faltó la ayuda soñada, sino que llegó enseguida la oposición.
¿Cuáles fueron las causas?
Mientras tanto, había cambiado el papel de Gastaldi: no era ya el obispo amigo, sino el superior eclesiástico directo, comprometido, por tanto, en primera persona en los problemas de la congregación salesiana, que tenía su cuna y su máxima presencia en Turín.
Sin añadir que precisamente el papel de obispo podía hacer aparecer los contrastes de sus diversas mentalidades, maduradas en procesos formativos notablemente diferentes. Además, el obispo tenía que tener en cuenta la actitud del clero diocesano en relación con la congregación salesiana, recientemente reconocida por Roma.
En efecto, el conflicto de don Bosco con el arzobispo de Turín no nació con Gastaldi, sino que se había dado ya con su predecesor, Alessandro Riccardi di Netro, trasladado de Savona a Turín en 1867. Es decir, Gastaldi se encontró con la herencia de una situación de contraste ya existente.
El conflicto verdadero y propio con la curia turinesa había surgido con la llegada de Riccardi di Netro. Y la razón es bastante simple. La diócesis turinesa, desde 1850 a 1867, había estado de hecho vacante: desde 1850 a 1862, a causa del forzado destierro de monseñor Fransoni en Lyon, la diócesis había estado gobernada por carta a través del vicario general; de 1862 a 1867 había tenido la guía del vicario capitular Giuseppe Zappata. Y todo esto en un período borrascoso para las relaciones entre Estado e Iglesia, sobre todo en Turín.
El nuevo arzobispo tuvo que enfrentarse con una situación no fácil, también en la disciplina eclesiástica, aun siendo el clero turinés un buen clero en su conjunto.
En aquel largo período también don Bosco se había acostumbrado a una cierta libertad de iniciativa, favorecida por otros dos factores: la indiscutida confianza del arzobispo Fransoni y el papel de suplencia vivido en el Oratorio de Valdocco después de la clausura del seminario teológico de Turín en 1848 por las conocidas manifestaciones de los seminaristas.
Con la llegada de Riccardi di Netro en 1867, se cerró un largo período de excepción. Tratando de poner orden en las cosas de la diócesis, el arzobispo se encontró frente al oratorio de Valdocco por la presencia de los seminaristas de la diócesis en él.
El 11 de septiembre de 1867, el arzobispo ordenó a los seminaristas diocesanos que estaban en Valdocco que volviesen al seminario para seguir con regularidad los cursos, si querían recibir las órdenes sagradas.
La orden suscitaba no pocas dificultades para don Bosco, porque se veía privado de un personal precioso para su Oratorio. Más grave aún era el juicio negativo expresado por el arzobispo sobre las constituciones de las que don Bosco pedía la aprobación a Roma. Además de las reservas que expresaba sobre ello, monseñor no era partidario de la transformación de la Sociedad de San Francisco de Sales en congregación religiosa. Si no estrictamente diocesana, la deseaba al menos muy incrustada en la pastoral de la diócesis para los fines para los que había nacido.
La Santa Sede el 1 de marzo de 1869 no concedió la aprobación de las constituciones, sino sólo el reconocimiento como congregación de votos sim. ples a la Sociedad de San Francisco de Sales. Sin embargo, don Bosco obtuvo del Papa el privilegio por diez años de conceder las cartas dimisorias a los seminaristas que habían entrado en sus colegios u oratorios antes de los catorce años; y más adelante obtuvo dársela también a los que habían entrado después de esa edad.
Resulta evidente que a partir de este momento, viendo don Bosco que no obtenía de los arzobispos lo que creía útil para sus fines, el recurso a los privilegios se convirtió en una constante en su comportamiento.
Por tanto, cuando Gastaldi llegó a Turín en 1871, el contencioso entre el arzobispo y don Bosco estaba ya sobre el tapete: la formación de los seminaristas salesianos y sus ordenaciones sagradas, los privilegios obtenidos de Roma (especialmente las dimisorias), la aprobación de las constituciones, en proceso de examen en Roma. Estaba en juego, no sólo la jurisdicción episcopal, sino la misma futura fisonomía de la congregación salesiana.
3. Dos tipos de formación y dos concepciones eclesiológicas
En' este contexto de relaciones ya más bien tensas se metió con toda la fuerza de su personalidad y su aguda conciencia de obispo, formada en la facultad teológica turinesa y madurada en la escuela de Rosmini, el arzobispo Lorenzo Gastaldi.
El comienzo claro del conflicto se dio con la carta del 24 de octubre de 1872, en la que el arzobispo, de acuerdo con el derecho canónico, establecía que los seminaristas salesianos se le presentasen cuarenta días al menos antes de la ordenación, con una declaración de don Bosco sobre el currículum de vida, de formación y de estudio; además, cada vez, los clérigos tenían que sufrir, en la curia, el examen sobre dos tratados de teología. Por el momento, el arzobispo se abstenía de exigir — como era su derecho-deber — que se asistiese a las clases del seminario.
Frente a las comprensibles resistencias de don Bosco, el arzobispo no sólo no atenuó las exigencias, sino que añadió que, sin un noviciado serio, no se teildtía una buenas ormación para la vida religiosa y el arzobispo no apoyaría la aprobación de las constituciones. Por último, precisaba que creía oportunas cierras exenciones, pero no más allá de ciertos límites, como era el examen sobre la idoneidad de los ordenandos.
Era el contencioso ya conocido, pero agravado por la aprobación de la esiana, ya obtenida, y los privilegidos conseguidos por don congregación sal Bosco, que el arzobispo trataba de vaciar apelando al derecho comúnxenta. y al hecho de que la congregación era de votos simples y, por tanto, no e Esta incertidumbre jurídica, llena de incomprensiones, se superará sólo en 1884, después de la muerte de Gastaldi, con la concesión de la exención.
La incomprensión nacía también del diverso modo de concebir la congregación religiosa y, por tanto, el noviciado. El arzobispo pensaba en ella al modo tradicional, considerando el noviciado de los jesu coitas el modelo en el que había que inspirarse. Don Bosco, que, entre otras osas, no tenía formación jurídica, por lo que parece no quería fundar una congregación religiosa tradicional, sino algo más elástico y más adaptado a lostitut amo lo hacía necebientes juvenilsaes.- Esto le ponía ante el siguiente dilema: la novedad del inseriamente más dependiente de los obispos (cosa que, dada la situación, no quería); la autonomía respecto de los obispos era sólo posible si obtenía privilegios de Roma; pero el camino de los privilegios era el de la congregación religiosa tradicional.
Para salir del impasse, don Bosco se adentró con mayor decisión porestimaba el camino de los privilegios; y los obtenía con facilidad de Pío IX, que lo mucho y lo prefería al arzobispo de Turín.
Por su parte, el arzobispo, sintiéndose desbancado por don Bosco y escribía dose cuenta de que Pío IX tenía predilección por don Bosco — y lo esc abiertamente en las cartas a las congregaciones romanas — más de una vez amenazó con negar las dimisorias como obligando, con la amenaza de un gesto llamativo, al Papa, para que tuviese con el arzobispo de Turín la debida consideración. Y como sentía cierta obsesión por el tema de los privileg osi, en su conducta con don Bosco y su congregación, recurría siempre, gracias a su preparación jurídica, al derecho canónico encontrando con frecueendían a seguir si ng simpatía, sí sintonía jurídica en las congregaciones romanas, que tendían el derecho común. A este propósito fue significativo el iter de aprobación de las constituciones, cerrado con el decreto del 3 de abril de 1874.
El arzobispo había enviado su carta comendaticia el 10 de febrero de 1873, pero planteando seis condiciones precisas sobre los puntos ya señalados y pidiendo también que el subdiaconado se confiriese después de los votos perpetuos.
Don Bosco, por su parte, pedía al Papa el 1 de marzo «la aprobación definitiva de las constituciones y plena facultad para conceder las dimisorias».
Ambas partes presionaban a la Santa Sede para que se aceptasen los propios puntos de vista.
Entre otras cosas, el arzobispo, en carta al prefecto de la Congregación del Concilio, se declaraba convencido de que la congregación salesiana no sobreviviría a la muerte de su fundador si no se tenían en cuenta las precauciones que él proponía. Efectivamente, el consultor de la Congregación de Obispos y Regulares acogió sustancialmente las observaciones de Gastaldi sobre el noviciado, los estudios de los clérigos y la colación del subdiaconado después de los votos perpetuos.
Mientras tanto — mostrando cuál era su preocupación fundamental — Gastaldi, el 26 de julio, proponía todavía a la Congregación de Obispos y Regulares la cuestión sobre la exención o no de la congregación salesiana. La respuesta del 18 de agosto revelaba de modo claro que en Roma había dos líneas a propósito de la aprobación de las constituciones: la de la Congregación de Obispos y Regulares y la de Pío IX. Efectivamente, en la respuesta se afirmaba que, por ser la congregación salesiana una congregación de votos simples, no se la podía considerar exenta de la jurisdicción episcopal, «salvo las Constituciones cuando han sido aprobadas por la Santa Sede y los privilegios particulares obtenidos por la misma». A este propósito puntualizaba que si las constituciones estaban todavía sometidas a examen, no se podía ignorar «que más de un privilegio particular ha obtenido el Sacerdote Bosco de Su Santidad sobre las dimisorias que hay que conceder a un cierto número de alumnos; y últimamente en la Audiencia del 8 del actual ha obtenido otro parecido por seis arios».
Y la política de la doble vía se verificó en la aprobación de las constituciones. Aprobadas por la Congregación de Obispos y Regulares con decreto de 3 de abril de 1874, acogieron en la sustancia las observaciones de Gastaldi sobre los puntos cruciales que tanto le preocupaban. Pero se concedía por vía de privilegio lo que se excluía en la normativa de las constituciones: con un rescrito del mismo día se concedía a don Bosco por diez años la facultad de conceder las dimisorias a los salesianos que debían ordenarse. Además, el 8 de abril, don Bosco obtenía de Pío IX, vivae vocis oraculo, la exención del tipo de noviciado sancionado por las constituciones.
A Gastaldi le resultó claro que Roma, de hecho, con el peso de Pío IX, estaba con don Bosco. Pero la ambigüedad objetiva de la solución — constituciones por un lado y privilegios por otro — se la hacía aún más humillante. Todo se habría arreglado, con no demasiada dificultad, si el arzobispo la hubiese aceptado sin pestañear. Pero este tipo de resignación no le iba bien a su carácter, sobre todo porque estaba convencido de sus legítimas razones. ¿Tozudez? ¿Lúcida conciencia de los derechos-deberes de un obispo?
El hecho está en que todo lo que sucedió después — cuando todo se hizo más difícil en las relaciones entre el arzobispo y don Bosco — ha de achacarse también a la ambigüedad romana, oscilante entre las disposiciones legislativas y los privilegios personales.
4. El período más crítico
El período más crítico de las relaciones entre el arzobispo y don Bosco fue el de los años 1878-1879, cuando se publicaron cinco libelos anónimos contra el arzobispo, en los que ocupaba un espacio notable el conflicto del que tratamos. Fueron años verdaderamente de fuego para el arzobispo, porque la publicación de los libelos coincidió con el momento más delicado de la polémica andrrosminiana, en la que el arzobispo, cada vez más solo frente a Roma, era el blanco de las contumelias de los intransigentes.
El primer opúsculo salió al final de 1877 y tenía como título: Lettera sull'arcivescovo di Torino e sulla Congregazione di S. Francesco di Sales. Un po' di luce, en el que se vertían pesadas acusaciones al arzobispo por el trato que daba a don Bosco.
El hecho de que el autor se declarase «Cooperatore salesiano», orientó las sospechas en una dirección: el arzobispo estaba convencido de la paternidad salesiana. En efecto, en la relatio ad limina del 18 de marzo de 1878 acusaba a los salesianos de haber publicado el opúsculo y de haberlo difundido por todas partes. El autor, como se supo más tarde, era el canónigo Giovanni Battista Anfossi, que había sido salesiano y fue después sacerdote diocesano y que tenía estrechas relaciones con los salesianos. No se había apagado todavía el eco del primer libelo, cuando, en mayo de 1878, apareció el segundo, igualmente anónimo (el autor era, según confesó él mismo, don Giovanni Turchi, exalumno salesiano, amigo de don Anfossi y también él en relación próxima con los salesianos). Tenía como título: Strenna pel clero ossia rivista sul calendario liturgico dell'archidiocesi di Torino per l'anno 1878 scritto da un Cappellano. El libelo era un pretendido proceso sumarlo contra el arzobispo, al que se acusaba de ser: perseguidor del clero, en especial de don Bosco; liberal; culpable de haber hecho morir de disgustos a Pío IX; paranoide e indigno del oficio episcopal.
El escrito era de hecho también una incitación a la rebelión dirigida al clero turinés. Y en una parte del clero — tal vez notable — no faltaba el descontento: el arzobispo era severo y exigente, a veces autoritario y fácil en procedimientos represivos.
De la misma sociedad anónima, formada por Turchi y Anfossi, con la colaboración de los jesuitas Ballerini (desde 1841 adversario de Gastaldi en la cuestión rosminiana) y Rostagno, se publicaron los otros tres libelos anónimos: Piccolo saggio sulle dottrine di monsignor Gastaldi arcivescovo di Torino; La questione rosminiana e l'arcivescovo di Torino. Strenna pel Clero compilata dal Cappellano (no se olvide que se estaba en plena bagarre antirrosminíana, en la que estaba implicado en primera persona el arzobispo); y, por último: L'arcivescovo di Torino, don Bosco e don Oddenino, ossia fatti buffi, seri e dolorosi raccontati da un chierico, nacido en el contexto de una violenta polémica local
en torno al oratorio salesiano de Santa Teresa de Chieri.
La penosa avalancha de libelos anónimos, que tuvo amplio eco entre el clero y la prensa laica y anticlerical, no sólo dañó la imagen y el prestigio pastoral del arzobispo, sino que tampoco prestó un buen servicio a don Bosco. Los libelos comprometieron definitivamente, aun en el plano personal, sus relaciones con el arzobispo, que quedó convencido de que estaba implicado en la difamación orquestada contra él.
En aquel momento, al faltar la confianza recíproca, las .cosas no podían sino empeorar; el arzobispo cada vez más convencido de tenérselas que ver con un cura desobediente, todo menos santo; y don Bosco convencido de que tenía un arzobispo perseguidor.
De varias partes se intentaba que se llégase a la conciliación. Esta llegó, en efecto, por obra de León XIII con el acto de la concordia el 16 de junio de 1882. Un compromiso que se deseaba y oportuno, pero que fue más formal que real, tanto se había enredado la madeja de las ideas y de los sentimientos.
La muerte imprevista del arzobispo, la mañana de Pascua de 1883, el 25 de marzo, fue lo que puso fin al conflicto, con el desgarro e interrogantes todavía abiertos.
5. En síntesis
¿Qué valoración se puede expresar sobre el conflicto?
Sin pretender una imposible sentencia salomónica, que estaría fuera de lugar, creo oportuno sugerir, sin pretensiones de decirlo de modo completo, algunos motivos.
En primer lugar, los motivos temperamentales: ambos, caracteres fuertes y seguros de sus propias razones, no exentos de una cierta tozudez, más impulsiva (pero a veces también autoritaria) la del arzobispo, más tenaz (como en un buen campesino) la de don Bosco. De hecho, ni uno ni otro hicieron nunca una concesión sustancial con vistas a un bien pastoral superior, más allá de lo que hubiera de propia razón, verdadera o presunta.
En segundo lugar, los motivos de la mentalidad. La formación ultramontana recibida en el Convitto di S. Francesco por don Bosco (capaz también, sin embargo, de comportamientos pragmáticos y elásticos en determinadas circunstancias de dirección opuesta) le llevaba a una visión edesiológica verticalista, en que la verdadera autoridad era la del Papa, de quien los obispos eran sobre todo los portavoces. Esto explica su tendencia a pasar por encima de la autoridad diocesana de un modo sistemático. La formación moderadamente episcopalista de Gastaldi, enriquecida por las lecciones patrísticas de Rosmin. i, que ponía de relieve la centralidad del obispo en la diócesis, no había sido absorbida por su adhesión a la infalibilidad pontificia, sostenida personalmente en el Concilio Vaticano. Su actuación demuestra que él conservó siempre la convicción de una legítima autonomía de la autoridad episcopal frente a la del Papa.
En tercer lugar, los motivos inherentes a los colaboradores y al entourage, que inevitablemente influyen sobre quien tiene responsabilidadades de gobierno. Tuvieron óptimos colaboradores, pero no faltaron tampoco personas poco iluminadas, pastoralmente miopes y moralmente poco límpidas (algunas fácilmente identificables, otras menos, pero indudablemente presentes), que complicaron, queriendo o no, las ya difíciles relaciones.
Por último, ¿cómo no atribuir un peso no indiferente a la ya recordada ambigüedad romana al producir en la diócesis de Turín incertidumbres de conducta de consecuencias dolorosas?
De todo este asunto, no precisamente luminoso, vale la pena subrayar, como final, su importancia histórica, que supera a sus protagonistas: al día siguiente del Vaticano I, que había definido el primado y la infalibilidad papal, dejando en la sombra el oficio episcopal, la conducta del arzobispo Gastaldi y la de don Bosco aparecen tambíén como un síntoma de cierta desazón edesíológica frente a una edesiología dominante, la ultramontana, que tendía a ignorar, diríamos que con excesiva desenvoltura, la autoridad episcopal.
IGLESIA Y MUNDO
EN LA «STORIA. ECCLESIASTICA» DE DON BOSCO
Franco MOLINARI
1. Introducción
La dialéctica Iglesia-mundo en el curso de los siglos ha tenido vicisitudes alternas y contradictorias.
En la época de los mártires, el Evangelio ejerce una carga revulsiva y revolucionaria. En la llamada edad constantiníana, se llega a la confusión de los poderes y a la identificación de las dos esferas (Ecclesiam et Imperium esse "unum).
Después de la fractura del siglo XVI, emprende su marcha en los siglos XVII y XVIII el proceso de secularización, que se acentúa con ocasión del Iluminismo, de la Revolución francesa, del Risorgimento.
La edad moderna y contemporánea se plantean una línea de tendencia hostil a la Revelación: la Ilustración lanza el ataque contra la divinidad de Cristo y contra la Iglesia, porque se la considera como maestra de intolerancia. El siglo XIX ostenta el movimiento ascendente de la incredulidad hasta el ateísmo, que se convertirá en ateísmo social. En esta última fase, el catolicismo se considera como una ciudad asediada por fuerzas hostiles, como arca de Noé, la única que ofrece salvación. A la contraposición frontal le sucede la competencia de la Iglesia con el mundo a través de las estructuras católicas, hasta que el Concilio Vaticano II lanza el diálogo y el servicio.
Los documentos pontificios (desde las encíclicas romanas hasta las pastorales diocesanas) trazan con ardor y polémica el itinerario de la civilización moderna. Lutero se rebela contra el Papa, la Ilustración rechaza la Revelación sobrenatural, hasta que explota el ateísmo, que inicialmente es un fenómeno burgués y después se trasmite a la clase obrera.
En el campo de la ideas, el Maritain de los tres reformadores une y sitúa. en el mismo plano descendente el libre examen de Lutero, la duda metódica de Descartes y la libre educación de Rousseau; y es significativo que hasta el joven Montini traduzca al italiano en 1928 los Tres reformadores,' con el mérito de
1 J. MARITAJN, Tre riformatori, Brescia, Morcelliana 1938 (2° ed. 1964). Maritain considera a contribuir a la desprovincialización de la cultura italiana y con el acierto de un prefacio abierto al diálogo, pero con el grave inconveniente de contradecir el cliché lanzado, entre otros, por Cornoldi, que afirmaba hacia 1870 que la historia del pensamiento moderno no es más que la patología de la razón ha. mana.2
¿Cuál es la lectura que hace el joven don. Bosco de esa cuestión en la stork ecclesiastica? Téngase presente que publica esta notable obra juvenil a la edad de treinta arios, con el deseo, no de ponerse en la línea de la historio científica a
científica todavía inmadura en el campo católico,3 sino de contribuir a la formación de los jóvenes en la total y entusiasta fidelidad a la Sante Sede. El leitmotiv del volumen, que se modela sobre Loriquet, Soave, Bercastel, está bien precisado en el final apologético sobre los triunfos de la Iglesia descritos en la parte que cierra la Storia ecclesiastica.
Y, sin embargo, algún estudioso sitúa a don Bosco junto al P. Curci, entre los famosos conciliadores aplastados y reducidos al silencio por la supremacía de los combativos intransigentes; y el motivo es que tenía muchos amigos entre los políticos influyentes y actuó con frecuencia como intermediario entre el gobierno y la Santa Sede.4
Esta tesis del inglés Seton Watson tiene un núcleo de verdad, es decir, que don Bosco actuó de mediador5 en el nombramiento de los obispos para las innumerables diócesis vacantes y para el exequatur (ver los estudios ejemplares y documentados de Francesco Mono). Pero haber hecho de puente entre el gobierno de Vittorio Emanuele II y la Santa Sede no significa en absoluto que se
Lutero, Descartes y Rousseau como a tres grandes de la civilización moderna, iniciada en el Renacimiento, llegada al ápice con la Ilustración y con la Revolución francesa. Maritain concede demasiado al género apologético, matizado de maniqueísmo, que separa con corte neto el bien y el mal, y emite una sentencia de condena global del pensamiento moderno, el cual ha tenido, sin embargo, el gran mérito de defender la dignidad de la persona humana, brutalmente pisoteada en el Anden Régime.
2 C.M. CORNOLDI, Lezioni di filosofta ordinate alio studio delle altre scienze, Firenze 1872, p. XXIII. Tal descalificación global de la mentalidad moderna no es algo propio de Cornoldi, sino un lugar común de la cultura católica, y aparece como componente programático de la «Civiltá Cattolica». Cf. C.M. CURCI, II giornalismo moderno e il estro programma, en «Civiltá Cattolica» 1 (1850) 5-24 (aquí habla el Curci intransigente y temporalista).
F. TRANIELLO, Cultura ecclesiastica e cultura cattolka, en: Chiesa e religiositá in Italia dopo l'Unitá (1861-1878), Relazioni II, Milano, Vita e Pensiero 1973, p. 3-28; también Cursi en la segunda fase de su pensamiento denuncia la pobreza y el atraso científico de los estudios edesiá.16- cos: C.M. CURCI, La nuova Italia e i vecchi zelanti, Firenze 1881; G.D. MUCCT, Carlo Maria Cura fondatore della «Civilta Cattolica», Roma, Studium 1988; ID., II primo direttore della «Civiltá
Cattolica». Carlo Maria Curd tra la cultura dell'immobilismo e la cultura della storicitá, Roma, Ed. Civiltá Cattolica 1986.
SE, 387-388. (Esta sigla se refiere, como se indica en las «Siglas y abreviaturas», a la edición de 1845. Las ediciones siguientes se citarán indicando, después de la sigla SE, el año de edición y la página correspondientes). Acerca de los católicos conciliadores y las varias corrientes: F. TRANIELLO, Cattolkesimo conciliatorista, Milano, Marzorati 1970.
5 C. SETON WATSON, Stork d'Italia dal 1870 al 1925, Bari, Laterza 1967, p. 73. 813.
mitad de camino entre Rattazzi y Pío IX y menos aún que trabajase situase a por la reconciliación entre la Iglesia y el mundo moderno; en efecto, por una parte era un fiel ardoroso del pontificado romano6 y un convencido asertor del de era temporal, del Syllabus, de la intransigencia papal; por otra, gozaba de la poder de los liberales por su desinteresada acción filantrópica a favor de la confianza dispersa, socialmente peligrosa y por su vertiginoso dinamismo y el espíritu de sacrificio manifestado en las negociaciones. Y es precisamente su total entrega a la causa papal lo que le consintió superar obstáculos formidables como la hostilidad final del arzobispo Gastaldi y arrancar a las cumbres vaticanas la aprobación de una obra revolucionaria como la creación de los salesianos:7 revolucionaria por la atmósfera que desataba, por el ambiente que pretendía alcanzar, por la nueva figura de sacerdote metido en la masa caótica y ruidosa de jóvenes que jugaban y gritaban en un patio; una figura tan diferente del sacerdote tridentino, concebido como hombre de lo sagrado, separado del pueblo hasta en la misa (y los muros de separación eran la lengua latina, la balaustrada, la casa cural, la nula familiaridad y la separación total de los laicos, tan calurosamente inculcada por San Carlos en las Acta ecclesiae mediolanensis). Precisamente por ese carácter atrevidamente innovador, don Bosco se verá obligado a modificar repetidamente su regla, antes de que quedase aceptable para las exigencias oficiales, preocupadas por contener las nuevas iniciativas en fórmulas aprobadas en los tiempos pasados.8 Veamos ahora si ese equilibrio que hace del sacerdote turinés el hombre de confianza de las dos orillas opuestas, está o no presente en la Storia ecclesiastica.
• F. Morro, L'azione mediatrice di don Bosco nella questione delle sedi vescovili vacanti in Italia dal 1858 alla morse di Pio IX, en: BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 251-328. Motto, que actualmente está preparando la edición crítica del epistolario de don Bosco, opina que se puede llegar a encontrar algún manuscrito inédito.
• M. BELARDINELLI, Don Bosco e íl Concilio Vaticano I, en: BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 239-250; entre otras cosas, se sabe que don Bosco fue uno de los que convencieron a Gastaldi para que votara incondicionalmente la infalibilidad pontificia en el Vaticano I; y que el Santo había conocido al futuro obispo Scalabrini cuando era rector del Seminario de Como.
• R. AUBERT, La Chiesa Cattolica dalla crisi del 1848 alla prima guerra mondiale, en: Nuova Storia della Chiesa, 5/1, Torino, Marietti 1977, p. 156: acerca de la novedad, en cierto sentido revolucionaria, de la imagen del sacerdote salesiano, cf. el cidostilado: P. STELLA, II prete piemontese dell'800 tra la rivoluzione francesa e la rivoluzione industriale, Torino 1972 («Centro di Studi sulla Storia e la Sociologia Religiosa del Piemonte»).
9 Se pueden encontrar noticias más amplias en: F. MOLINARI, La «Storia ecclesiastica» di don Bosco, en: BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 203-238; muy interesante el volumen: M. MIELE, Tommaso Michele Salzano (1807-1890), separata de «Campania Sacra» 1986.
Se publicó este libro en 1845 y pertenece a la fase juvenil con todos los méritos y todos los defectos de la edad.9 Entre los aspectos positivos de la obra está la claridad inmediata y comunicativa, facilitada por la forma catequística de preguntas y respuestas (con San Agustín, don Bosco pensaba: prefiero que me corrijan los doctos a que no me entiendan los rudos). El libro recogió aplausos y tuvo varias reedicíones, no sólo por el estilo popular y luminoso y por una lcugua bencina y apropiada, libre de arcaísmos y piamontesismos chalectales, sino también por su uso escolar, especialmente entre los hermanos de las Escuelas Cristianas.w Estas reediciones no agradaron al autor, porque esta. ban plagadas de errores tipográficos. Sí se vio reflejado, en cambio, en la de 1871, que se presenta como cuarta edición mejorada. La revisión es sin duda positiva: se liman las virulentas polémicas de la primera edición y se distribuye la materia de modo más orgánico. Discutible y opinable, en cambio, es el abandono de la forma catequística de preguntas y respuestas y la transformación en texto puramente narrativo por obra de don Giovanni Bonetti, que eran un fiel colaborador de don Bosco. Sería interesante conocer los motivos de estas dos metamorfosis. Desde luego es curioso y singular el hecho de que, mientras sube y se exaspera la polémica católica hacia 1870, la nueva edición de don Bosco, aun a través de la intervención de Bonetti, modera los tonos anteriores, por ejemplo, sobre la «Divina vendetta» contra los herejes. Pero no mucho más.
2. Iglesia y mundo
Hay que señalar un hecho. Escribe la esquemática Storia ecclesiastica en los años 1844-45, bajo el poritificado de Gregorio XVI, un hombre tan abierto en el aspecto misionero como cerrado y conservador ante la civilización moderna (dijo «no» al ferrocarril y a la iluminación en el Estado Pontificio, por el temor de que sirviesen para la circulación y las reuniones nocturnas de los liberales). Por eso se comprende por qué el bajo continuo es el De Triumphis Ecclesiae publicado por Cappellari en 1799 y cuyo eco parece oírse en estos párrafos: «En todo tiempo fue combatida con el hierro y con la espada, y triunfó. Ella ha visto derrumbarse y arruinarse completamente en torno a sí los reinos, las repúblicas y los imperios; ella sola permanece firme e inmóvil. Corre el siglo decimonono desde que fue fundada, y se muestra hoy día en la más florida edad»."
Entre todos los grandes de la historia, Napoleón fue el personaje simbólico cuya historia, llena de alternativas, enseña la fuerza inquebrantable de la Iglesia perseguida, la inutilidad de descender a compromisos con el mundo (véase la ingratitud de Napoleón hacia el papa, que le había coronado emperador en París), la pena del tropiezo que Dios aplica contra los réprobos.
I° La obra está dedicada al H. Hervé de la Croix, provincial de los Hermanos de las Escuelas Cristianas, amigo de don Bosco.
" SE, 387-388; es menos polémica la fórmula usada en 1871, en la que se enuncia: «Finalmente comunque vedismo la Chiesa perseguitata, nulladimeno dobbiano rimanere fermi nella fede; tenendo per ceno che la guerra finirá col trionfo della Chiesa e del suo supremo Pastore» (SE 1871, 371). Como se ve, fue tachado el párrafo sobre la caída de los reinos, repúblicas e imperios, quizás porque el año anterior había desaparecido el Estado Pontificio.
Cuando murió PIO VI, los revolucionarios de Francia declararon: «Ha muerto el último pa-«Pero es Dios quien fundó y gobierna la Iglesia, por eso resultan vanos todos los esfuerzos de sus enemigos»
Napoleón hace esperar un gobierno más dulce y menos sanguinario." Por eso Pío VIL que había sido elegido en Venecia a pesar de los augurios de desgracias, estipulaa con él el Concordato, que él se apresura a violar. El papa acepta ir a París para coronado emperador, pero éste «recompensó la condescendencia del papa con la más monstruosa ingratitud, dejándose llevar de excesos contra él, de los que hasta entonces no se tenían ejemplos»." Napoleón se rio y burló de las sanciones papales, exclamando: «¿Cree, quizás, el papa que sus excomuniones harán caer las armas de las manos de mis soldados? ».16 Pero tuvo que experimentar que favorecer a la Iglesia es principio de grandeza, y perseguirla principio de ruina.'
El insolente emperador «es tomado por la fuerza y hecho prisionero, viene conducido a Fontainebleau, en aquel mismo palacio en el que tuvo en cadenas al Santo Padre, y riega con las lágrimas de su desesperación aquellos mismos lugares, donde hizo correr las lágrimas del Vicario de Jesucristo ».18
El mundo, para don Bosco, como para San Agustín y San Alfonso, está sucio. Los buenos y los malos están divididos por murallas altísimas, como el pobre Lázaro en el seno de Abraham y el rico Epulón en el fuego del infierno. Pero, mientras el autor del De civitate Dei encuentra «en el potentísímo e ilustre imperio romano la preciosidad de las virtudes civiles, aunque sin el sello de la verdadera religión»," don Bosco no halla fuera del perímetro católico ningún alma de verdad, o razón seminal, como afirma la línea abierta por el filósofo Justino que, aunque perseguido y martirizado por el paganismo, tuvo una profunda comprensión hacia los valores cristianos que estaban también en el paganismo como semillas esparcidas de la Verdad plena.
En esta psicología de rechazo, don Bosco sigue la escuela de la corriente contrarrevolucionaria y romántica (De Maistre, Chateaubriand, Donoso Cortés, etc.), desde San Alfonso de Lígorio, los papas de la Restauración. No falta alguna expresión o matiz nuevos.
Los bienpensantes, como el masón católico Joseph De Maistre, consideran los acontecimientos revolucionarios y jacobinos como «desorden, locura, impiedad, ruina de todos los principios y de todos los sostenes políticos y mora. les de toda convivencia civil».
'2 SE, 371; en la edición de 1871 (p. 330) la frase es omitida y sustituida con una expresión que se limita a narrar los hechos.
" SE, 359. " SE, 360.
15 SE, 361.
16 SE, 366.
" Ibid.
" SE, 367: idéntica la redacción de 1871 (p. 335).
" Patrologia latina, 33, 533. Agustín prosigue: «para que se comprendiese que con la añadidura de la misma [la verdadera religión] los hombres se hacen ciudadanos de otra ciudad, en la que el rey soberano es la verdad, la ley es la caridad y la medida de la vida es la eternidad».
La apologética católica denuncia las muertes, la anarquía, el asalto a la propiedad, la persecución de la Iglesia en el clero no jurado y en el papa. También los inmortales principios «libertad, igualdad, fraternidad», hundidos en tierra de Evangelio, se rechazan en bloque que aun, porque violan los derechos de la autoridad de origen divino, favorecen la indiferencia religiosa, deforman la libertad y la transforman en licencia 20
Don Bosco, falto de perspectiva histórica y de solidez cultural, no comparte la postura de Rosmini que piensa que empobrecer a la Iglesia significa salvarla. La Iglesia sale de la revolución empobrecida y despojada del poder político. ¿Pero era eso un daño grave?
Rosmini compara las riquezas de la Iglesia con la armadura de Saúl que le hacía a David impotente, y exclamaba: «¿En qué parte encontraremos un clero inmensamente rico, que tenga la valentía de hacerse pobre? ¿O que tenga al menos la luz de la inteligencia no empañada para darse cuenta de que ha sonado la hora, en la que empobrecer a la Iglesia es salvarla?»." Aunque alineado en la intransigencia contrarrevolucionaria y en el moralismo tradicional, don Bosco, tal vez en nombre de la experiencia práctica y del contacto con la realidad, atenúa ciertas posturas de San Alfonso, que había escrito: «Non sei nato né per vivere, né per godere, per farti ricco, per mangiare come bruti». El fundador de los salesianos suaviza esa concepción rigorista y añade: «Non sei al mondo solamente per godere, per farti ricco, per mangiare».22 Reproduce en el Giovane provveduto la canción alfonsiana «mondo piú non sei per me», entendiendo por mundo, no la creación que salió de la manos de Dios buena, ni la colaboración del trabajo humano con Dios, sino el mundo arrastrado por el pecado original y poseído por Satanás. Pero dulcifica a San Alfonso con el espíritu de San Felipe Neri, que recomendaba a sus educandos: «Estad alegres: no quiero escrúpulos, ni melancolías; me basta que no cometáis pecados».23 Aquí está el origen histórico del dicho salesiano: Servite Domino in laetitia.
20 G. MARTINA, La Chiesa nell'eta del liberalismo, Brescia, Morcelliana 1979, p. 8; por lo que se refiere a la mentalidad contrarrevolucionaria que respiró el joven Bosco, se puede ver: C. BONA, Le Amicizie Societá segrete e rinascita religiosa (1770-1830), Torio, Societá Subalpina 1962; L. MEZZADRI, La Chiesa e la rivoluzionefrancese, Milano, Edizioni Paoline 1989.
21 A. ROSMINI, Le cinque piaghe della Chiesa, a cura di C. Riva, Brescia, Morcelliana 1966, p. 163; la mentalidad opuesta, es decir, aquella que detecta en toda confiscación del patrimonio eclesiástico un atentado a la fe, emerge con fuerza en las revistas eclesiásticas de la Restauración: Enciclopedia ecclesiastica (Napoli 1821-1823), Memorie di religione, morale e letteratura (Modera 1822-1823), Amico d'Italia (Tocino 1822-1830).
STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 41; los diferentes matices, quizás, no se explican tanto por enfoques teológicos diversos (don Bosco sigue la línea benignista de San Alfonso) como por las épocas y los contextos diversos, en los que ambos operan: Alfonso se dirige al hombre del 700, don Bosco está en contacto con jóvenes del 800.
23 Ibid., p. 56-57 (don Bosco usa también varios recursos como la gimnasia, la música, la declamación, el «teatrino», los paseos, como, por otra parte, había hecho desde la infancia).
En cuanto a los papas de la Restauración, su presencia en don Bosco está atestiguada por el juicio duramente negativo que hace de la Revolución francesa, de la Masonería y las sociedades secretas, a las que se atribuye el objetivo constante de querer demoler al mismo tiempo el trono y el altar,24 de la sociedad liberal y socialista, que opone toda clase de obstáculos a la escuela católica y a la exposición social de la religión, mientras que abre los diques a la prensa blasfema y obscena, a los espectáculos antieducativos, a la moda pagana.
El itinerario de la descristianización moderna en los documentos pontificios igual que en la Storia Ecclesiastica procede a través de algunasetapas fundamentales, que son: Lutero, masones, enciclopedistas (Voltaire, Rousseau), jacobinos (Robespierre). Estos personajes no son más que disfraces de Satanás. La identificación del diablo con la Revolución será un leit-motiv deel d Pío IX después de 1849 y se encuentra ya en nuestro autor, que afirma que emonio «bajo el manto de las sociedades secretas, de la moderna filosofía, excita rebeliones, suscita sangrientas persecuciones». En homenaje al libre examen, los protestantes deben decir: «Haced la que queráis: robad, desobedeced, matad al rey»."
Después de Lutero y Calvin°, cuya vida «monstruosa» fue castigada por la «Divina vendetta» con una muerte horrenda,26 la otra bestia negra es la Máso
24 F. MOLINARI, La Massoneria nei documenta pontifici dell'Ottocento (en prensa); J.A. FERRER-BENIMELI - G. CAPRILE, Massoneria e Chiesa cattolica ieri oggi domani, Roma, Edizioni Paoline 1979, p. 17 (los documentos antimasónicos son muy repetitivos: la constitución Providas de Benedicto XIV reproduce prácticamente la constitución In eminenti de Benedicto XIII y define el objetivo de las asociaciones masónicas con la fórmula, después repetida siempre por los papas del Ochocientos: maquinar contra la religión, el Estado, las leyes; la Revolución francesa, como conjura masónica, forma parte como topos del patrimonio católico decimonónico; pero queda «redimensionada» por la convergencia de muchos datos: la Masonería es progresista y predica la monarquía constitucional, pero no el terror jacobino; apoya el trinomio programático «libertad, igualdad, fraternidad», pero camina en la dirección de las reformas, no de la revolución; entre los guillotinados de la Revolución muchos eran masones, entre los cuales el sacerdote Jean Marie Galot (1747-1794), beatificado por Pío XII. Se puede ver su perfil en: Liberi muratori di ieri e di oggi, Roma, Camelo Editore 1986, p. 219; en cambio, Napoleón estaba muy cercano a la Masonería, y probablemente él mismo era masón (cf. F. COLLAVERI, Napoleone imperatore e massone, Firen7e, Narclini 1986). En Italia el historiador mejor informado es: A. MOLA, Storia della Massoneria italiana dall'Unita alía Repubblica, Milano, Bompinni 1976; la tesis del complot masónico es atribuida a A. Barruel, quien, sin embargo, distingue unos masones come lotistas de otros; por tanto, tampoco Barruel acepta la tesis del complot masónico, que fue enfatizada después de él.
2' SE, 278s; la frase se repite idénticamente en: SE 1871, 267; la en «Ri mentalidad di de Pío IX se ilustra con vigor en: P.G. CAMMANI, diavolo, Roma e la rivoluzione, vista Storia e Letteratura Religiosa» 8 (1972) 485-516; idénticos temas resuenan en el artículo del mismo autor en: Chiesa e religiosita in Italia dogo ?Unita (1861-1878), Relazioni II, Milano, Vita e Pensiero 1973, p. 65-128; muy bien informado está: C. BRE221, Orientamenti della Massonetia intorno al 1870, en: Ibid., Comunicazioni II, p. 307-340 (Brezzi analiza a través del microscopio el anticlericalismo masón); téngase presente que en la edición de 1871 la SE de don Bosco amplia enormemente la presencia de la Masonería en Italia; el Santo recibió, probablemente, el influjo del clima que se formó después de la «Breccia di Porta Pia».
26 SE, 301.306; en SE 1871, 285, la desaparición de Lutero se describe de modo idéntico;
nería que, según él, fue la que desencadenó la Revolución francesa.
La responsabilidad de la Masonería sobre la apostasía del mundo modernc llega a tal punto de simplificación y de violencia que el mismo papa Benedicto (1740-1758), de quien se conoce bien la apertura hacia la cultura y la correspondencia con Voltaire, es para don Bosco casi sólo el paladín de la lucha antimasónica: «empleó las dieciocho años de pontificado combatiendo a los herejes, reprimiendo las tramas que los masones y los filósofos tendían a la religión».27
Nuestro autor dice que los masones reciben sus doctrinas de Manes y que provocaron todos los males que derivaron de la Revolución francesa «conspirar con implacable odio contra los reyes, los Papas y los sacerdotes, y contra el Dios de los cristianos, destruir a Dios y la religión, y con esta misma religión se obligan bajo juramento ante aquel Dios que se pretende destruir; los masones recibieron después también el nombre de jacobinos del templo dedicado a S. Jacobo, donde se habían reunido».28
Los francmasones, los filósofos ilustrados, los jacobinos son hermanos gemelos, unidos por el mismo pensamiento que los masones cultivaban en secreto, los filósofos dieron a conocer y los jacobinos transformaron en matanzas despiadadas. Escribe don Bosco: «Las sociedades secretas, algunos fanáticos llamados iluminados, unidos a los filósofos, con la pretensión de querer reformar el mundo, produciendo en todos la igualdad y la libertad, suscitaron una revolución, que habiendo comenzado en 1790 duró 10 años y fue causa del derramamiento de mucha sangre».29
Resistencia y supervivencia de la Iglesia como piedra, contra la que se quebraron los esfuerzos de los impíos, muerte infame de estos impíos: esas son las constantes de la historia, en la que las puertas del Infierno no prevalecen. Voltaire, aun habiéndose confesado, murió desesperado; Rousseau tomó veneno y después se mató con una pistola; Robespierre, monstruo antropófago (en el sentido literal del término) «para evitar el bochorno de una muerte pública cual otro Nerón, se dispara un golpe de pistola en la boca, se destroza la mandíbula superior y no muere. Se le deja agonizar largo tiempo en medio de los pero se omite la frase de la edición anterior que decía «cessó di vivere qui per andar nell'inferno a parir co' demoni, i quali aveva pió volte implorato in suo aiuto» (además se corrigió el error de la fecha, que hacía morir a Lutero en 1545 en vez de en 1546); en la edición de 1871, fue quitada «Divina vendetta» que, en la primera edición, hacía espirar a Calvin entre atroces torturas.
27 SE, 334; SE 1871, 314-318 (el antimasonismo es una constante, que se mantiene, es más, se acentúa en la segunda edición, que repite y subraya la inexactitud de la primera, por ejemplo, que la doctrina masónica es la de Manes y que las leyes masónicas son escuelas de ateísmo).
28 SE, 335-336; SE 1871, 321-322 (también en esta edición se repite la consabida tesis de la Revolución francesa complot masónico y de la Masonería atea y materialista: basta leer la Constitución de Anderson [1723], para darse cuenta de que el ateo no es admitido en la Masonería, cuya finalidad última es la de construir la «Familia universal de los amorosos hermanos» y no la de dejarse llevar por el maniqueísmo o por el «fraccionismo» clásico.
29 SE, 343.
insultos punzantes de la plebe, y ya muy cercano a abandonar esta vida, es conducido sobre el palco y le cortan la cabeza en 1794»
lustrado, del socialista
La muerte atroz del hereje, del perseguidor, del i saint-Simon,3' que corresponde al canon clásico De mortibus persecutorum de Lactando, no revela desde luego al Dios-Amor, cuius proprium est misereri semper et parcere, sino más bien al Dios Justiciero que manifiesta la «Divina vendetta», no sólo con el infierno, sino también con la desesperación en la tierra. Non est pax impiis es la contraposición del servite Domino in laetitia. En la otra orilla de este rincón infernal con todo mal sin ningún bien, que es el mundo pecaminoso, se contrapone la comunidad católica sede de todo bien sin ningún mal. Se podría hablar de monofisismo historiográfico, en el sentido de que don Bosco pone entre paréntesis y calla lo material humano sólo das l la Iglesia y las inevitables debilidades de las criaturas, para subrayar uces, que son las obras de la caridad y la ola de tantos santos.
La estrategia apologético-polémica, unida a la finalidad de mantener a los jóvenes lejos de los valdenses del Piamonte y de la corrupción de la civilización moderna hace que en la interpretación de las grandes fracturas eclesiales del siglo XI y del XVI y hasta de los abusos del colonialismo, la responsabilidad se atribuya exclusivamente a las «ramas secas» y nunca a los católicos. A propósito de la Iglesia de Oriente, el comentario amargo lo liga con la caída de Constantinopla (1453), durante la cual los soldados de Mohamed II devastaron iglesias, profanaron conventos, martirizaron al pueblo: «Aquella Grecia-- comenta el historiador intransigente — que dio a la Iglesia grandes santos e insignes doctores, ahora yace envilecida en medio del vicio y de la ignorancia. No ha querido reconocer la autoridad del sucesor de Pedro ataron que la como trataba como un padre, ha caído bajo el yugo de los infieles, que la truna esclava ».32
La página oscura de los conquistadores españoles y portugueses queda sotica más débil era siempre la del paraíso); el historiador Delumeau, católico ferviente, cuenta que la raíz de sus investigaciones sobre el miedo en Occidente se encuentra en el efecto traumático de las letanías de la buena muerte, recitadas en el colegio salesiano de Niza Marítima, al que fue llevado, a los trece años, después de la muerte de su padre (cf. J. DELUIvIEAU, La peur, en Occident [XIV-XVIII], Une cité assiégée, Paris, Fayard 1978, p. 25-27).
" SE, 338-339.345-346; SE 1871, 317-318.323 (idéntica la versión de la muerte de Voltaire, Rousseau y Robespierre; a propósito de la de este último, se repite la «Divina vendetta», con abundante distorsión de hechos reales). .
33 SE, 375s (en la edición de 1871 se omite la vida y la muerte atroz de Saint-Simon); la pedagogía del miedo, que está implícita en toda la SE y emerge, sobre todo, del motivo «de mortibus persecutorum» resuena en toda la educación católica del Ochocientos, que en los ejercicios espirituales incluye siempre la descripción de la muerte, juicio, infierno, purgatorio, paraíso p
" SE, 275; SE 1871, 258-259. La absoluta falta de espíritu ecuménico es un signo de los tiempos más que una característica de don Bosco; la hegemonía de la recíproca y agria polémica sobre el diálogo fraterno en las relaciones católicos-valdenses emerge en el librito de: M.L. STEANIERO, Don Bosco e i valdesi, Torio, Claudiana 1988. Se trata de un librito pobre desde el punto de vista científico, pero interesante como espejo de mentalidades.
brevolada y casi eliminada por la benemerencia de los misioneros. Escribe
nuestro autor: «Y a pesar de que los viajeros, que por la sola sed de ero
fueron allá, hayan llevado a cabo muchas crueldades, no en menor medidadin los maestros del Evangelio, movidos por el solo deseo de ganar almas para Dios,
hicieron muchas conversiones».33
En la etiología de las causas, no hay sombra de duda crítica. Si el papa Adriano VI en las instituciones al Nuncio Chieregati había reconocido con valiente humildad que la crisis eclesial se debía a los pecados de los hombres y en especial a los de los sacerdotes y prelados, don Bosco, en cambio, instituye un proceso de dirección única: demonización de los «otros», que son los malos, exaltación hagiográfica de los santos, como si el catolicismo fuese una asociación de ángeles y no una comunidad de pecadores salvados por la pura y la gratuita misericordia de Dios. Los «otros» pueden ser Lutero, Calvino, Enrique VIII, que con su conducta disoluta o con su doctrina perversa han conducido a muchedumbres al infierno, o bien los filósofos ilustrados y socialistas, que mueren desesperados o hasta suicidados, como para significar la autodestrucción de la civilización moderna.
La dolorosa fractura del siglo XVI no se debe, según don Bosco, más que a la soberbia, a la ambición, la petulancia, la impudicia y todos los vicios de Lutero que «formó una doctrina que contamina todas las cosas sagradas, conculca los sacramentos, destruye la libertad del hombre, diciendo que son inútiles las obras buenas, despierta la licencia de pecar, pone en Dios la causa de todos los males, rechaza en suma toda ley y reduce al hombre al estado de los brutos».34
A su vez, Calvino quiso vengarse de los católicos, porque no había recibido un beneficio y huyó para no pagar la pena por un delito que don Bosco define como nefando, enseñó la arbitraria predestinación de la mayor parte de los hombres al infierno, actuó como un verdadero tirano y condenó a la pena del fuego a Miguel Servet.33 El rey de Inglaterra, Enrique VIII, se rebeló contra el papa, porque era un vicioso y deseaba repudiar a su legítima esposa, Catalina, para casarse con otras mujeres, a todas las cuales abandonó después o llegó a hacer matar.36
Aún más horrendo es el final de los corifeos del mundo contemporáneo, como se ha visto.
Frente a esta hecatombe de la ira en el castigo, con el fondo oscuro de la Revolución encarnación de Satanás, brilla, como contraste, la epopeya de los santos y de los mártires. Don Bosco acentúa la presencia de la santidad a la que atribuye cuatro papeles: 1) es la prueba del nueve de la solidez monolítica de la verdadera Iglesia; 2) infusión del Espíritu Santo; 3) expresión del amor fraterno inculcado por Cristo; 4) respuesta adecuada a las exigencias de la época y a la hostilidad de los enemigos.37 Me detendré brevemente en los dos últimos aspectos. La santidad como expresión de amor fraterno tiene, ante todo, un valor autobiográfico, desde el momento en que don Bosco es el santo de la caridad puesta en obra, del mismo modo que a Cafasso se le puede defiot nir como el santo de la caridad silenciosa (y todos los santos se le Cottolengo, Cafasso, Murialdo, se encuentran en la línea de la solidaridad evangélica).
33 SE, 282; SE 1871, 262 (la versión es casi literalmente idéntica).
34 SE, 290; SE 1871, 269.
35 SE, 291-293; SE 1871, 271.
36 SE, 294-295 (en la p. 296 aparece un pequeño lapsus: se hace morir a Tomás Moro en 1534, en vez de en 1535; el mismo pequeño error se repite en SE 1871, 273).
Todos los héroes de Cristo son genios de la caridad: Pier Damiani atiende todos los días a una muchedumbre de pobres; Domingo está animado por espíritu de caridad solamente; Francisco de Asís se impone la norma de no rechazar la limosna de nadie; Brígida de Suecia funda un hospital junto a su palacio; Francisco de Paula realiza prodigios estrepitosos en favor de los pobres; Amadeo de Saboya va en persona a realizar los más bajos servicios en bien de los enfermos; Juan de Dios crea la orden holpitalaria; Luis Gonzaga es mártir de la caridad heroica hacia los apestados; Felipe Neri pone su risueña alegría al servicio de los pobres y de los enfermos; Vicente de Paul, es, por excelencia, el santo de los pobres.
Al poner el acento sobre el principio del amor, don Bosco mata varios pájaros de un tiro: presenta a los jóvenes el ideal de la oblatividad, arroja licatorayos de luz sobre los reflejos beneficios sociales del Evangelio, presenta el cismo bajo una luz simpática, corrigiendo el efecto negativo del Dios enfadado e indignado, como aparece con la «Divina vendetta».
La santidad, en la óptica de don Bosco, representa también la divina respuesta a las crisis del mundo totus positus in maligno. Cito dos casos. El siglo de hierro dio la «pornocracia» de Marocia y Teodora: «Pero no hay otro siglo que haya dado un número tan conspicuo de santos a la Iglesia Universal». Lástima que de ese número tan conspicuo sólo cite dos nombres: San Bernón y San Romualdo.'s
Así, frente al diluvio del protestantismo, la verdadera reforma católica fue el siglo de los santos: «Fue especial disposición y Providencia de Dios que en un tiempo en el que los herejes trataban de arruinar la Iglesia, surgieran escuadras de religiosos, de santos doctores, que con muchos acontecimientos glorio" Sobre estos aspectos, véase: F. MOLINARI, I santi nella Storia Ecclesiastica di don Bosco, en: «Credere oggi» 8 (1988) 5, 45-46; sobre la psicología del Santo: G. DACQUINO, Psicologia di don Bosco, Torino, SEI 1988 (el volumen, válido desde el punto de vista psicológico, tiene el defecto de basarse en documentos críticamente discutibles, como las Memorie biografiche, que son actualmente objeto de un análisis atento desde el punto de vista filológico: F. DESRAMAUT, Les Memorie I de Giovanni Battista Lemoyne. Étude d'un livre fondamental sur la jeunesse de Jean Bosco, Lyon, Maison d'études Saint-Jean-Bosco 1962.
38 SE, 197; SE 1871, 205-206 (la exposición del siglo de hierro es más positiva que en la edi1ción anterior).
sos hicieran florecer para la Iglesia en todas las partes del mundo una numero, sísima falange de santos».39
Sigue la lista, que comienza con Cayetano Thiene y se cierra con Carlos Borromeo.
Don Bosco habla y escribe del catolicismo como patria de los Santos con énfasis hagiográfico de igual fuerza que su severidad polémica cuando estigmatiza al mundo. Muy distinta es la actitud de otros eminentes católicos, a los que Traniello llama «conciliatoristi», como Manzoni, Rosmini, Curci, Newman.
Manzoni expresa la relación dialógica con esta célebre observación: «Cuando el mundo ha reconocido una idea verdadera, magnánima, os contrastársela, es necesario reivindicarla al Evangelio. [...] Lo que l le j a religión puede condenar en aquellas ideas es todo lo que no es bastante razonable, ni bastante universal, ni bastante desinteresado». Y precisa que no sólo se da en el Cristianismo la fuente de la verdadera libertad, porque impone al hombre el respeto a los demás y el dominio de sí, asegurando la libertad interior y la superación del despotismo.40
Manzoni estaba unido en íntima amistad con Rosmini, cuya actividad tenía un objetivo preciso, la reconciliación del Evangelio con los ideales modernos a través de una renovación de la Iglesia y de la sociedad, como lo augura en las dos obritas Delle tinque piaghe della Santa Chiesa y La costituzione secondo la giustizia sociale (1848). La viva y activa participación de los laicos en la comunidad se vive a través del voto, aunque sea censatario; y en la comunidad eclesial, a través de la participación laical en la elección de los obispos. Esto hace de Rosmini, como de Newman, aunque por títulos diferentes, dos pioneros de la teología del laicado."
El más activo y audaz, sin embargo, sigue siendo Carlo Maria Curci (18091891), que en 1849 había fundado la «Civiltá Cattolica» con un programa de intransigencia temporalista; pero después no tuvo miedo del «terribile sonaglio», es decir, del catolicismo liberal que, como demuestra Gían Domenico Mucci, abrazó con reformismo audaz. Y en el que salva la autoridad infalible del Papa y toda la doctrina católica, pero sostiene que la renovación de la cristiandad es la premisa para la renovación politica de los Estados. Y en tal reforma interna de la Iglesia entran la participación de los laicos en la vida ecclesial, comprendida la elección de los párrocos, la aceptación de la brecha de porta Pía como purificación providencial de la Iglesia, la espiritualización a Curia Romana, demasiado politizada, el paso de la Iglesia de sinagoga cerrada e inmovilista a la fase del diálogo; el diálogo pastoral con el mundo, cuyos valores positivos hay que apreciar; es la nueva vida de la evangelización que hay que realizar a través de los laicos y que produce la verdadera naturaleza de la Iglesia, que es la encarnación del amor divino en la tierra.42
39 SE, 297; SE 1871, 274-284 (una característica feliz de la edición de 1871 es la división en capítulos, en los que aparecen más subrayados, en los títulos y en los contenidos, los valores positivos del catolicismo a través de los santos y de las órdenes religiosas.
4° U. COLOMBO, Alessandro Manzoni, Roma, Edizioni Paoline 1985, p. 263-280; A. MANZONI, Osservazioni sulla Morale Cattolica a cura di U. Colombo, Roma, Edizioni Paoline 1965, p. 319-354 (el capítulo se titula: «Degli odi religiosi»).
41 Sobre Rosmini, cf. Delle cinque piaghe, ya citado, y sobre Newman: H.F. DAVIS, Le róle et l'apostolat de la hiérarchie et do larcat dans la théologie de l'Eglise chez Newman, en: L'ecclésiologie au XIX siécle, Paris, Ed. du Cerf 1960, p. 329-350.
3, Consideraciones finales
La Storia ecclesiastica de don Bosco se sitúa en el extremo opuesto de estos católicos del diálogo. Pero su mentalidad intransigente se enlaza con una extraordinaria ductilidad práctica, que lo hace amigo sincero de los obispos «transigentes» Scalabrini y Bonomelli,43 además de co ibrario, nfidente de muchos anticlericales como Rattazzi, Lanza, Vigliani, Ricasoli, C.Crispi." Por eso no causa extrañeza que en 185 nuestro autor puo obtener la participación del príncipe Anadeo en la co6locación de la primdera piedra del santuario de María Auxiliadora. Eran los arios en los que Vittorio Emanuele II trataba de limar las asperezas con el Vaticano. Si para Pío IX don Bosco era un sacerdote fidelísimo, prudente y activo, para los medios anticlericales era un cura celoso que, a pesar de sus ideas trasnochadas contribuía a la educación del pueblo.49
Una última diferencia señala la distancia del santo turinés respecto del integrisnio: el contacto con lo concreto de la historia cotidiana que le facilitaba no tanto el estudio del pasado como la capacidad de leer el presente (por ejemplo, su atención hacia los jóvenes «objeto», explotados por la naciente civilización industrial, la sensiilidad hacia la escuela profesional la oportuna percepción del problema dela prensa). Su amor hacia la historia no fue inferior a su pasión p la Iglesia y al deseo de la propia santificaión resonal.
42 MUCCÍ, II primo direttore della «Civiltá cattolica»; ID., Carlo Maria Curci il fondatore della «Civiltá Cattolica»; C. PiccuuLL0, Le idee nuove del p. Curci sulla questione r ore omana, p. en: Cbiesa e
Stato nell'Ottocento Miscellanea in onore di Pietro Pirri, Padova, Ed. Anten 1962, 607-658.
" Sobre Bonomelli e Scalabrini, cf. G. GALLINA, II problema religioso nel Risorgimento e il pensiero di Geremia Bonomelli, Roma, Ed. Universitá Gregoriana 1974; C. MARCO (ed.), Carteggio Scalabrini-Bonomelli (1868-1905), Roma, Studium 1983; sobre la emigración, son fundamentales los estudios de Rosoli. En nuestro caso es especialmente útil: G.F. ROSOLI, Impegno missionario e assistenza religiosa agli emigranti nella visione e nell'opera di don Bosco e dei 28 salesia 293.ni, en: TRAMELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, Torino, SEI 1987, p. 9- Debe tenerse presente que en las páginas de la SE aparece frecuentemente el tema de la emigración, sobre todo en relación a las misiones. STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 90-95.
4sMuchos jóvenes eran confiados a don Bosco por la misma autoridad civil, que obviamente se consideraba ligada y agradecida a él.
Como base dore toda la Storia ecclesiastica de don Bosco,c pehay un concepto doctrinal que subyace en el relato, condiciona la elección de los hechos y aparece como referencia en la interpretación de los documentos.
La idea-madre es la idea del mundo,46 como un polo totalmente negativo en contraposición a la Iglesia como polo totalmente positivo y se expresa en el lema Extra Ecclesiam nulla salus. El mundo está totus positus in maligno: es el concepto típico de la intransigencia, en dialéctica con la doctrina del catolicismo conciliador y dialogante, que, fuera del círculo cerrado de la Iglesia, sabe encontrar el alma de la verdad, los gérmenes de lo positivo, las semillas del logos.
El mundo como realidad antidivina, nido de víboras hostiles a Dios, sabe a cuarto evangelio, a tradición de Plotino con vetas manqueas, a mentalidad contrarrevolucionaria, típica de la Restauración, cuando se soñaba con una época en la que la Iglesia se pronunciaba, no sólo sobre materias de fe, sino también sobre normas y costumbres, en la que promulgaba leyes disciplinares, establecía jerarquías y las destituía, corregía a los fieles y alejaba de su seno a los miembros corrompidos.47
" R. GUARDINI Mondo e persona, Milano 1964; F. GOGARTEN, L'uomo tra Dio e il mondo,
Bologna 1967; H.U. Von BALTHASAR, Liturgia cosmica, Roma 1976; J.B. METZ, Sulla teología del mondo, Brescia 1969.
47 B. PLONGERON, Archetipo e ripetizioni di una Cristianita, en: «Concilium» 7 (1971) 1366.
EN LAS RAÍCES DE LA ESPIRITUALIDAD DE DON BOSCO mass o MARCOCCHI
Estas páginas pretenden dar algo de luz acerca del clima histórico en el que vivió y actuó don Bosco, acerca de las esencias de las que se nutren don sus directrices espirituales y su acción educativa. Creo que, para entender a Bosco, es necesario confrontarse con su tiempo, aun a sabiendas de que él tiene una personalidad sobresaliente y unos rasgos muy originales.
1. El clima histórico en el que vivió y actuó don Bosco
Don Bosco se formó en el clima de la Restauración. Aunque este término asume habitualmente una acepción político-social. (evoca el Congreso de Viena y la Santa Alianza, la política represiva de los gobiernos, la situación posrevolucionaria), tiene también relevancia en el cuadro de la cultura y de la vida religiosa. Típica de la época de la Restauración es la obra dirigida a reconstruir el tejido cristiano de la sociedad, desgarrado por la Revolución francesa (el «diluvio», según el cardenal Consalvi, «la desolación del universo», según Brunone Lanteri). Existía el convencimiento de que estaba en acto una grandiosa operación diabólica orientada a destruir los designios de Dios, de los que la Iglesia es guardiana, y de que era necesario contener los asaltos del maligno y reconquistar la sociedad para Dios y para la Iglesia.
La Compañía de Jesús, restablecida por Pío VII en 1814, se convierte en el Piamonte en el centro propulsor del movimiento de renacimiento religioso. Cuenta con hombres de gran prestigio, como el padre Roothaan, rector del colegio de San Francisco de Paula de Turín, más tarde prepósito general de la Orden, como Francesco Pellico y Antonio Bresciani.'
P. PIRRL P. Giovanni Roothaan XXI Generale della Compagnia di Gessi (1785-1853), Isola del Liri 1930; I. RINIERI, Il padre Francesco Pellico e i suoi tempi, vol. I: La Restaurazione e l'opera
della Compagnia di Gesti, Pavia 1934.
1.1. Las «Amistades» y los oblatos de María Virgen
Nacen nuevas órdenes religiosas, como los oblatos de María Virgen de Brunone Lanteri y el Instituto de la Caridad de Antonio Rosraini. Son introducidas las monjas de la Caridad de Antída Thouret. Surgen nuevas asociaciones laicales. Entre éstas sobresale la «Amicizia cristiana», expresión de ambientes aristocráticos y altoburgueses de orientación filojesuita, que se propone la formación espiritual de los asociados y la lucha contra el espíritu de los enciclopedistas a través de la difusión sistemática de obras de inspiración católica («los buenos libros»), llevada a cabo mediante préstamos o con distribuciones gratuitas.' El motivo central de la «Amistad» está constituido por la devoción al Corazón de Jesús, según la orientación sostenida por los jesuitas, por la comunión frecuente y por la meditación diaria: La Amistad cristiana amplia muy pronto su actividad originaria y se dedica a la promoción de los ejercicios espirituales, a la organización de las misiones, a la elección de confesores según las directrices de Alfonso de Ligorio.
Desaparecida en la época napoleónica, la Amistad cristiana vuelve a surgir en 1817 con el nombre de «Amicizia- cattolica» por iniciativa de Brunone Lanteri. Algunos de sus miembros (Cesare Taparelli d'Azeglio, Rodolfo y Giuseppe de Maistre, Luígi Provana di Collegno, Pietro Pallavicino, Renato d'Agliano, Giovanni Carlo Brignole) ocupan puestos de relevancia en la política y en la administración del Estado saboyano. También la Amistad católica se preocupó de la difusión gratuita de la «buena prensa». Dado que domina la inspiración legitimista, ultramontana, demaistriana, los libros difundidos defienden la alianza entre trono y altar, profesan una devoción incondicional a la Santa Sede, defienden la infalibilidad personal del papa, refutan los «errores modernos», favorecen las tendencias teológicas y espirituales animadas por los jesuitas, predican una orientación moral modelada en el probabilismo benigno. Fue precisamente la Amistad católica la que promovió en 1825 la edición de las obras de Alfonso de Ligorio en la editorial de Giacinto Marietti de Turín.3. En 1828 la Amistad católica fue suprimida por el gobierno piamontés
2 El primer círculo de la «Amicizia» se constituyó en Turín en los años 1779-1780 por iniciativa de un ex jesuita, Nicolaus Joseph von Diessbach (1732-1798). Surgieron después cenáculos en Milán, Viena, Florencia, Roma, París. Los miembros se comprometían al secreto, según el gusto del tiempo y también para no exponerse al sarcasmo de los «espíritus fuertes» y a las molestias de la policía. A la «Amicizia cristiana», seglar, se añadió en 1782 una «Amicizia sacerdotale», antijansenística y alfonsiana, que promueve los ejercicios espirituales según el método de San Ignacio y los retiros, la práctica de la oración mental y del examen de conciencia. Cf. C. BONA, Le «Amicizie». Societá segrete e rinascita religiosa (1770-1830), Torillo 1962. Véanse las recensiones de esta obra hechas por P. Stella en «Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia» 17 (1963) 329-338, y por R. Aubert en «Revue d'Histoire Ecclésiastique» 59 (1964) 593-598.
Cf. C. BONA, Le «Amicizie», p. 361-371. Se difundieron obras de Lamennais, De Ronald, Von Haller, Bossuet, Gerdil. Entre los autores espirituales figuran el jesuita Pinamonti, el barna-bita Quadrupani y sobre todo Alfonso de Ligorio. También don Bosco comprendió las posibilida a causa de su filojesuitismo. Algunos de sus miembros (por ejemplo, Provana di Collegno y Renato d'Agliano) se adhirieron a las conferencias de San Vicente de Paul, fundadas en Francia por Federico Ozanam e introducidas en Turín en 1850.4
Muchos de los fines de la Amistad fueron asumidos por el instituto de los oblatos de María Virgen de Lanteri (1759-1830), que siendo clérigo había formado parte de la Amistad cristiana y había fundado, como hemos dicho, la Amistad católica. Los oblatos promueven la predicación de los ejercicios espirituales según el método de San Ignacio, desarrollando las misiones entre el pueblo, preparan a los nuevos sacerdotes para la cura de almas, difunden la «buena prensa». La actividad pastoral de Lanteri y de sus oblatos está inspirada en la doctrina y la espiritualidad de Alfonso de Ligorio. Jean Guerber hace remontar el inicio de la penetración de la teología alfonsiana en Francia a 1823, cuando aparecen en Lyon las Réflexions sur la sainteté et la doctrine du bienheureux A. De Ligouri de Lanteri.5 1.2. El «Convitto» eclesiástico
Por iniciativa de Lanteri y de uno de sus discípulos, Luigi Guala, «amigo cristiano», surge en Turín en 1817 el Convitto ecdesiastico para la preparación pastoral de sacerdotes noveles. El Convitto fue uno de los crisoles en los que se plasmó el estilo eclesiástico y religioso que se impuso en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX. En el Convitto se formaron algunas figuras eminentes de sacerdotes: Cocchi, Borel, Cafasso, Bosco, Murialdo, Bertagna, Allamano. Don Bosco, que tras su ordenación sacerdotal (1841) pasó allí tres arios (1841 1844), define el Convitto como «maravilloso semillero, del cual proviene mucho bien a la Iglesia, especialmente para erradicar algunas raíces de jansedes de la «buona stampa» para la evangelización de las clases populares, y promovió numerosas iniciativas editoriales (cf. la comunicación de Malgeri en este mismo volumen).
4 F. MOLINARI, Le conferenze di San Vincenzo in Italia, en: Spiritualitá e azione del laicato italiano, vol. I, Padova 1969, p. 67.
Las Reglas de los «Oblati di Maria Vergine» fueron redactadas por Lanteri en 1816. Suprimidos en 1819 por el arzobispo de Turín, Colombo Chiaverotti, se reconstituyeron en Pinerolo en 1825 bajo la protección del obispo Rey. R. Romeo recuerda que el marqués Michele di Cavour, padre de Camillo di Cavour, estuvo varias veces en Santa Chiara di Pinerolo a hacer los ejercicios espirituales bajo la dirección de Lanteri (cf. R. ROMEO, Cavour e il suo tempo, vol. I, Bari 1971, p. 94-95). Sobre Lanteri, cf. P. CALLIARI, Pio Brunone Lanteri (1759-1830) e la controrivoluzione, Totino 1976, pero sobre todo: P. CAIDAR1 (ed.), Carteggio del venerabile padre Pio Brunone Lanteri (1759-1839) fondatore della Congregazione degli Oblati di Maria Vergine, 5 vol., Torillo 19751976. Sobre las Réflexions de Lanteri y la penetración de la moral alfonsiana en Francia, cf. J. GuERBER, Le ralliement du clergé franqais á la morale liguorienne. L'Abbé Gousset et ses précurseurs (1785-1832), Roma 1973. Sobre Lanteri y la espiritualidad de San Francisco de Sales, cf. T. LUDO, Il ven. Pio Brunone Lanteri e la spiritualitá salesiana nel Piemonte del primo Ottocento. Aspetti storico-ascetici, en « Palestra del Clero» 61 (1982) 1236-1247.1308-1320.1366-1373.
nismo que todavía se conservaban entre nosotros», y en el cual «se aprendía a ser sacerdotes ».6
El Convitto eclesiástico difundió la doctrina y la espiritualidad de Alfonso de Ligorio, considerado por Guala y Cafasso como el autor capaz de mediar entre las corrientes rigoristas y una cierta superficialidad benignista,7 pero fue también centro de irradiación de la espiritualidad salesiana y filipina. El Convitto se presentó como contraaltar del seminario diocesano y de la Facultad de Teología de la Universidad de Turín, que se caracterizaban por la adhesión a la moral rigorista y por una eclesiología crítica con respecto a la infalibilidad y al primado de jurisdicción del papa. El Convitto quiso, en suma, desarraigar las tendencias galicanas jansenistas o, en sentido lato, rigoristas. que todavía serpenteaban entre el clero piamontés.
Un hilo rojo une, pues, las Amistades, los oblatos de María Virgen y el Convitto eclesiástico, pero con una diferencia digna de ser subrayada. Si las Amistades habían sido aristocráticas y elitistas y habían desempeñado un papel limitado, los oblatos de María Virgen y el Convitto ensanchan el radio de acción con un rico abanico de iniciativas promovidas entre el clero y el pueblo.8
No carece de significado dentro de este cuadro, y lo ha hecho notar finamente Francesco Traniello, el hecho de que el primer tratado espiritual, las Massime di pelfezione, en las cuales, según el propio Rosmini, estaba condensado el espíritu del Instituto de la Caridad, tuviera una edición turinesa en la Marietti en 1832. Las Massime di peocezione se fundaban en el abandono en la Providencia («el principio de pasividad») y eran, por ello, idóneas para atemperar el régimen típico de la espiritualidad piamontesa.9
6 Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo, p. 80.
P. BRAMO (ed.), Esperienze di pedagogía cristiana nella storia, vol. II, Roma, LAS 1981, p. 305s.
8 Sobre el Convitto eclesiástico de Turín, cf. G. USSEGLIO, Il teologo Guala e il Convitto ecclesiastico di Torino, Torino 1948; G. TUNINETII, Lorenzo Gastaldi (1815-1883), Casale Monferrato, Piemme 1983, p. 179ss. Las corrientes ultramontanas no se limitaron a fundar el Convitto ecclesiastico, sino que trataron también de influir en la misma Facultad teológica de la Universidad de Turín. Obtuvieron un triunfo con la destitución, en 1829, de Giovanni Maria Dettori y su sustitución con Luigi Massara, repetidor en el colegio jesuítico de San Francesco di Paola. Dettori, que ocupaba desde 1814 la cátedra de teología moral, profesaba ideas antiprobabilistas y antialfonsianas. Cf. F. TRANIELLO, Cattolicesimo conciliarista. Religione e cultura nella tradizione rosminiana lombardo-piemontese (1825-1870), Milano 1970, p. 25-27; P. STELLA, Giurisdizionalismo e giansenismo all'Universitit di Torino nel secolo XVIII, Torino 1958. Luigi Guala estaba influido por la tradición espiritual jesuítica. Es significativa la correspondencia epistolar que, entre 1831 y 1847, mantiene con el prepósito general de los jesuitas, padre Roothaan, sobre el modo de hacer los ejercicios. Guala, ayudado por Lanteri, había restaurado el santuario de San Ignacio en la montaña de Lanzo, y en 1808 había establecido allí la «Opera degli Esercizi spirituali» para sacerdotes y seglares.
9 TRANIELLO, Cattolicesimo conciliarista, p. 30.
Se ha hablado de doctrina moral alfonsiana, de actitudes rigoristas, de jansenismo. La cuestión es importante y exige algunas precisiones. Es necesario ante todo evitar un uso excesivo del término jansenismo: Quien es antimolinista no es necesariamente jansenista, quien es antijesuita no es necesariamente jansenista, quien sostiene posiciones jurisdiccionalistas en campo político-eclesiástico no es necesariamente jansenista. Quien es rigorista en moral no es necesariamente jansenista. El jansenismo en sentido estricto puede considerarse en declive en las primeras décadas del Ochocientos; no se puede decir lo mismo del rigorismo que, por el contrario, aparece difundido en la praxis pastoral. Es sabido que los círculos jansenistas o jansenizantes cultivan un ideal severo de vida cristiana. Recomendaban la conversión del corazón, luchaban contra el cristianismo rutinario hecho de devociones exteriores, de entusiasmos pasajeros, de tradiciones acarameladas; reprobaban en la oración el abuso de fórmulas repetidas mecánicamente. El ideal es una religiosidad pura, libre de incrustaciones, ajena a las acomodaciones, nutrida en las fuentes bíblicas y patrísticas, que huye del contacto con el mundo envuelto en el pecado. La dilación o el rechazo de la absolución a los penitentes de cuya perseverancia no se tuviese suficiente certeza y en todo caso a quien no hubiese cumplido la penitencia impuesta, eran considerados como medios normales para provocar el shoc psicológico y de este modo favorecer una conversión verdadera y duradera. La gracia del sacramento de la penitencia es concebida como un premio, más que como una ayuda saludable y confortante en la lucha contra el mal. Se puede recibir solamente si el alma ha llegado a un grado convincente de purificación. Para Alasia, autor de un tratado de teología moral muy difundido entre el clero piamontés y muy conocido por don Bosco en el seminario de Chieri, diferir la absolución era un remedio medicinal que el confesor podía adoptar cuando lo considerase oportuno.'
También el alejamiento de la comunidad por un cierto período era considerado una práctica de penitencia que se imponía a aquellos que recaían fácilmente en el pecado (los llamados «reincidentes»). Se partía del presupuesto de que la Eucaristía no era una medicina para los débiles, sino un premio para los santos, y que el fiel tenía por eso que adquirir antes de comulgar una fuerza interior que lo hiciera apto para recibir a Cristo Señor.
" Cf. P. STELLA, Giurisdizionalismo e giansenismo; ID., Crisi religiose nel primo Ottocento piemontese, Torillo 1959; ID., Giansenisti piemontesi nell'Ottocento, Torino 1964. Aun sobre las condiciones para la validez del sacramento de la penitencia hervía un encendido debate: ¿Basta la atrición, que es el dolor de haber ofendido a Dios por las penas que se han merecido, o es necesaria la contrición, es decir, el dolor de los propios pecados, porque Dios, sumo bien, es digno de ser amado sobre todas las cosas? Para los rigoristas, era insuficiente la atrición para obtener el perdón de los pecados. En efecto, el dolor de las culpas, inspirado sólo por el temor de las penas infernales, pertenece a la lógica del egoísmo.
Faltan adecuadas investigaciones fundamentales sobre la praxis sacramental en Piamonte en los siglos XVIII y XIX, pero parece que se puede afirm con suficiente seguridad que la pastoral sacramental, en auge en las parroquiasar y en los seminarios, estaba, en general, marcada con trazos rigoristas. Giuseppe Cafasso escribe, y su testimonio es significativo, que según los pastores de la época era «difícil observar los mandamientos, difícil recibir bien la santa comunión, difícil, incluso, oír una misa con devoción, difícil rezar como se debe, difícil, sobre todo, llegar a salvarse, y que eran muy pocos los que se salvaban»."
1.4. La figura y la doctrina de San Alfonso
La exaltación de la figura y de la doctrina de San Alfonso, a quien daban prestigio tanto la beatificación, que tuvo lugar en 1816, y la puesta en marcha del proceso de canonización que se concluyó en 1839, como la edición de las obras iniciada en Turín en 1825, es característica no sólo de las diversas corrientes del movimiento ultramontano piamontés que se agrupaba en torno a Roothaan, a Lanteri, a Guala, a Cafasso, a Bosco, sino, en general, de la actividad de los misioneros comprometidos en el mundo rural y del clero en cura de almas. Alfonso de Ligorio y la congregación por él fundada ejercieron una influencia decisiva sobre las orientaciones de la teología moral, favoreciendo el abandono de actitudes rigoristas en la praxis sacramental. San Alfonso, en la primera fase de su sacerdocio, fue rigorista porque se había formado en manuales rigoristas (por ejemplo, en el de Frangois Genet). La conversión tuvo lugar, según su misma confesión, cuando se dedicó a las misiones entre el pueblo, es decir, cuando se enfrentó con la realidad del hombre envuelto en la miseria y con una vida cristiana superficial. San Alfonso comprendió que el sur de Italia no se podría conquistar con una pastoral hosca y oprimente, centrada más en un Dios-juez que en un Dios-padre, más en el pecado que en el perdón, más en el infierno que en el paraíso. El enraizamiento en la realidad popular convirtió a San Alfonso a una teología más humana, marcada por la referencia a la bondad y a la misericordia de Dios, a la confianza en él, a la esperanza.' 2
11 Citado por F. ACCORNERO, La dottrina spirituale di S. Giuseppe Cafasso, Torillo 1958, p. 110. Sobre esta problemática, cf. P. STELLA, L'Eucaristia nella spiritualita italiana da meta Seicento al prodromi del movimento liturgico, en: Eucaristia, memoriale del Signore e sacramento permanente, Torillo 1967, p. 157-159; J. SCHEPENS, L'activité littéraire de don Bosco au sujet de la pénitence et de l'Eucharistie, en «Salesianum» 50 (1988) 9-50.
Th. REY-MER/vIET, II santo del secolo dei lumi. Alfonso de Liguori (1696-1787), trad. it., Roma 1983 / ed. francese, Paris 1982; G. DE ROSA, S. Alfonso e il secolo dei lumi, en «Rassegna di Teologia» 28 (1987) 13-31; G. ORLANDI, S. Alfonso de' Liguori e l'evangelizzazione del Cilento nel Settecento, en: La societa religiosa nell'eta moderna. Atti del convegno di studi di storía sociale e religiosa, Napoli 1973, p. 845-851; G. CACCIATORE, S. Alfonso de' Liguori e it giansenismo, Firenze 1942.
Los misioneros, que predicaban entre las poblaciones rurales, las más abundantes, mientras las ciudades estaban abastecidas de clero, secular y regude predicadores y de catequistas, seguían a San Alfonso en el deseo delar, adecuar la propia acción pastoral a las situacíones concretas de vida de la pobre gente. Los redentoristas de Alfonso de Ligorío, los sacerdotes de la Preciosísima Sangre de Gaspare del Bufalo, los sacerdotes de la Misión de Vicente de paul, los pasionistas de Pablo de la Cruz, los oblatos de Rho de Giorgío M. Martinelli, los jesuitas, eran conscientes de que en relación al penitente no era suficiente la aplicación de las normas, sino que era necesario valorar, además de las disposiciones interiores, también la situación en la que se encontraba.13 También los sacerdotes con cura de almas o comprometidos en la dirección (pensemos en el cenáculo animado en Verona por Gaspare Bertoni,
edsepsirdeituf802, en Pietro Leonardi, en Vincenzo Pallotti, en Luigi Biraghi, en Giuseppe Frassinetti) se mueven en la misma línea antírrigorista." El éxito de la doctrina moral alfonsiana con tendencia hacia la disponibilidad y la comprensión marcha paralelamente asen creciente interés de la Iglesia por las poblaciones rurales y con la creciente sibilidad hacia las condiciones de vida de los fieles.'5
La comparación con Vicente de Paul salta a la vista del historiador, que
descubre en la Italia del sur la atmósfera de la Francia del Seiscientos. Vicente de Paul, Eudes, Olier, se habían opuesto al jansenismo por motivos pastorales y espirituales. Ellos, al contacto con los campesinos de los campos franceses,
" San Alfonso y los redentoristas, a partir de los años 30 del Setecientos, trabajan entre las masas rurales de Italia meridional y de Sicilia. Sobre las misiones de los redentoristas, cf. G. ORLANDI, Missioni popolari e drammatica popolare, en «Spicilegium Hist. Congr. SS. Redemptoris» 22 (1974) 313-348; S. GiAmmusso, Le missioni dei redentoristi in Sicilia dalle origini al 1860, en Ibid., 10 (1962) 51-176; 0. GREGORIO, Contributo delle missioni redentoriste alfa storia socio-religiosa dell'Italia meridionale, en Ibid., 21 (1973) 259-283. Sobre la concepción antijansenista y antirrigorista de los redentoristas, cf. G. ORLANDI (ed.), Direttorio apostolico ossia metodo di missione, Roma 1982; G. DE ROSA, Linguaggio e vita religiosa attraverso le missioni popolari del Mezzogiorno nell'etá moderna, en «Orientamenti Sociali» 36 (1981) 24.
" Sobre Gaspare del Bufalo (1786-1837) y los misioneros de la Preciosísima sangre, cf. G. DE LIBERO, S. Gaspare delBufalo, romano, Roma 1954; A. REY, Gaspare delBufalo, 2 vol., Albano Laziale 1987, 3 ed. Sobre los pasionistas, cf. E. ZOFFOLI, S. Paolo della Croce. Storia critica, 3 vol., Roma 1963-1968. Sobre los oblatos de Rho, cf. G. BARBIERI, Un prete del Settecento lombardo. Padre Martinelli fondatore degli oblati di Rho, Milano 1982. R. RUSCONI (Predicatori e predicazione (secoli IX-XVIII], en: Storia d'Italia, Annali, vol. 4: Intellettuali e potere, Torno 1981, p. 10061018) observa que las misiones del Ochocientos se insertan en el cauce de las misiones del Setecientos, pero con algunos aspectos novedosos, como la importancia dada a la instrucción catequística y la atención dedicada a una más profunda renovación del pueblo. (Se remite, en este punto, a la edición italiana, para tener referencias bibliográficas más amplias sobre figuras de predicadores y misioneros en diversas regiones de Italia [n.d.e.]).
15 G. VERUCCI, Chiese e societa nell'Italia della restaurazione, en «Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia» 30 (1976) 25-72; G. MICCOLI, Vescovo e re del suo popolo, en: G. CPATTOLINI G. MICCOLI (eds.), Storia d'Italia, Annali, vol. 9: La Chiesa e il potere político dal medioevo all'etá contemporanea, Torino 1986, p. 919-922.
oprimidos por la carestía y por la guerra, embrutecidos por la desesperación indefensos ante los poderosos, se dan cuenta de que no pueden predicar, al pueblo que sufre, la doctrina de un Dios, que de la «masca dannata» elige un grupo de privilegiados. El mensaje de los jansenistas, tan perentorio y radical, tan elitista y aristocrático, podía ser adecuado para burgueses devotos, no para la pobre gente del campo. Los espirituales franceses veían en el jansenismo un obstáculo para la consolidación de la reforma en las clases populares." Alfonso de Lígorio, Gaspare del Bufalo, Vincenzo Pallotti descubrieron, como Vicente de Paul, la misma realidad y optaron por la misma solución.
1.5. Influencia alfonsiana en la piedad
La influencia de estas orientaciones pastorales se refleja también en el campo de la piedad. Prevalece, en efecto, en el siglo XIX una piedad cálida, humana, popular, que tiende hacia el sentimiento, hacia la afectividad, hacia la fantasía, hacia el gusto por lo maravilloso, que valoriza, a veces en detrimento de la profundidad, los elementos sensibles, palpables, carnales, que se basa en una frecuencia más asidua a los sacramentos, que se nutre de un número consistente de prácticas devotas. La devoción mariana, que es una de las expresiones más significativas de la piedad del siglo XIX, se desarrolla floreciente con procesiones y peregrinaciones, con una vasta literatura sobre el mes de mayo, sobre el rosario, sobre las prerrogativas de María Virgen y Madre, y caen, a veces, en tonos dulzones, afectados y tiernos."
También las devociones a la pasión de Cristo, al Sagrado Corazón, a la Preciosísima Sangre, a las cinco llagas, a las tres horas de agonía con su inspiración reparadora y expiatoria estimulaban los motivos afectivos y sensibles. Alfonso de Ligorio conocía a los místicos (por ejemplo, a Santa Teresa y a San Juan de la Cruz), pero los valoriza en una perspectiva espiritual que pretende estar al alcance de todos. San Alfonso interpretó mejor que ningún otro escritor espiritual italiano, las exigencias de las almas sencillas. Sus obras llenas de afectuosidad, respondían bien a la sensibilidad de la época. Aquí reside la razón de su inmenso éxito. Conviene también subrayar que no son ajenas a
una tal orientación de la piedad de clima romántico con su gusto por la fanta
sía, la afectividad, el énfasis sentimental, las razones del corazón. La Iglesia,
pues, como reacción al carácter austero, exigente, elitista de la espiritualidad jansenista, empapada de refinamiento espiritual, y como reacción al frío racionalismo del siglo XVIII, favoreció una piedad cálida, amable, popular, accesible, sobre todo, a las masas. Esta orientación espiritual tiene sus lados débiles
16 L. MEZZADRI, Fra giansenisti e antigiansenisti. Vincent Depaul e la Congregazione della Missione (1624-1737), Firenze 1977.
" R AUBERT, Il pontifiCato di Pio IX (1846-1878), Torillo 1964, p. 694-707.
en la insistencia en la multiplicidad de los ejercicios devotos, en el excesivo relieve dado a la praxis de las indulgencias, en la proliferación de devociones discutibles y secundarias, en la condescendencia al sentimentalismo. La proliferación de ejercicios piadosos aumentó el distanciamiento de la Biblia y de la
Liturgia, llevó a una piedad pobre en contenidos teológicos.18
Don Bosco promovió en el ámbito del Oratorio algunas prácticas de pie
dad (la visita al Santísimo Sacramento, el Vía Crucis, la devoción a la Virgen y al Angel Custodio, el ejercicio mensual de la Buena muerte, la novena en honor de San Luis Gonzaga y de San Francisco de Sales), pero no cedió a la exhuberancia devocional típica del catolicismo del siglo XIX por el temor de irritar o de cansar a los jóvenes. Las devociones, por ejemplo, al Sagrado Corazón y a la Preciosísima Sangre, que jugaron un papel importante, junto con la devoción a María, en la espiritualidad católica del XIX, no parece que tuvieran para don Bosco aquella importancia que tuvieron, en cambio, para otros eclesiásticos, como Gaspare Bertoni, Gaspare del Bufalo, Vincenzo
Maria Strambi."
1.6. El éxito de San Francisco de Sales
En este cuadro se comprende el éxito de San Francisco de Sales y dé San Felipe Neri. En Piamonte, por razones históricas y geográficas, el ambiente estaba-impregnado de esencias salesianas. Vehículos eficaces de la difusión del salesianismo habían sido la casa de la Visitación de Turín, fundada en 1638 por Juana de Chantal, la amplia circulación de las obras de Francisco de Sales, que habían tenido numerosas ediciones durante el siglo XVIII, y la vida del santo, escrita por el sacerdote piamontés Pier Giacinto Gallizia (1662-1737), editada en Venecia en 1720 y reeditada muchas veces." Circulaban, además, en Pia
la Según G. Lanza, su mejor biógrafo, la marquesa Barolo tenía una devoción esperislísima a la Santísima Trinidad, al Sagrado Corazón, al Santísimo Sacramento, a las Tres horas de la Agonía, a la Virgen consolada y dolorosa, a los Angeles custodios, alas Almas del purgatorio, a San José, Santa Teresa, Santa Julia, Santa Ana, Santa María Magdalena, Santos Cosme y Damián (La marchesa Giulia Fallen:. di Barolo, nata Colbert, Torino 1892, p. 178s). P. Stella anota que «non doveva essere un caso singolare quello della marchesa Barolo» (Don Bosco I, p. 89).
" En el Giovane provveduto (segunda parte), aparecen entre los ejercicios particulares de piedad cristiana la «corona del S. Cuore di Gesú» y la «Orazione al sacratissimo Cuor di Maria». Está ausente, en cambio, la devoción al «Preziosissimo Sangue», que tuvo su máxima difusión en Roma y en la región de Lombardía-Venecia.
20 Tampoco en Piamonte faltan ediciones de las obras de San Francisco de Sales. Se debe señalar una Introduzione olla vita devota..., Torillo, Guibert e Orgeas 1779. Circulan también: Massime ricavate dalle opere di S. Francesco di Sales..., Torillo, Marietti 1837; Massime distribuite U3, cavate dalle opere di S. Francesco di Sales, Torillo, Paravia 1838; Breve dizionario delle massime di S. Francesco di Sales..., Torillo, Paravia 1838. Cf. V. BRASIER - E. MORGANTI - M. DURICA, Bibliografía salesiana, Torillo 1956. La Vita de Francisco de Sales escrita por Gallizia (16624737), que había sido capellán del monasterio de la Visitación de Turín, es obra de orientación ultramontana monte pequeñas obras impregnadas de espíritu salesiano como L'istruzione della gioventi nella pietá cristiana del sacerdote francés Charles Gobinet (1655) y la Guida angelica, ossia pratiche istruzioni per la gioventii de un anónimo sacerdote milanés (Turín, 1767), de la que don Bosco se valió ampliamente en la composición del Giovane provveduto.21
El éxito de Francisco de Sales es más ciudadano que rural, toca más a la Introducción a la vida devota que al Tratado del Amor de Dios.22 En efecto, el Francisco de Sales recibido en Piamonte es aquel que afectuosamente adoctrina acerca del modo de vivir cristianamente en el mundo, para lo cual la «devoción», que consiste en el amor a Dios y al prójimo, no es una condición privilegiada, prerrogativa de religiosos y claustrales, sino un objetivo capaz de ser alcanzado por todos los cristianos con el cumplimiento de los deberes del propio estado.
Francisco de Sales había afirmado, contra el pesimismo calvinista, la continuidad de naturaleza y gracia, el equilibrio de las relaciones entre Dios y hombre, y había sugerido una perspectiva espiritual caracterizada por una gran concreción rica de sabiduría psicológica, libre de preocupaciones, alimentada de sentido de la medida, fundada en el diálogo confiado con Dios, que quiere la salvación de todos, y para ello ha enviado un Redentor, y que ha garantizado una redención universal.
Brunone Lanteri, Guala, Cafasso, Cottolengo, Bosco,- la biografía de Pier Giacinto Gallizia, los panegíricos, difunden una imagen del obispo de Annecy hecha de dulzura y caridad. Si a lo largo del siglo XVII Antonio Arnauld y Étienne Le Camus, obispo de Grenoble, habían llevado a cabo una lectura rigorista (more jansenístico) de Francisco de Sales, presentado como un pastor severo, lectura que se había difundido también en Piamonte, los espirituales piamonteses hacen en la primera midad del XIX una lectura de Francisco de Sales en clave antirrigorista, que descubre su dulzura y su piedad razonable y sin excesos."
y benignista. En 1839 el editor Marietti publicaba el Compendio delle vite di S. Francesco di Sales e di Giovanna Francesca Frémiot di Chantal scritto da un barnabita, Torillo 1839. Se trata del barnabita Alessandro. Gavazzi. Circulaba también la obra de C.A. SACCARELLI, Vita della S. Madre Giovanna Francesca Frémiot fondatrice dell'ordine della Visitazione di Santa Maria, Roma, Komarek 1734, reimpresión: Venezia, Simone Cocchi 1785.
2' P. STELLA, Valori spirituali nel «Giovane provveduto» di san Giovanni Bosco, Roma 1960.
22 P. STELLA, Don Bosco e Francesco di Sales: incontro fortuito o identitá spirituale?, en: J. PICCA - J. S'FRUg (eds.), San Francesco di Sales e i salesiani di don Bosco, Roma, LAS 1986, p. 139
159. Es necesario subrayar que el Trattato dell'amore di Dio, a causa de su densidad especulativa y
mística, es menos asequible que la Introduzione alía vita devota. El mismo don Bosco prefirió esta
última. "
23 STELLA, Don Bosco e Francesco di Sales, p. 144-146.
1.7. La tradición espiritual filipina
Con el filón salesiano se entrelaza la tradición espiritual filipina, mantenida en Piamonte por el Oratorio de Turín y por la extraordinaria figura de viva enValfré (t 1710),24 por la biografía del santo escrita en el siglo XVII por Bacci" y por una serie de Ricordi ai giovinetti, que don Bosco conocía bien.26
La ósmosis entre el filón salesiano y el filón filipino no debe extrañar. En la relación armoniosa entre naturaleza y gracia se funda también, en efecto, el programa espiritual de San Felipe Nerí, que se nutre de confianza en la naturaleza humana y de amor al arte (el oratorio musical nace en el ámbito de los encuentros promovidos por Felipe Neri), rehuye los tonos hoscos y tristes, se ilumina de espíritu festivo y de alegría. Alfonso de Ligorío, aunque abierto a las sugestiones de Teresa de Ávila, es hijo espiritual de Felipe Neri y Francisco de Sales. Madura, en efecto, su espiritualidad bajo la guía del oratoriano Tommaso Pagano, después pasa bajo la dirección de mons. Falcoia, embebido de salesianismo.' Francisco de Sales era uno de los autores más leídos en el ámbito del Oratorio.' El joven Rosmini se sintió atraído por las lecturas salesianas gracias a las influencias oratorianas.29 Cottolengo respira el aire de la espiritualidad de Felipe Neri (su director espiritual era el filipino Michele Fontana) y de Francisco de Sales, aunque descubre su vocación leyendo la vida de San Vicente de Paul. Para don Bosco, Francisco de Sales y Felipe Neri son los modelos en los que personalmente se inspira.
24 Cf. SE, en: OE I, 489.
" G. BACO, Vita di S. Filippo Neri, fondatore della Congregazione dell'Oratorio, Roma 1622. Tuvo numerosas ediciones italianas y en otras lenguas.
26 P. Stella ha puesto de relieve que los Ricordi ai giovinetti de San Felipe Neri se encuentran en la obra anónima, que don Bosco conocía bien, titulada: Un mazzolino di ftori ai fanciulli e alíe famiglie..., Torillo 1836 (cf. STELLA, Valori spirituali, p. 41s.). I ricordi generali di san Filippo Neri alta gioventit fueron editados por G. Bosco, Porta teco cristiano (1858), en: OE XI, 34-36.
27 G. CACCIATORE, Fonti storico-letterarie dell'insegnamento ascetico di S. Alfonso M. De' Liguori, en: A.M. DE' LIGUORI, Opere Ascetiche, Introduzione generale, Roma 1960, p. 127.
28 El influjo salesiano es muy fuerte en Antonio Cesan (1760-1828) de la congregación veronesa del Oratorio, y se presenta mezclado con motivos ignacianos y vicentinos, además de filipinos. Este entramado está especialmente presente en: Lezioni storico-morali sopra la Sacra Scrittura, Milano 1815-1817 (cf. A. VECCHI, La dottrina spirituale di A. Cesad, en: Chiesa e spiritualitá nell'Ottocento italiano, Verona 1971, p. 173s.).
29 VECCHI, La dottrina spirituale, en: Ibid., p. 185; A. VALLE, Momenti e valori della spiritua
litá Roma 1978, p. 43s. Un retrato entusiasta de San Felipe Neri fue esbozado por
Rosmini, cuando tenía poco más de veinte años: Delle lodi di S. Filippo Neri, Venezia, G. Battaggia 1821.
El caso de Cottolengo revela la amplia atracción ejercida también en Turín por la tradición vicentina, mantenida despierta por los religiosos de la congre.. gación de la Misión, que en 1827 contaba en Piamonte con seis casas, por la congregación de las Hijas de la Caridad y por las fundaciones que, aunque desgajadas del tronco de las Hijas de la Caridad, conservan su espíritu y adoptan su Regla?' Si los paules promueven las misiones populares en los pueblos del_Piamonte, las Hijas de la Caridad se dedican al cuidado de los pobres, los enfermos, los soldados ingresados en los hospitales militares?'
Este entrelazarse de corrientes espirituales anima la extraordinaria época con iniciativas orientadas a las necesidades espirituales y materiales de los pobres, de los enfermos, de los encarcelados, de las mujeres en peligro y descarriadas, que caracteriza las primeras décadas del siglo XIX en Piamonte. La pequeña Casa _de la Divina Providencia surge en 1832 bajo los auspicios de Vicente de Paul y acoge a los enfermos rechazados en otros hospitales a causa de sus deformidades. La espiritualidad del Cottolengo se caracteriza por el abandono total en la divina Providencia y por la dedicación a los hermanos más pobres. Charitas Christi urget nos es el lema que Cottolengo deja a su «Piccola Casa».32
Giulia Barolo, penitente de Lanteri, de Guala y más tarde de Cafasso, promovió obras para la asistencia de las encarceladas, para la rehabilitación de las mujeres descarriadas, para el cuidado de jóvenes enfermas.33 Don Cafasso se dedica a la asistencia de los deshollinadores venidos a Turín desde el valle de
3° Animador de las obras vicentinas en Piamonte fue el padre Marcantonio Durando, amigo y consejero de Cafasso, Cottolengo, Bosco, Murialdo, Allamano. Superior de la casa de Turín (1831), introdujo en 1833 las Hijas de la Caridad y fundó en 1836 la asociación de las Damas de la Caridad, de extracción nobiliaria, dedicada a la asistencia de los pobres y de los-enfermos. Cf. L. CHIEROTTI, II p. Marcantonio Durando (1801-1880), Sarzana 1971. En 1842 las Hijas de la Caridad contaban en Piamonte veinte casas y en 1848, cuarenta (cf. CHIERarn, II p. Marcantonio Durando, p. 112). Entre las fundaciones que, a pesar de haberse separado de las Hijas de la Caridad, conservan su espíritu y adoptan ,su regla, hay que recordar las Hijas de la Caridad de Antida Thouret y las «Suore di Caritá dell'Immacolata Concezione», fundadas en 1828 en Rivarolo Cana
vese (Turín) por Antonia Vema (cf. F. 'TROCHO, Santa Giovanna Antida Thouret, fondatrice delle Suore della carita, Milano 1961; A. PIERot n, La vita e ¡'opera della serva di Dio Madre Antonia
Maria Venza, fondatrice delle Suore di Carita dell'Immacolata Concezione d'Ivrea (1773-1838), Firenze 1938).
" La iniciativa de asistir a los soldados enfermos causó desconcierto en el mundo eclesiástico turinés. Un influyente representante del mismo declaró, en efecto, que si el padre Durando fuera a confesarse con él, no tendría el valor de darle la absolución, por esta su osadía (cf. CHIEROTH, Il p. Marcantonio Durando, p. 276).
32 V. DI MEO, La spiritualitá di san Giuseppe Cottolengo studiata nei suoi scritti e nei processi canonici, Pinerolo 1959.
33 R.M. BORSARELLI, La marchesa Giulia di Barolo e le opere assistenziali in Piemonte nel Risorgimento, Torillo 1933. En el mes de octubre de 1844, don Bosco llega a ser capellán en uno de los institutos de la marquesa Barolo, «l'ospedaletto di Santa Filomena» para muchachas enfermas.
Aosta, consuela a los encarcelados, acompaña a la horca a los condenados a muerte, implicando en esta experiencia al joven Bosco, sacerdote de 26 años, que quedó fuertemente impresionado 34 La barriada pobre de Valdocco se convirtió en el corazón de esta caridad operativa, acogiendo la Pequeña Casa de Cottolengo, las obras de la marquesa Barolo y en 1846 el Oratorio estable de don Bosco.
Del cuadro que he tratado de delinear, emerge un dato significativo. En el piamonte de la Restauración se forma un milieu espiritual en el que confluyen elementos diversos, pero cuyo denominador común está constituido por la dimensión humanista. Usando una expresión grata a Bremond, podemos decir que la espiritualidad piamontesa se mueve en la línea del humanismo devoto.
El humanismo devoto realiza en el campo de la espiritualidad el principio de la teología católica, según el cual la gracia no suprime la naturaleza, sino que la sana, la eleva, la perfecciona. La intuición de fondo es que la naturaleza, a pesar de haber sido herida por el pecado, permanece fundamentalmente orientada hacia Dios, la gracia actúa sobre tal disposición de la naturaleza. Si los jansenistas habían reivindicado la primacía de la gracia sobre la naturaleza, de la acción de Dios sobre la acción del hombre y habían instaurado una dicotomía entre el hombre pecador y el Dios de la gracia, el humanismo devoto afirma la continuidad entre naturaleza y gracia, la relación armoniosa entre naturaleza y sobrenaturaleza. El humanismo devoto le ha quitado al cristianismo aquellas características que podían hacerlo sombrío y extraño a la vida y le ha devuelto un rostro amable.
Es significativo que falten en Piamonte ecos de la espiritualidad francesa de orientación agustiniana (piénsese en Bérulle y los berullianos) con su temática de la vida cristiana como adhesión a Cristo en su muerte en la Cruz, como «anulación» (anéantissement), es decir, abnegación, muerte interior, mortificación de la naturaleza contaminada por el pecado (Bérulle), como oblación, sacrificio, inmolación, por lo que la criatura rinde honor al Creador no a través de la adoración, que es el reconocimiento de su nada, sino a través del sacrificio, que es la destrucción de sí mismo a manera de víctima inmolada (Condren, María de la Encarnación, Bemiéres, Mectilde del SS. Sacramento). El mismo Murialdo, que se vio influenciado por la espiritualidad francesa y en particular por Olier, pues vivió en Saint-Sulpice, atenúa la austeridad de la espiritualidad francesa con la dulzura de Francisco de Sales y con la afectividad de Alfonso de Ligorio.35
" En las MO don Bosco usa el verbo «inorridire» (cf. Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo, p. 81). En este cuadro de caridad activa, hay que señalar una institución laica de beneficencia, denominada «Mendicitá Istruita», regia obra pía turinesa, creada en 1771, que ejercitó durante .el período de la Restauración un renovado compromiso en el sector de la instrucción y de la educación de la juventud pobre. Sus escuelas fueron confiadas, en la sección masculina, a los hermanos de las Escuelas Cristianas; en la sección femenina, a las llamadas «suore di San Giuseppe».
" Huellas de la tradición oratoriana francesa se encuentran en Lombardía y en la región vé
2. Actitud y mentalidad de Don Bosco
Don Bosco ahonda sus raíces dentro de este humus espiritual, del ldioma las esencias y la linfa,36 pero, sobre todo, una inspiración cua, una actitud, una mentalidad. Sacerdote de la clase rural siente con viva sensibilidad la realidad nueva de los jóvenes que, salidos de la cárcel o emigrados del campo a Turín en busca de trabajo, se habían integrado mal en la ciudad en los co. mienzos de la industrialización. Don Bosco fundamenta su acción educativa respecto a los jóvenes «pobres y abandonados» en la «amabilidad» (amorevolezza) y en la «caridad», adapta con relación a ellos la misma metodología pastoral, caracterizada por la dulzura, que había guiado la predicación de los misioneros de Alfonso de Ligorio, de Vicente de Paul, de Gaspare del Bufalo en medio de las poblaciones rurales?' Los jóvenes serían conducidos a Dios no con el rigor, sino con la dulzura. En una carta, que se remonta al 31 de agosto de 1846, pocos meses después de haberse establecido el Oratorio en Valdocco, y por tanto en los comienzos de su experiencia educativa, don Bosco recomienda que «el aceite condimente todo alimento en nuestro Oratorio».38
2.1. Formación sacerdotal en clima rigorista
Tratemos en este sentido de precisar algunos puntos. Es necesario, ante todo, señalar que don Bosco había adquirido su formación filosófica y teológica en el seminario de Chieri (1835-1841), dentro de un clima de gran austeridad. El joven clérigo se había acercado a las tesis favorables al rigorismo a través del estudio del tratado de teología moral de Afasia, que era el texto usado en el seminario. Don Bosco recuerda que las relaciones entre clérigos y superiores se caracterizaban más por el temor que por la familiaridad." El lima() con tales orientaciones rigoristas indujo a Juan Bosco a recorrer el ca-aúno emprendido con un fuerte empeño ascético, llevado hasta el ejercicio de abstinencias y ayunos. Don Bosco reprochaba, además, a la formación esee minario su enfoque abstracto, el gusto por el silogismo capcioso, la pobreza de dimensión histórica.4°
neta. Cf. P. STELLA, Giansenismo e Restaurazione in. Lombardia. Problemi storiografici in marginé de lettere di mons. Pagani vescovo di Lodi (f 1835) a mons. Tosí vescovo di Pavia (t 1845), en: Chiesa e spiritualita nell'Ottocento italiano, p. 335s. Motivos berullianos atraviesan la Vita di Gesit Cristo del oratoriano Antonio Cesari (cf. VECCILL La dottrina spirituale di Antonio Cesan*, en: Chiesa e spiritualitá nell'Ottocento italiano, p. 195-198). Sobre Murialdo puede verse: A. CASTEL, LANI, Leonardo Murialdo, vol. Tappe della formazione. Prime attivitá apostoliche (1828-1866),
Roma 1966; D. BARSOTTI, San Murialdo e la vita di fede, en: D. BARSOITI, Nella comunione dei santi, Milano 1970, p. 373-394 (en particular, p. 377s.).
36 P. Stella ha mostrado, mediante puntuales cotejos, que San Alfonso de Ligorio es el autor en el que don Bosco más se inspiró. En la elaboración del Giovane provveduto y del Mese di maggio, don Bosco valorizó las Massime eterne y L'apparecchio alla morse. Las Glorie di Maria alimentaron la piedad mariana de don Bosco. Las Visite al SS. Sacramento, La pratica di amare Gesù Cristo, eran obras recomendadas por don Bosco: cf. P. STELLA, 1 tempi e gli scritti che prepararono il «Mese di maggio» di don Bosco, en «Salesianum» 20 (1958) 648-694.
37 No se olvide que la idea del Oratorio nació, según el testimonio de don Bosco, de la visita a las cárceles de Turín (cf. G. BOSCO, Cenni storici intorno all'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales [1862], en: BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 60s).
" E I, 18.
influencia determinante de don Cafasso
2.2. La Tras la ordenación sacerdotal (5 de jimio de 1841), don Bosco entra en el Convitto eclesiástico de Turín y recibe en él una impronta decisiva. Respira el clima alfonsiano, pero, sobre todo, encuentra a don Cafasso, repetidor de teología moral, hombre sereno y sensible, que se convierte en su confesor. Don Bosco ve en don Cafasso la imagen del sacerdote solicito y fervoroso que trabaja para la gloria de Dios y la salvación de las almas con una dulzura que atrae y conquista. A la idea de un Dios solitario y severo don Cafasso contrapone la imagen de Im Dios padre misericordioso. Para Cafasso la perfección consiste en hacer perfectamente la voluntad de Dios, pero la voluntad de Dios debe buscarse en las acciones de la vida común. La santidad no consiste en el cumplimiento de gestos excepcionales, sino en la fidelidad a los deberes del propio estado. Don Cafasso, y en esto fue extraordinario, practicó con fidelidad las virtudes ordinarias. Cafasso condena las formas de mortificación austera, que son frecuentemente una tentación del demonio. Las verdaderas mortificaciones se manifiestan en el sacrificio que exige la fidelidad a los deberes.'
Don Cafasso está en la raíz de las opciones fundamentales hechas por don
Bosco: Ordenado sacerdote, debería haber sido enviado a alguna parroquia de la diócesis, pero por consejo de don Cafasso entró en el Convitto eclesiástico." En 1844 al término de su perfeccionamiento pastoral, fue inducido por don Cafasso a ocuparse de los jóvenes abandonados, que frecuentemente terminaban en la cárcel o en la horca.43 En el Convitto, la imagen de Dios Juez (airado y severo), que don Bosco había concebido én el seminario de Chieri, se dulcificó. En el Convitto don Bosco se persuadió de que no con el rigor, sino
n Cf. Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo, p. 59.
40 El mismo Stella, a pesar de la escasez de documentación, ha reconstruido el itinerario intelectual y espiritual de Giovanni Bosco en el seminario de Chieri (cf. STELLA, Don Bosco I,p. 51-83).
' G. CAFASSO, Meditazioni e istruzioni per esercizi spirituali al clero, 2 vol., Torino 1892
1893; F. ACCORNERO, La dottrina spirituale di S. Giuseppe Cafasso, Torino 1958; A. PEDRINI, San Giuseppe Cafasso nella scia della dottrina del Salesio, en «Palestra del Clero» 62 (1983) 625-637,
718-736.
42 Cf. Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo, p. 79.
Ibid., p. 88s.
con la bondad llevaría las almas a Dios. Es significativo que tres años después de haber dejado el Convitto don Bosco compusiera para la marquesa Barolo, entonces penitente de don Cafasso, el Esercizi() di divozione alla misericordia di Dio (1847). El libro revela la actitud fundamental de don Bosco: La confianza en un Dios Padre misericordioso que «ha creado a todos para el Paraíso». Don Bosco habla del amor con el que Dios acoge al pecador y usa por primera vez la palabra «amorevolezza» que le iba a ser tan querida y que iba a llegar a ser tan salesiana." Dios es un «padre tan amoroso» que perdona los pecados más graves y fortifica al hombre débil y pecador con su cuerpo y con su sangre, preservándolo de este modo de los asaltos del demonio." Llama la atención en esta obra juvenil de don Bosco la importancia que da a la confesión y a la comunión, «las columnas» de su «edificio educativo».46
2.3. La importancia central atribuida a San Francisco de Sales
Don Bosco atribuyó una importancia central a San Francisco de Sales eligiéndolo como modelo y apropiándose de alguna de sus características importantes. El interés por San Francisco de Sales germina en el seminario de Chieri, ya que en los apuntes redactados la vigilia de la ordenación sacerdotal, en mayo de 1841, don Bosco escribe: «La caridad y la dulzura de S. Francisco de Sales me guíen en todas las-cosas»." El binomio caridad-dulzura resulta familiar a Juan Bosco en virtud de aquella robusta y consolidada tradición hagiográfica a la cual me he referido. Pero el interés por Francisco de Sales concebido en Chieri, se desarrolla en el Convitto eclesiástico y en el ámbito de las obras de la marquesa Barolo." La elección de Francisco como ejemplar no es casual. Francisco de Sales encarna en sí la tradición tridentina en los años en los que se efectúa en Piamonte una creciente influencia valdense, pero, sobre todo, encarna la «amabilidad», la «caridad», el equilibrio, la discreción, el optimismo." Don Bosco aconseja la lectura de la Introduzione alla vita devota,
44 L'Esercizio di divozione alla misericordia di Dio, en: OE II, 71-181. Los términos «morevole», «amorosamente», «amorevolezza» son usados con tanta frecuencia que llegan a convertise en palabras claves.
" Cf. Ibid., p. 170.175.
46 Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo, p. 295; SCHEPENS, L'activité littéraire de don Bosco, p. 9-50.
4' Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 315.
" La marquesa Barolo — recuerda don Bosco en MO — había hecho pintar la imagen de San Francisco de Sales en la entrada de los locales destinados a los sacerdotes que trabajaban en la «Opera Pia del Rifugio», pues «aveva in animo di fondare una congregazione di preti sotto questo
titolo». En este lugar comenzó don Bosco el Oratorio que tituló de «San Francesco di Sales» (Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo, p. 93s.).
49 Para carecterizar la actitud de San Francisco de Sales, don Bosco usa un abanico de expresiones: «amabilitá», «calma», «mitezza», «buone maniere», «mansuetudine», «dolcezza», «amorevolezza», «carita». En la Storia ecclesiastica, compuesta en 1845, un año después de haber deporque es un libro que enseña a servir a Dios con familiaridad y confianza liales 50
Se podría objetar que don Bosco hace una lectura restringida del santo sa
boyano, cuya espiritualidad no se agota en la dimensión de la dulzura, pero don Bosco valoriza de los autores aquello que está de acuerdo con su perspectiva educativa. Francisco de Sales, de modelo de pastores de almas, se convierte en modelo de educadores, la amabilidad se convierte en estilo educativo y, más en general, en estilo de vida cristiana. La amabilidad tiene su fund fa-mento en la virtud teologal de la caridad, que «es benigna y paciente, lo sure todo, pero lo espera todo y lo soporta todo». Don Bosco reconoce en el himno a la caridad de la primera carta de San Pablo a los corintios el fundamento de su método educativo?'
2.4. La referencia a San Felipe Neri
Don Bosco vive la propia presencia entre los jóvenes como misión religiosa orientada primariamente a la salvación de sus almas, pero entiende que a los jóvenes se llega sólo a través de la comprensión, la confianza, la amistad, la amabilidad, haciendo hincapié sobre la alegría, la creatividad, la valorización de las realidades humanas: el trabajo, el estudio, la música, el teatro, el canto, los juegos, la gimnasia, los paseos. Para don Bosco la alegría no es un elemento exterior, sino un valor teológico, porque es expresión de la alegría interior, que es fruto de la gracia. En una carta del 25 de julio de 1860 exhorta a un alumno del Oratorio a la alegría «auténtica», «como aquella de una conciencia limpia de pecado»?2 Viceversa, la melancolía, la pereza, la tibieza, la languífado el Convino ecclesiastico, don Bosco traza un breve perfil de San Francisco de Sales, resaltando su dulzura y caridad (cf. OE I, 479s). En el más antiguo reglamento del Oratorio que conocemos, de los años 1851-1852, el Oratorio es puesto «sotto la protezione di s. Francesco di Sales, perché coloro che intendono dedicarsi a questo genere di occupazione devono proporsi questo Santo per modelo nella carita, nelle buone maniere, che sono le fonti da cui derivano i frutti che si sperano dall'Opera deg,li Oratorii» (cf. STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 108). Las mismas palabras que aparecen en el Regolamento de 1877 (cf. Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo, p. 363s.). En el escrito Dei castighi da infliggersi nelle case salesiane (1883), se define a San Francisco de Sales «II nostro caro e mansueto Francesco», il «mite e sapiente educatore di cuori» (Ibid., p. 311). En las cartas a sus hijos espirituales invita insistentemente a la caridad, a la dulzura y a la paciencia de San Francisco de Sales (cf. por ejemplo, las cartas a don Fenoglio, a don Dalmazzo y a don Lasagna: E IV,153.186.340).
" La Introduzione alla vita devota fue calurosamente recomendada en las publicaciones de
Valdocco, y valorizada por don Bosco en el Giovane provveduto, en el Mese di maggio y en otras obras. Sobre las relaciones entre don Bosco y San Francisco de Sales, cf. PICCA - STRUS (eds.), San Francesco di Sales e i salesiani; E. VALENTINI, Saint Francois de Sales et don Bosco, en: Mémoires et documents publiés par l'Académie Salésienne, Annecy 1955; ID., Spiritualitá e umanesimo nella pedagogia di don Bosco, en «Salesianum 20 (1958) 416-426. " Cf. Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo, p. 294.
'7 E I, 194.
dez, que hacen al alma árida, opaca, sin brío, insensible a Dios y a las cosas buenas, arraigan en el corazón no iluminado por la gracia."
La figura de San Felipe Neri, definido como «el gran amigo de la juven. tud» es para don Bosco, en este sentido, ejemplar. Existen buenas razones para pensar que ya en el Convitto don Bosco había tenido la posibilidad de acercarse a la figura de Felipe Neri, puesto que ya en 1845 traza de él en la Storia ecclesiastka un breve, pero intenso perfil» En el panegírico de San Felipe Neri, pronunciado en Alba en mayo de 1868, don Bosco presenta al apóstol romano como aquel que «ha imitado la dulzura y la mansedumbre del Salvador», que ha difundido el «gran fuego de la divina caridad» traída por Cristo a la tierra, que ha practicado «el celo por la salvación de las almas, que tiene su raíz en el celo mismo de Cristo»." Al hablar de San Felipe Neri, don Bosco está hablando, de sí mismo y del ideal salesiano. Siguiendo la vida escrita por Bacci y los Ricordi di S. Filippo Neri alía gioventú, don Bosco valoriza y difunde algunos dichos característicos de San Felipe Neri: «Hijitos, estad alegres: No quiero escrúpulos ni melancolía, me basta que no cometáis pecados»; «Haced todo lo que queráis, a mí me basta que no cometáis pecados»; «Escrúpulos y melancolía fuera de la casa mía»; «No os carguéis con demasiadas devociones, pero sed perseverantes en aquellas que habéis empezado».
2.5. Los ecos de San Vicente de Paul
Por los mismos motivos, don Bosco se siente impresionado por la figura de Vicente de Paul, en el cual se encarnan el espíritu de caridad, el estilo de dulzura y de mansedumbre, el celo por la salvación de las almas. En la Storia ecclesiastica de 1845 le dedica un apasionado retrato: «Animado del verdadero espíritu de caridad, no hubo género de calamidad que él no socorriera; fieles oprimidos por la esclavitud de los turcos, niños huérfanos, jóvenes disolutos, solteras en peligro, religiosas abandonadas, mujeres caídas, galeotes, peregrinos, deficientes mentales, mendigos, todos probaron los efectos de la paterna caridad de Vicente».56
Don Bosco desaconsejaba las mortificaciones corporales severas, como «la austeridad en la comida»,57 recomendaba el «precioso don de la salud», un conveniente reposo nocturno, un trabajo proporcionado a las fuerzas de cada
'3 Cf. OE II, 185s.; XI, 236s.
54 Cf. OE I, 473. Sobre la hipótesis de que don Bosco conociera a San Felipe Neri ya durante
los años de seminario, cf. BRAmo (ed.), Esperienze di pedagogía cristiana II, p. 306. " MB IX, 214-221.
56 OE I, 486; In, 217. Conviene hacer notar que don Bosco hizo, en la casa de la Misión de
Turín, los ejercidos espirituales en preparación al subdiaconado (septiembre 1840) y a la ordenación sacerdotal (26 mayo - 4 junio 1841).
5' G. Bosco, Ricordi confidenziali ai Direttori, en: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 79.
uno 58 Sus preferencias iban hacia las mortificaciones interiores, que se cum.- .
pien en el ejercicio del propio estado y en el soportar las molestias de los demás."
Temía igualmente la multiplicación de las prácticas de piedad que pueden asustar o cansar a los jóvenes. En el perfil biográfico del jovencito Magone de 1861 escribe: «Yo aconsejaría ardientemente vigilar para que se practiquen cosas fáciles que no asusten, y tampoco cansen al fiel cristiano, especialmente a los jóvenes. Los ayunos, las oraciones largas y otras duras austeridades acaban por omitirse en su mayor parte o se hacen de mal humor y con negligencia» 60 De estos datos se deduce también el carácter sereno, equilibrado, humano de la espiritualidad salesiana.
2-.6. Don Bosco maestro de una espiritualidad original
Don Bosco estaba convencido, siguiendo las huellas de San Francisco de Sales, de que la perfección puede ser alcanzada por todos, no con gestos excepcionales y extraordinarios, sino a través del ejercicio de las virtudes ordinarias. Al admirar en Comollo, el clérigo conocido en el seminario de Chieri y muerto prematuramente, «no extraordinarias, sino virtudes cumplidas», don Bosco expresa ya en 1844, en su primera obra, el convencimiento de que en ellas consiste «la santidad de los jóvenes».61
" «Abbiatevi cura della santa, lavorate, ma solo quanto le proprie forze comportan» (G. Bosco, Ricordi ai missionari del 1875, en: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 123). «In ciascuna notte
farai sette ore di riposo» (p. 79).
56 «Le tue mortificazioni siano nena diligenza a' tuoi doveri e nel sopportare le molestie al
trui» (Bosco, Ricordi cónfidenziali ai direttori, p. 79).
6° G. Bosco, Cenno biografico sul giovinetto Magone Michele, Torino 1861, p. 46. En el Regolamento per le case della Societá di S. Francesco di Sales de 1877, don Bosco recomienda a sus hijos: «Non abbracciate mai alcuna nuova divozione, se non con licen7a del vostro confessore, e ricordatevi di quanto diceva S. Filippo Neri a' suoi figli: "Non vi caricate di troppe devozioni, ma siate perseveranti in quelle che avete preso"» (Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo, p. 433). También don Luigi Guanella recomienda que «gli esercizi di divozione non impediscano gli affari, non siano cosi lunghi e stracchino lo spirito e diano fastidio alle persone colle quali si vive» (L. GUA
NELLA, Un saluto al nuovo auno 1889, Como 1889, p. 55).
61 G. Bosco, Cenni storici sulla vita del chierico Luigi Comollo morro nel seminario di Chieri, Torino 1844, en: OE I, 27. En la segunda edición de esta obrita (Torino 1884) don Bosco escribe que la conducta de Comollo era «un complesso di virtú piccole, ma compiute in guisa che lo facevano universalmente ammirare quale specchio di singolari virtú» (OE XXXV, 29). Don Bosco, presentando la vida edificante de un clérigo que había conocido en Chieri, sin darse cuenta, se retrata a sí mismo, o revela cuáles eran los sentimientos de piedad, estudio y disciplina de los que estaba penetrado. Es interesante poner de relieve que la expresión «piccole virtú» aparece frecuentemente en la obra Trattatello sopra le virtú piccole del gesuita Giambattista Roberti (17191786) empapado de humores salesianos. Las «pequeñas virtudes» son, para Roberti, «la trattabilita, la condisc<n7a, la semplicitá, la mansuetudine, la soavitá ne' guardi, negli atti, ne' modi, nene parole». «Le virtú piccole — continúa Roberti — sono virtú sicure. La loro sicurezza nasce dalla loro stessa piccolezza. Esse non sono pompose, perché versano sopra oggetti leggeri: esse si eser
Al joven Emanuele Fassati don Bosco le recomienda «la obediencia a los padres y superiores» y la puntualidad en el cumplimiento de los deberes, especialmente los escolares.62 Sega!' don Bosco, la santidad puede ser alcanzada por los jóvenes. Un joven es an santo)
cuando observa con «perseverante escrupulosidad los deberes de su esta. do».63 Los perfiles biográficos de Domingo Savio (1859), de Magone (1861),
de Besucco (1864) tienden precisamente a demostrar que también los jóvenes pueden alcanzar altos grados de perfección.
Don Bosco no sólo sostiene que la santidad puede ser alcanzada en cualquier estado de vida, sino que es fácil llegar a ser santos. La única condición es querer serlo: «¿De cuántas cosas, pues, tenemos necesidad para ser santos? De una sola cosa: es necesario querer serlo. Sí, con tal que lo queráis podéis ser santo. No os falta más que quererlo. Los ejemplos de los santos, cuya vida nos aprestamos a poner ante vuestros ojos, son de personas de baja condición, que han vivido en medio de las dificultades de una vida activa: obreros, agri. cultores, artesanos, mercaderes, siervos y jóvenes. Cada uno se ha santificado en su propio estado. Y ¿cómo se han santificado? Haciendo bien todo lo que tenían que hacer»." El camino hacia la santidad, pues, está indicado no tanto por virtudes excepcionales y por hechos extraordinarios, cuanto por la fuerte
voluntad y por la denodada perseverancia en cumplir los deberes del propio estado.
Don Bosco meditó y amó desde los tiempos del seminario de Chieri, la Imitación de Cristo, pero no estuvo marcado por la espiritualidad de la huida del mundo. Cultivó, sí, el desapego de las cosas, la abnegación interior, la compunción del corazón, pero sin complacencias intimistas, en vistas a la actividad apotólica, no a la oración mística o a la inmersión en Dios. Don Bosco no ha elaborado una espiritualidad original.
Bebió en fuentes ignacianas, salesíanas, alfonsianas, filipinas y las canalizó, con gran libertad y habilidad, hacia la acción educadora. Lo nuevo de la espiritualidad de don Bosco está en el hecho de traducirla en un apostolado creativo, diligente, audaz, volitivo, en el don de sí mismo a los demás. En este sentido, don Bosco fue un maestro de vida espiritual (no tanto un escritor espiritual) y no se comprendería su labor educativa, si prescindiéramos de las fuentes que la inspiraron y alimentaron.
citano quasi senza la reputazione di essere virtuosi. [...] Le virtú piccole sono virtú usnali, doé di un uso frequente e cotidiano, comuni a tutte le stagioni ed a tutte le condizioni della vita. [...] Le virtú piccole sono virtú sublimi e divine. Sento ora come penitenza di averíe chiamate piccole, ma la frase é tolta dallo stile di S. Francesco di Sales. E poi esse sono piccole solamente perché ver-sano sopra soggetti piccoli, una parola, un gesto, un'occhiata, una creanza; per altro, se il principio si esamini da cui partono, edil fine, a cui tendono, sono preciare affatto: sono piccole virtú, che formano i grandi virtuosi» (G.B. ROBERT', Raccolta di varíe operette, vol. III, Bologna 1782, p. 33-75).
62 Al joven noble Emanuele Fassati (8 septiembre 1861) en: E I, 209.
62 S'ELLA, Valori spirituali, p. 95. El Giovane provveduto de don Bosco no es simplemente un manual de devoción, es un «modo di vita cristiana» propuesto a los jóvenes (Ibid., p. 80).
6' G. Bosco, Vita di santa Zita serva e di sant'Isidoro contadino, en LC (1853) 6.
DON BOSCO Y LAS ASOCIACIONES CATÓLICAS EN ESPAÑA gamón ALBERDI
o. Introducción
Basta ojear las Meniorias biográficas de San Juan Bosco,' para darse cuenta de los contactos que éste tenía con diversas asociaciones católicas de su
tiempo. Y no sólo en la ciudad de Turín, sino también fuera'
Efectivamente, durante los viajes por Italia, Francia y España, encontraba
muchaofrecerles etas asociaciones, que le salían al paso para presentle sus res
petos, su ayuda y recibir, en cambio, una buena palabra osuna bendición.
En todos estos encuentros, ambas partes — las asociaciones y don Bosco se sentían muy a gustó, como envueltas en un mismo clima de mutua atracción y .:Inpatía. De tal forma que, de los mismos, podían surgir relaciones más o menos estables de amistad y ayuda.
Prueba de ello son, por ejemplo, la decisión de algunas sociedades de nombrar a don Bosco su miembro de honor,3 el hecho de que militaran en las mismas, en un grado o en otro, muchos cooperadores salesianos de primera hora — como el conde Carlo Cays di Giletta,4 el conde De Maistre,5 el conde de Villeneuve,6 doña Dorotea Chopitea de Serra' — y, en fin, la intervención de
* Esta comunicación fue redactada y leída por el autor en castellano (n.d.e.).
' Aunque ya está muy adelantada la publicación de la traducción castellana (CCS, Madrid 1981 ss.), en el presente trabajo las citas de las MB se aducen de acuerdo con el original italiano.
2 Se pueden compulsar, por medio del Indice analitico de las citadas Memorie, algunos términos, tales como Associazione, Circolo, Congress°, Patronage, Societa, Unione.
3 Lo fue de las Conferencias de San Vicente de Paul de Turín desde 1850, de la Unión Católica Obrera de Nizza Monferrato desde 1883, de la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona desde 1884. Cf. respectivamente MB IV, 66-70; XVI, 288; XVIII, 84.
• Fue primero presidente del Consejo Particular de las Conferencias de San Vicente de Paul en Turín (1853) y luego presidente también del Consejo Superior de las mismas en el Piamonte (1856). Acabó siendo salesiano y sacerdote (1. 1882). Cf. L. TERRoNE, II conte Cays, sacerdote salesiano, Colle Don Bosco (Asti), LDC 1947, p. 142.
• De las mencionadas Conferencias en Nizza, según MB X, 1337.
• Presidente de las sociedades agrícolas del sur de Francia, según MB XVIII, 150-151. 7 Entre-otras asociaciones, había pertenecido a la Junta de Damas de las Salas de Asilo y al Apostolado de la Oración. Cf. A. BURDÉUS, Una dama barcelonesa del ochocientos. La sierva dedichas asociaciones en algunas fundaciones salesianas, concretamenté en marassi (Génova 1871),8 Sampierdarena-Génova (1872),9 Niza (1875),10B Buenos Aires (1877-1878)" y Marsella (1878).0
Indudablemente, el movimiento católico social del siglo pasado demo tener una fina sensibilidad ante el carisma salesiano, al que quiso tener cercastró y abrirle los caminos de la vida, aunque no siempre consiguiera una presencia activa de los salesianos, como le ocurríó, por ejemplo, en 1880, a la Sociedad Obrera de Florencia13 o, al año siguiente, a la Asociación de Católicos de Valencia (España)11---o, en 1884, al Consejo general de las Conferencias de San Vi. cente de Paul de Londres.'5
«Giá piú volte in questo e in altri volumi — escribe don Eugenio Cenia en el XVIII — ci é avvenuto di narrare come Societá Operaie Cattoliche volgessero lo sguardo a don Bosco, reputandolo grande antesignano nell'attivitá a favore della classe lavoratrice. Questa opinione faceva si che, dove ci fossero case salesiane, le medesime Associazioni le considerassero come luoghi per esse di naturale ritrovo».16
Pero, entre las asociaciones que conectaron con don Bosco y sus salesianos, había también las formadas por la burguesía católica que, de acuerdo con la mentalidad propia del catolicismo social de la época, se dedicaban, entre otras cosas, a la acción benéfica en favor del proletariado y del mundo de la marginación. En esta línea sobresalía la Sociedad de San Vicente de Paul, fundada en París por Federico Ozanam en 1833. Su exponente más cualificado estaba, y sigue estando, en las Conferencias de San Vicente de Paul.
Éstas entraron en Italia en 1844, a través de la pequeña ciudad de Níza, entonces perteneciente al reino de Cerdeña, y, pasando por Génova (1846), llegaron a Turín en 1850. Desde el primer momento, don Bosco se convirtió en promotor de las mismas." Tanto que, a los pocos años, con la ayuda del conde Cays, fundó unas llamadas Conferencias Anejas en sus tres oratorios de Dios doña Dorotea de Chopitea, viuda de Serra, Barcelona, Librería Salesiana 1962, p. 128.326.
8 Cf. MB X, 145.182.184-185.190-191230.
9 Cf. MB X, 364; S. SCIACCALUGA, Don Bosco a Genova, Genova-Sampierdarena, Salesiana editrice 1946.
'° Cf. MB X, 1337; XI, 421-426; XII, 114-116.120-122.124.407-408; XIII, 106-112; XV, 506
507. F. DESRAMAUT, Don Boscoa Nice. La vie d'une école professionnelle catholique entre 1875 et 1919, Paris, Apostolat des éditions 1980, p. 21-41.
" Cf. MB MI, 264-266; XIII, 180-181. 784-786. 1005-1007.
Cf. MB XLII, 95ss. 526-528. 531. 542. 727. 998. Ver en el Indice analitico (indice dei nomi propri) de las MB el término Beaujour.
" Cf. MB XV, 328-334.
" Ver la carta que le dirigen a don Juan Cagliero (23-III-1881) en A. MARTÍN, Los salesianos de Utrera en España, Inspectoría Salesiana de Sevilla 1981, p. 183.
15 Cf. MB XVIII, 447-448.
16 MB XVIII, 168.
" Cf. MB IV, 66-70; V, 468.
urín18 y se interesó por su difusión en Roma.19 En general, las relaciones de don Bosco con la Sociedad de San Vicente de Paul fueron profundas y permanentes."
Los aquí datosic aducidos son más que sufícíentes para despertar nuestro interés científo y orientarlo a un campo que todavía no tenemos bien estudiado: ¿cómo eran — en su constitución, mentalidad y actividades — esas asociaciones católicas, de las que tantas veces se veía rodeado don Bosco y cuya amistad y apoyo buscaba? ¿Dónde radicaba la razón de aquella sintonía? ¿Qué resultados se derivaron de la misma?
Tales son el objetivo y el contenido del presente trabajo, que se centra tan sólo en aquella ciudad de Barcelona que don Bosco visitó y conoció en abril-mayo de 1886 y a la que, desde entonces, amó sinceramente. Cuando falleció dos años después y, el día 2 de ferero, por la tarde se organizó el solemne entierro por las calles de Turín, «la caja caja mortuoria iba, cubierta con paño negro — se lee en el «Boletín Salesiano» —; encima llevaba las insignias sacerdotales y las medallas de oro de la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona y de la Sociedad Geográfica de Lyon».2' ¡Es curioso! Los salesianos de hace un siglo, a la hora de adornar lo mejor posible el féretro de su padre y fundador, no encontraron otros símbolos más significativos y más cercanos al corazón que las insignias sacerdotales y unas medallas de oro de dos asociaciones extranjeras... ¿Podían expresar mejor la conciencia que tenían de que, efectivamente, don Bosco era ya patrimonio de todo el mundo católico?
El autor de este modesto trabajo desearía que otros participantes en este Congreso Internacional tomaran en consideración el tema aquí insinuado y que lo desarrollaran en relación a las tierras de Italia y Francia. De esta manera, a nuestro juicio, conseguiríamos descubrir mejor la dimensión históricoeclesial de don Bosco y haríamos avanzar, siquiera lin poquito, la historiografía relativa al mismo.
1. Don Bosco en España y las asociaciones católicas
La literatura salesiana de todos los tiempos ha acostumbrado presentar el viaje de don Bosco a España con colores luminosos y atrayantes. Según el historiador Cenia, aquellos días de la estancia del Fundador en Barcelona y en Sarriá — pueblecito éste de los alrededores de la capital de Cataluña, en donde
18 Cf. MB V, 468-477.782-783; VI, 491; VII, 12-15; IX, 941.
'9 Cf. G. BONETTI, Cinque lustri di storia dell'Oratorio Salesiano, Tocino, Tipografia salesiana
1892, p. 532; MB V, 871.
20 Ver en d Indice analitico (indice dei nomi propri) de las MB los términos Conferenza di
S. Vincenzo de' Paoli, Conferenze annesse.
21 Marzo 1888, 34.
radicaba la casa salesiana —, desde el 8 de abril al 6 de mayo de 1886, fueron unas jornadas «triunfales ».22
Efectivamente, tanto las fuentes salesianas23 como las barcelonesas24 avalan este enfoque de cosas. La misma actitud de burla de la prensa anticlerical no hace más que confirmarlo.25 Don Bosco se vio constantemente rodeado de la multitud y agasajado por la burguesía católica barcelonesa. Objetivamente hablando, aquello constituyó para él un éxito indiscutible. Pero ¿a qué, o a quién, se debía toda esa brillantez, festiva y multitudinaria, en torno a un personaje que, al fin y al cabo, no era conocido para la inmensa mayoría de la población local? A la hora de responder a esta pregunta, hay que tener en cuenta diversos factores. Entre ellos, sin duda, la fama de santidad de don Bosco y de los milagros que se le atribuían. Así y todo, ¿quién hacía socialmente válida y operativa toda esa fama? A nuestro entender, en una medida importante, las organizaciones del societarismo católico. Basta compulsar la documentación para cerciorarse de ello.
Ya desde el mismo momento de poner el pie en el suelo de Barcelona, en la estación llamada «de Francia», la mañana del jueves 8 de abril, don Bosco se encontró con el asociacionismo católico de la Ciudad. El joven cronista Viglietti quedó admirado: «La stazione presentava un magnifico spettacolo: tutte in bell'ordine erano schierate varíe societá [...]: vi era il Direttore della societá dei cosi detti cattolici, il Direttore dell'Universitá di Barcelona, il Presidente della Societá di S. Vincenzo de' Paoli».26
A los periódicos de la tarde no se les escapó el detalle. Según el «Correo Catalán», a don Bosco le esperaban en la estación del ferrocarril «numerosas comisiones [...] de todas las asociaciones católicas de esta capital, prensa católica y numerosísimo concurso de individuos de las mismas ».27
El anciano fundador se emocionó ante aquel espectáculo. Cómo declarar unos días más tarde, "me has dispensado una acogida que no se olvida nunca" .2a Desde aquella mañana, las asociaciones católicas no abandonaron y prepararon las jornadas más brillantes de su estancia en la Ciudad Condal.
22 MB XVIII, 117.
23 La más importante es la Cronaca de don Carlo Maria Viglietti. En este trabajo se usa el ejemplar que el mismo cronista regaló a la familia Martí-Codolar. En la primera tapa de la lujosa encuadernación se lee: Don Bosco - Quattro ultimi anni di sua vita - Omaggio di riconoscenza alía famiglia Martí-Codolar - Cronaca scritta dal segretario Carlo M. Viglietti —1888 (= Cronaca).
24 Entre la prensa periódica que más se interesó de don Bosco hay que recordar: «Diario de Barcelona» (fundado en 1792), «Correo Catalán» (diario fundado en 1878), «12.vista Popular» (semanario fundado en 1871) , «La Hormiga de Oro» (semanario fundado en 1884).
25 Se refirieron especialmente a don Bosco «La Campana de Grácia» (semanario fundado en 1870), «L'Esquella de la Torratxa» (semanario fundado en 1872). «El Diluvio» (diario fundado en 1879). Para una visión general, cf. R. ALBERDI, Una ciudad para un santo, Barcelona, Ediciones Tibidabo 1966; Identificación., Don Bosco en Barcelona. Itinerario, Barcelona, Edebé 1986.
26 Cronaca, 8 de abril de 1886. Barcelona.
27 «Correo Catalán», jueves 8 de abril de 1886, P. 1. Edición de la tarde. Cf. también «Diario de Barcelona», jueves 8 de abril de 1886, p. 4105. Edición de la tarde.
28 Ver el texto de la invitación a la conferencia salesiana, Sarriá 27 de abril de 1886, en MB
XVIII, 648.
El jueves 15 de abril, tuvo lugar la solemne velada en la Asociación de Católicos, en el pasado, en la medalla de miembro de honor y mérito. Fascinado, Carlo Maria Viglietti dejó para algunos de los detalles: «Alle 4 giunse il presidente with alcuni membri della associazione cattolica per acompagnare don Bosco alla radunan7a straordinaria espressamente convocata per onorare lui. Codesti signori erano elegantemente vestid e decorad delle insegne della societá. Tre vetture di gran lusso ne attendevano [...]. Le vetture andavano a passo lento, y attiravano gli sguardi della moltitudine accorsa per vedere don Bosco [...]. I socí cola accorsi [en el nuevo local que la Asociación inauguraba entonces] erano quanti ne potevano contenere i tre saloni. Era tutto il flore della nobiltá di Barcellona ».29
Asociación de Católicos que, de esta manera, se da a conocer también a los representantes de otras asociaciones. El señor presidente, el doctor Bartolomé Feliú y Pérez, para evaluar el desarrollo de la velada expresada - según consta en el libro de actas de la entidad entidad - «lo que se cumple la junta directiva de las muchas muestras de aprecio recibido en aquel día por [ parte de] todos los individuos de la Asociación y por parte de las corporaciones que a la fiesta asistieron ».3 '
A los quince días, el viernes de la semana de Pascua, 30 de abril, se celebró la llamada conferencia de ventas, se convocó a don Bosco a favor de los Talleres Salesianos32 de Sarriá, «a fin de que aumente - decir - en grandes proporciones el número de niños que se puede admitir en los mismos, para darles, a la par que una educación sólida cristiana, la enseñanza de un arte u oficio que procure, a su tiempo, una honrosa subsistencia ».33
Por medio de los amigos y cooperadores de la casa salesiana, este comunicado se transmitirá a las sociedades en las que ellos estaban inscritos. Al igual que la Asociación de Católicos, que se publicó en el libro de actas, recibió con [...] agrado el oficio de invitación de don Bosco »34 -, también las demás
29 Cronaca, 15 de abril de 1886. Barcelona .
38 Cf. Acta de la sesión solemne celebrada el 15 de abril de 1886 por la Asociación de Católicos
de Barcelona para imponer la insignia de la Corporación al ilustre y venerable presbítero Sr. D. Juan
Bosco, fundador de los Talleres Salesianos, Barcelona, Tipografía católica, 1886 .
31 ASOCIACIÓN DE CATÓLICOS DE BARCYI ONA, Actas 1886-1896. Es el acta correspondiente a
la sesión de la Junta directiva del 19-IV-1886. Tanto este volumen como otro antecedente (1871-1872 [1886]) se hallan en el Arxiu Diocesá de Barcelona. Entidades Eclesiástiques Antiguas.
Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona. Pierna. 2. Ver nota 47.
"Se llamaron así durante los primeros años de funcionamiento en las Escuelas de Artes y
Oficios que los vendedores regentaron en Sarriá desde 1884.
" Texto de la invitación a la conferencia salesiana, Sarriá 27 de abril de 1886, en MB
XVIII, 648.
34 ASOCIACIÓN DE CATÓLICOS DE BARCELONA, Actas 1886-1896 (= Actas II). Sesión extraordinaria del 30 abril 1886.
agrupaciones respondieron positivamente. Sus representantes ocuparon un lugar distinguido en la iglesia parroquial de Nuestra Señora de Belén, donde se tenía la conferencia, y cuyo párroco, el reverendo don Juan Masferrer, era a la sazón consiliario de la junta directiva de la citada Asociación de Católicos. Según la descripción que hace el cronista, «dal lato dell'Epistola stavano le autoritá governative e militad. con varii Direttori di Societá e di Giornali. I comitati dei signori e delle signore cooperatrici occupavano in chiesa i priori posti, ed i signori portavano sul petto le decorazioni secondo le societá a cui appartenevano ».35
Al final de la conferencia, junto a los cooperadores, ayudaron a efectuar la colecta «i giovani della Societá Cattolica».36 Es muy posible que con esta expresión don Carlo Maria Viglietti quisiera referirse a la asociación denominada Academia de la Juventud Católica de Barcelona, que venía a ser como la sección juvenil de la Asociación de Católicos.
La tercera gran jornada — miércoles 5 de mayo — estuvo centrada en la basílica de Nuestra Señora de la Merced. Allí, en un acto «commovente insieme e solenne»,37 los propietarios de la cumbre del monte Tibidabo le hicieron a don Bosco donación de la misma,38 «para que os sirváis levantar en ella — habían escrito en el pergamino de cesión — una ermita que, consagrada al Sacratísimo Corazón de Jesús, detenga el Brazo de la Justicia Divina y atraiga las
Divinas Misericordias sobre nuestra querida Ciudad y sobre toda la católica España ».39
Los once firmantes eran propietarios, o herederos o representantes de los primeros propietarios. Y, según se explica más tarde, éstos eran, o habían sido, miembros de la Asociación de Católicos o de las Conferencias de San Vicente de Paul o de ambas entidades a la vez. El primero de los firmantes y que, en los avatares que se siguieron a esta donación, tuvo la representación de los demás, llamado Delfín Artós y Mornau, pertenecía a la Asociación de Católicos desde 1881 y, desde 1884, ejercía los cargos de presidente del consejo particular de las Conferencias en Barcelona y del consejo central de las mismas en Cataluña.'
Ciertamente, tanto la adquisición de las fincas situadas en la cumbre del
Tíbidabo, como la decisión de ofrecerlas a don Bosco se fraguaron entre personas militantes en el asociacionismo católico de la Ciudad Condal.
35 Cronaca, 30 Aprile 1886. Barcelona.
36 Ibid.
37 Ibid., 5 Maggio 1886. Barcellona.
38 Cf. ALBERDI, Una ciudad, p. 176-190.
39 El pergamino de donación, con el texto firmado por los señores propietarios o sus representantes, se halla en ASC, 38 Barcelona: Tibidabo 1°. Los nombres de los donantes que se traen en MB XVIII, 653 no están siempre correctamente transcritos.
4° En torno a este último año pasó a ser vocal honorario del Patronato del Obrero, en el que durante los primeros tiempos había actuado como presidente efectivo.
Al margen de estos encuentros más significativos, no faltaron otros momentos de convivencia entre las asociaciones y don Bosco.
Así, según hace constar don Viglietri, el sábado 10 de abril, por la tarde, don Bosco recibió en audiencia especial al Presidente de la Asociación de Católicos, que acudió a la casa salesiana de Sarriá «con gran numero dei piú illustri socii».4' Cuatro días más tarde, éstos mismos asistieron a la misa que celebró don Bosco en la capilla de aquella casa: «II Presidente col Segretario —precísa el cronista — servirono la Santa Messa a don Bosco»." Y, por la tarde de ese día (14 de abril), volvieron a la residencia salesiana. Allí estaba «tutta la societá cattolica, a cui — asegura el cronista Viglietti — don Bosco tenue una specie di conferenza nel teatro ».43
En ídéntíca forma, el miércoles 21 de abril, por la tarde, tuvo lugar en Sarriá el encuentro de don Bosco con las Conferencias de San Vicente de Paul. «Era un'imponente dimostrazione di ben 250 Signori della Societá di San Vincenzo de' Paoli» — explica Viglietti —. Y prosigue: «Don Bosco entró subito nella sala del teatro e parló a tutta quella moltitudine ringraziandola di una cosi bella prova di fede e di religione. Si fece quindi da queí buoni signorí una colletta che fu assai generosa» 44
Las asociaciones católicas de Barcelona sólo dejaron a don Bosco el día de la partida de éste, el 6 de mayo de 1886. Le dieron el último adiós en la estación del ferrocarril. Según la «Revista Popular», allí estaban presentes las «Comisiones de las Corporaciones religiosas de esta ciudad, como la Asociación de Católicos, el Fomento [Católico de Barcelona], la [Academia de la] Juventud Católica, las Conferencias de San Vicente de Paul, etc.» 43
Como se ve, las agrupaciones que se acaban de mencionar jugaron un papel importante junto a don Bosco, al que acompañaron y auparon en sus días barceloneses. ¿Cuál era su origen en la capital de Cataluña, qué objetivos perseguían, qué espíritu les animaba para sintonizar tan perfectamente con el Fundador de los salesianos? Las páginas que siguen quisieran responder a estos interrogantes. Como hay que respetar los límites señalados a una comunicación, sólo se mencionan las organizaciones más importantes, de las cuales se ponen de relieve aquellos aspectos que ofrecen mayor relación con don Bosco y su obra.
" Cronaca, 10 Aprile 1886. Barcelona.
Ibid., 14 Aprile 1886. Barcellona. Ver también Memoria y discurso leídos por el secretario y presidente de la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona en la Junta General de Reglamento celebrada el día 20 de marzo de 1887. Barcelona 1887, p. 13.
Ibid.
44 Ibid., 21 Aprile 1886. Barcelona.
" «Revista Popular», 805 (1886) 297.
2. La Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona
De cuanto se ha expuesto hasta ahora se desprende que esta organi2aeió es la que estuvo en mayor contacto con don Bosco a raíz de su visita a Barcen lona en 1886. Las relaciones de amistad comenzaron en 1884, cuando dcha tuvieron supo de la existencia de los salesíanos y de su Fundador y se mantuvieron vivas aun después de haber recibido la noticia de la última enfermedad y muerte del mismo, en enero de 1888.46
2.1. Origen y desarrollo
La Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona47 se constituyó el 19 de marzo de 1871. «Queríase — escribía más tarde el abogado José María Vergés, buen conocedor de la misma — que, a favor del entusiasmo, de la esplendidez y de la buena organización, se hiciera el catolicismo de moda, si es licito usar tal expresión, y que viniera a convertirse en título de gloria ante el muno, dejando de ser estigma con que el enemigo señala a sus odiados rivales a l da saña de sus adeptos, la cualidad insigne de católicos e hijos de la Iglesia que con júbilo ostentan cuantos forman parte de nuestra agrupación».48
Tal era la meta a que aspiraban aquellos hombres que en la iglesia parroquial de San Jaime, con la solemne celebración eucarística y la comunión general de la fiesta de San José de 1871,49 ponían en marcha la nueva entidad. Sólo buscaban ser católicos a secas, para poder dar así un nuevo prestigio a la religión que ellos veían criticada por todas partes a raíz de la Revolución de Septiembre de 1868." Aun después de varios años, la Asociación era consciente de la «azarosa época» en que había sido fundada?'
El iniciador principal de la misma fue don José Coll y Vehí 1876),52 ca
48 Cf. R. ALBERO', Resonancia de la muerte de Don Bosco en Barcelona, en «Salesiantun» 50 (1988) 191-214.
47 En buena parte al menos, hoy es posible reconstruir la historia de esta entidad gracias a la documentación que se halla en el antiguo Archivo de la Diputación Provincial de Barcelona (para la cuestión de las escuelas) y, sobre todo, en el Archivo Diocesano de Barcelona. Aquí (Arxiu Diocesá de Barcelona = ADB) se pueden consultar diversos materiales impresos y no impresos (Entitats Eclesiástiques Antigues. Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona). Particularmente interesante es el Libro de Actas, en sus dos cuadernos: el primero (= Actas I) se extiende de abril de 1871 a marzo de 1886; el segundo (= Actas II), desde marzo de 1886 a junio de 1896. Ver notas 31 y 34. 48 «Boletín de la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona» 11 (1881) 170.
48 Unos meses antes (diciembre de 1870) el Papa Pío IX había proclamado al Santo Patriarca como Patrono de la Iglesia Universal. Por su parte, la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona se había puesto oficialmente bajo la protección de este santo (Estatutos, art. 11.
" Cf. La Iglesia en la España contemporánea (1808-1975), en: R. GARCÍA VILLOSLADA (ed.) Historia de la Iglesia en España, V, Madrid, RnicA 1979, p. 227-256.
5' «Boletín de la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona» 2 (1880) 22.
52 Ver este nombre en el Dkcionari BiográfiC, I, Barcelona, Alberti editor, 1966, p. 591.
tecirático de la Universidad de Barcelona, escritor y crítico literario. Había sido Ais 'pulo de Manuel Milá y Fontanals (t 1884) y se relacionó mucho con Juan --pá-acrilé y Flaquer (t 1901) y con Manuel Durán y Bas (t 1907). Se le ha considerado como uno de los representantes del conservadurismo catalán. Dentro de la Asociación gozó de un prestigio inmenso. "
Entre otros, le ayudaron en la fundación de la sociedad el mencionado José ajaría Vergés y el reverendo José Morgades y Gil (t 1901) que a la sazón era canónigo penitenciario de la catedral de Barcelona. Doctorado en Teología y Derecho Canónico Y profesor en el seminario conciliar, ya se había dado a conocer como propulsor de la cultura y de las obras benéficosociales.54
La junta interina, presidída por Coll y Vehí, terminó sus funciones el 30 de abril de 1871 y fue sustituida por una junta directiva propiamente dicha. Entraba en ésta,55 como presidente, el citado señor Coll y, como vicepresidente, el también citado José Morgades. Este, según el «Diario de Barcelona», llegó a ser «decidido protector del Instituto Salesíano» de Sarriá.56
En la misma junta directiva ejercía el cargo de secretario primero el señor Narciso María Pascual de Bofarull (t 1902), abogado de profesión y cuñado de Luis Martí-Codolar (t 1915) y que, por estar casado con María Jesús Serra y Chopitea (desde 1844), era yerno de José María Serra y Muñoz (t 1882) y de Dorotea Chopitea y Villota (t 1891). La futura «mamá» de los salesianos de Barcelona (desde 1884) ya había iniciado para entonces (1871) la fundación y organización de obras asistenciales y tenía en el señor Pascual un colaborador inteligente, generoso y fiel.
La aparición de las asociaciones de católicos no fue un hecho exclusivo de Barcelona, sino que, ya antes, se había dado en otras ciudades españolas, comenzando por Madrid. Los fundadores — todos ellos seglares y adscritos al conservadurismo políticoreligioso — aprovecharon precisamente la libertad de asociación que acababa de proclamar la Revolución de Septiembre de 1868, para crear un gran frente común que fuera capaz de oponerse al espíritu laicista y anticlerical de dicha Revolución, promover una cultura inspirada en la fe católica — íntegramente profesada, según decían — y, en fin, defender la unidad católica de España." Este movimiento se ponía en marcha io antes de terminar el año de la Revolución (1868) y, desde el siguiente, se v completado y 52 «Modesto, sabio, virtuoso e infatigable defensor de la verdad», según se le describe en la Memoria y discurso leídos por el vocal secretario Juan F. Muntadas y Vilardell y el presidente D. José de Sans en la Junta General de socios celebrada el 24 de mano de 1878. Barcelona 1878, P. 12.
34Ver este nombre en la Gran Enciclopédia Catalana, vol. 10, Barcelona 1977, p. 314-315. 58 Cf. Actas I, en la fecha indicada.
" Miércoles 21 de abril de 1886, p. 4626. Edición de la mañana. En 1882 había sido nombrado obispo de Vic (Barcelona) y, a los cuatro años, tuvo ocasión de saludar personalmente a don Bosco en la incipiente casita salesiana de Sarriá. Cf. Cronaca, 20 Aprile 1886. Barcellona.
57 Cf. Iglesia en la España contemporánea, p. 242-247; J. ANDRÉS GALLEGO, La política religiosa en España 1889-1913, Madrid, Editora Nacional 1975, p. 9-15.
animado por las agrupaciones juveniles correspondientes, tales como la Academia de la Juventud Católica de Barcelona, que ya tenía redactado un primer reglamento en noviembre de 1869.58
Pero los años del Sex.enio Revolucionario — Revolución (1868), Gobierno Provisional (1868-1870), Monarquía de Amadeo I de Saboya (1870-1873), Primera República (1873-1874), Régimen Interino (1874) — no resultaban nada favorables para el desarrollo normal del asociacionismo católico. Éste, ante una situación permanente de anarquía y de anticlericalismo (tanto de signo gubernamental como popular), ante los brotes de la primera Internacional obrera y ante un nuevo choque de las guerras carlistas, se vio obligado a reducir, camuflar o suprimir sus actividades."
La Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona pronto fue objeto de sospechas y malentendidos por parte del Gobierno civil.," que, a pesar de las explicaciones que le daba aquélla, terminó por interceptar todas sus actuaciones. En consecuencia, al mes siguiente de la proclamación de la Primera República (febrero de 1873), las puertas de su local social — calle del Rigomir, n° 11 — quedaroncerradas, y se abrió seguidamente un paréntesis que duró hasta septiembre de 1877.61
Sobre los 260 socios inscritos vinieron «la desorganización y el espanto» según recordaba en 1878 el secretario Juan Federico Muntadas y Vilardell.82 La «mayor parte» de ellos, según el mismo testigo, tuvieron que buscar «más allá de las fronteras la tranquilidad de que se carecía en nuestro suelo»,63 ya que, durante aquellos años (1868-1874), «la revolución [...] quedaba árbitra y señora de la antigua Ciudad de los Condes, cuna de esclarecidos santos. Los templos y los claustros, profanados; destruidas las imágenes; los misterios de nuestra sacrosanta Religión, escarnecidos; perseguidos los ministros del altar; señalados los católicos todos al público oprobio»."
Es probable que este lenguaje del letrado Muntadas — que ya era secretario de la Asociación antes del advenimiento de la república — sea un tanto exagerado, porque, hablando en general, Barcelona y Cataluña consiguieron mantenerse dentro del orden. Con todo, es verdad que, dado el odio anticlerical de los republicanos — perfectamente explicable hasta un cierto punto —, la violencia se cebó en las iglesias de la capital catalana, las cuales, si bien se libraron de las llamas, estuvieron cerradas al culto e incluso algunas fueron profanadas 8s En tal estado de cosas, a muchos sacerdotes sólo les quedó un camino de salvación: huir al extranjero."
" Cf. Reglamento de la sociedad Juventud Católica de Barcelona 1870, p. 14.
'9 Cf. J. MANUEL CASTELLS, Las asociaciones religiosas en la España contemporánea (17671965). Un estudio jurídico-administrativo, Madrid, Ed. Taurus 1973, p. 224-242.
6° Ver la circular que la Asociación de Católicos cursó a los socios, con fecha 4 julio 1872. (Ejemplares de éste y otros impresos, en: ADB, Entitats Eclesiástiques Antigues, Leg. 7).
61 Cf. Memoria y discurso... 1878, p. 11-12.
62 Ibid. p. 11. 67 Ibid.
" Ibid.
La crisis revolucionaria y republicana — con sus crueles medidas desamortizadoras y secularizadoras — entró en proceso de desintegración a comienzos del año 1874 (Golpe del capitán general de Madrid, Pavía) y terminó a finales del mismo año, cuando el general Martínez Campos proclamó en Sagunto a Alfonso XII como rey de España (29 de diciembre de 1874).
A pesar de la llegada de la Restauración de 1875, la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona no acertó a reaccionar en seguida. A la antigua junta directiva, que había sido nombrada en marzo de 1872, le costó preparar la reanu- • dación de las actividades, hasta que finalmente, en septiembre de 1877, consiguió una nueva autorización por parte del Gobierno civil de Barcelona."
2.2. Los socios
La Asociación de Católicos mantuvo sin cambios el status social de sus miembros. Estos procedían generalmente de la burguesía.
2.2.1. Antes de la supresión de 1873
Los grupos más significativos eran — para entendernos — el de la burguesía intelectual — abogados, catedráticos, médicos y farmacéuticos — y el de la burguesía dineraria — banqueros, industriales, fabricantes, comerciantes, propietarios y administrativos —. También tenía su importancia el sector de los clérigos adscritos a la vida pastoral (sin ser profesores ni dignidades eclesiásticas). En fin, no faltaban algunos títulos nobiliarios.
a) Los futuros Cooperadores salesianos
De la lista de socios de primero de marzo de 1872 — la segunda que se publicó y la más antigua que hasta ahora hemos podido hallar" — se desprende que los futuros cooperadores salesianos de Barcelona militaban en las filas de la Asociación ya desde los tiempos que pueden llamarse fundacionales.
65 Cf. F. SOLDEVILA (ed.), Un segle de vida catalana 1814-1930, I, Barcelona, Ed. Alcides
1961, p. 385.
66 Cf. J. BoNET I BALTA, L'Església catalana, de la Illustració a la Renaixenla, Barcelona, Publicacions de l'Abadia de Montserrat 1984, p. 644-645.
67 El Reglamento de la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona fue revalidado con fecha 7-IX 1877.
68 Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona. N° 2. Contiene los Estatutos (p. 1-4) y una Lista general de los señores asociados (p. 5-27).
Efectivamente, allí estaban las tres familias más importantes: la de Serra Chopitea, la de Martí-Codolar y la de Pascual de Bofarull. Interesa recordar algunos nombres.
— De la primera, José María Serra y Muñoz (t 1882), banquero y comerciante, marido de Dorotea Chopitea y Villota (calle Barra de Ferro 8,1°. hfilmero de inscripción 100).
— De la segunda, Luis Martí [Codolar] y Gelabert (t 1915), comerciante y financiero, esposo de Consuelo Pascual de Bofarull y jefe de la familia Martí Codolar,69 el cual el día 3 de mayo de 1886 acogió a don Bosco en su finca de Horta-Barcelona y fue su gran amigo y cooperador (calle Dormitorio de San Francisco 27,1°. Número de inscripción 60)."
— De la tercera: Sebastián Antón Pascual e Inglada (t 1872), abogado y político, banquero y empresario, casado con María Asunción de Bofarull y de Plandolit, y padre de Consuelo Pascual de Bofarull — esposa de Luis MartíCodolar — y de sus hermanos Narciso María, Oscar, Manuel María, Sebastián y Policarpo (calle Xuclá 19,1°. Número de inscripción 52).71
Narciso María (t 1902), abogado y activista de primer orden en la Asociación de Católicos. Por ser hermano de Consuelo Pascual de Bofarull, señora de Martí-Codolar, y estar casado con una de las hijas (María Jesús) Serra-Chopitea, constituía el anillo de unión de las tres familias: los Pascual, los MartíCodolar y los Serra-Chopitea, la plataforma más sólida y prestigiosa de los Cooperadores salesianos de los primeros tiempos. Él organizó en Barcelona la Unión de Cooperadores y fue, hasta la muerte, «su celosísimo presidente» (calle Nueva de San Francisco 2,2°. Número de inscripción 32).72
Oscar (t 1904), banquero y comerciante, casado con Antonia Puig y Benítez — la «Donna Antonietta» que nombra Viglietti en su crónica — (calle Nueva de San Francisco 2,3°. Número de inscripción 33)."
Manuel María (t 1911), abogado, verdadero modelo de apóstol seglar,74 que llegó a ser presidente de la Asociación de Católicos en marzo de 1888," y lo fue también, después del fallecimiento de su hermano Narciso María, de los
69 Luis Martí Gelabert, hijo de Joaquín Martí y Codolar y de María Angeles Gelabert Jordá, al objeto de evitar confusiones con su primer apellido — muy difundido en Cataluña — en 1886 obtuvo de la corona española el privilegio de usar como único apellido los dos primeros de su padre, separados por un guión (= Martí-Codolar).
'° Ver el apellido Martí-Codolar en el índice de nombres de las MB.
n Cf. V. GEBHARDT, Necrología del Ilustrísimo Sr. Doctor D. Sebastián Antón Pascual, Barce
lona, 1873. En 1872 el autor pertenecía también a la Asociación de Católicos (Número de inscripción 63).
72 BS 26 (1911) 61.
73 Cronaca, 30 Aprile 1886. Barcellona.
74 Cf. E. MORÉU LAC.RUZ, Noticia biográfica de D. Manuel M' Pascual y de Bofarull, Marqués de Pascual, Barcelona [1920]; BS 26 (1911) 230-232.
75 Cf. Actas II, Junta general de socios del 25 marzo 1888.
Cooperadores salesianos de Barcelona (calle Xudá 19,1°. Número de inscripción 38).76 1913) y Policarpo (t 1935), presentados por sus hermanos Sebastián (t Manuel María, ingresaron en la Asociación de Católicos en Narciso María y M enero de 1872."
El primero era licenciado en derecho administrativo y, al casarse con Isidra Pons y Serra, nieta de José María Sena y Dorotea Chopitea, en él quedaron entroncadas de nuevo las tres familias, los Pascual de Bofarull, los Martí-Codolar y los Serra-Chopitea (calle Xudá 19,1°. Número de inscripción 165).
El segundo, el más joven de los hermanos Pascual, era propietario e ingeniero, un entusiasta promotor de la escuela cristiana. Fue también presidente de la Junta de Cooperadores salesianos de Barcelona (calle Xuclá 19,1°. Número de inscripción 155).78
Los hermanos Pascual — cuñados de Luis Martí-Codolar — fueron todos amigos de don Bosco — «tra le famiglie a lui piú affezionate vi erano quelle dei fratelli Pascual», dejó escrito don Eugenio Ceria79 — y los cinco se encuentran junto al Fundador en la famosa fotografía que se le obtuvo en la finca MartíCodolar el día 3 de mayo de 1886.80 Espontáneamente se convirtieron en grandes Cooperadores salesianos."
Todavía hay que añadir que, junto a ellos, y desde primera hora (noviembre de 1871),82 había ingresado en la Asociación de Católicos un tío suyo, hermano de su madre, llamado Policarpo de Bofarull y de Plandolit. Propietario y aficionado a la poesía, dedicó a don Bosco un soneto en abril de 1886 (calle Cambios Nuevos 1,1°. Número de inscripción 147).83 b) Los futuros donantes de la cumbre del monte Tibidabo
Al menos algunos de los que, en enero de 1876, adquirieron la cumbre del Tibidabo y se lo regalaron a don Bosco en mayo de 1886 (personalmente o por delegación) ya militaban en la Asociación de Católicos. Efectivamente, Delfín Artós y Mornau (propietario, con domicilio en la calle Gignás 42,1°) tenía en 1872 el número 71 de inscripción; Jaime Moré y Bosch (comerciante, con domicilio en la calle Mercaders 32,1°), el número 106; Manuel María Pascual de Bofarull (abogado, calle Xudá 19,1°), el número 38; Santiago Manuel
76 Cf. BS 26 (1911) 62.
n Cf. Actas I, sesión de la Junta directiva del 12 enero 1872.
78 Cf. BS 50 (1935) 351-352.
" MB XVIII, 154.
Cf. ALBERDI, Don Bosco en Barcelona. Itinerario, p. 130-131.
" Ver el apellido Pascual en el índice de nombres de las MB.
ffi Cf. Actas I, sesión de la Junta directiva del 24 noviembre 1871. Fue presentado por su sobrino Narciso María Pascual y el mismo José Con y Vehí.
83 Cf. MB XVIII, 647-648.
Calafell y Calafell (comerciante, calle de la Boquería 9,1°), el número 101Antonio Camps y Fabrés (fabricante, calle Pou de San Pedro 7, tiend el 'a , e número 23.84
c) Los futuros fundadores de la casa salesiana de Gerona
Tanto Juan María de Oliveras y de Estañol, marqués de la Quadra (proietarjo, Rambla de Santa Mónica 27,2°) como dos de sus albaceas y herederosp de confianza, Carlos de Fontcuberta (propietario, Rambla de los Estudios 4 1°1 Trinidad de Fontcuberta (propietario, calle de Montcada 20,1°) habían entrado en la Asociación de Católicos en enero de 1872, con los números de insci. pción 149, 178 y 159 respectivamente.
El Marqués de la Quadra había sido presentado en la Asociación mencionado Sebastián Antón Pascual Ingl Antonio Escolano, por el y por Antoni E nistrador del Banco de Barcelona y gran colaborador de doña Dorotea Chopi. tea en sus obras de beneficencia.85 En 1891, los albaceas testamentarios regalaron a los salesianos una finca situada cerca de la ciudad de Gerona, al objeto de convertirla en escuela agrícola bajo la advocación de San Isidro Labrador.
d) Otras menciones
Para tener completo el cuadro del personal que aqiú nos interesa, conviene añadir todavía dos nombres.
En primer lugar, Luis María de Llauder (t 1904), abogado, que ingresó en la Asociación de Católicos el 25 de febrero de 1872 y promovió constantemente la causa de las escuelas que mantenía la misma. Fue propietario y director del diario el «Correo Catalán» (desde 1878) y fundador de la revista «La Hormiga de Oro» (1884). Ambas publicaciones, en las que colaboraban las mejores plumas del tradicionalismo catalán — como Salvador Casarlas, Félix Sardá. y Salvany, Jaime Minera, Joaquín de Font y de Boter, Cayetano Barraquer, Víctor Gebhardt, Eduardo Vilarrasa, a todos los cuales se les nombra en este trabajo —, hablaron de don Bosco y sus instituciones con amor y responsabilidad informativa. Luis María de Llauder visitó personalmente a don Bosco en Sarriá el 11 de abril de 1886.86
En segundo lugar, Leandro de Mella que ya se había retirado de la armada cuando, en noviembre de 1871, quedó admitido en la Asociación de Católi9° Cf. Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona. N° 2. Félix Vives y Amat entró en la Asociación más tarde, en 1878.
a' Y, naturalmente, colaboró también en favor de los salesianos de Sarriá. Según el director, &ti Juan Branda, doña Dorotea «dio impulso al. Sr. Don Antonio Escolano y a otros que hoy día ayudan la Casa de una manera especial». Carta a don Juan Cagliero, Sarriá 23 junio 1884 (ASC 9 Dorotea corrispondenza).
8° Cf. Cronaca, 11 Aprile 1886. Barcellona.cos.
Fue admirable en su entrega en favor de las escuelas populares que sostenía dicha Asociación. Llego a ser cooperador salesíano."
222.Después de la reanudación de las actividades en 1877-1878
Cuando, a finales de 1877 y comienzos de 1878, después de unos cuatro años y medio de suspensión de las actividades (1873-1877), se reanudaron éstas, ya no volvieron a las filas de la Asociación todos los miembros «antiguos». Pero, a la llamada de los más fervorosos, comenzaron a llegar los nuevos. No faltaron entre unos y otros algunas excisiones — ya sea por los enfrentamientos habituales en el integrismo español,' ya sea por cuestiones referentes a la marcha de las escuelas" — ni momentos de desaliento, apatía y dejadez. En 1886, los socios no llegaban ciertamente a doscientos." a) Los Cooperadores salesianos
Lo mismo que en el período anterior, la captación de los socios se hacía a través de las relaciones personales. Por lo cual, la Asociación de Católicos siguió adscrita a la burguesía. Allí continuaron encontrando su sitio propietarios, abogados, médicos e intelectuales. En general, residían y trabajaban en las calles más importantes del casco antiguo de la ciudad, pero también en las Ramblas e, incluso, en puntos claves del nuevo Ensanche barcelonés. (Lo que es necesario tener en cuenta para entender el itinerario que don Bosco solía recorrer en sus desplazamientos de Sarriá a la ciudad de Barcelona).
En este momento se han de citar al menos dos personas que jugaron un papel importante en relación con don Bosco y los salesianos.
Ante todo, Bartolomé Feliú y Pérez (1843-1918). «Tengo el gusto de proponer para socio de la Asociación de Católicos al señor don Bartolomé Feliú y Pérez, catedrático de la universidad literaria, que tiene-su domicilio en la calle de Ausias March, número 2, piso 4°, 2° puerta». Con estas palabras rituales, en fecha 14 de noviembre de 1885, lo presentaba otro hombre de ciencia — catedrático de Farmacia en la Universidad barcelonesa — y miembro de dicha Asociación y de las Conferencias de San Vicente de Paul, llamado Fructuoso Plans y Pujol."
87 Cf. R. AInRRDI, I primi Cooperatori salesiani a Barcellona (1882-1901), en: La famiglia salesiana, Leumann (Tocino), Elle Di Ci 1974, 81.
88 Cf. Actas I, sesiones de la Junta directiva de los días 11 y 22 de febrero de 1883. Para esclarecer este punto, ver C. MARTÍ (presentació i transcripció), Intervenció de Salvador Casañas, bisbe d'Urgell en el conflicte entre la «Joventut Católica» de Barcelona i el bisbe Urquinaona (1883), en: Arman' 1987 de la Societa d'estudis d'História Eclesiástica, Moderna i Contemporania de Catalunya, p. 191-194.
89 Cf. Memoria y discurso leídos por el secretario y presidente de la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona en la Junta General de Reglamento celebrada el día 20 de marzo de 1887, Barcelona 1887, p. 27.
90 El presidente, señor Feliú y Pérez, al evaluar el funcionamieto de la Asociación durante el año 1886-1887, hubo de lamentar «la apatía» de muchos socios «en la acción común» y el hecho de que no se dispusiera de otras entradas económicas más que «los reducidos ingresos de poco más de 160 asociados» (Ibid.).
A los pocos días (25 de noviembre)," el doctor Feliú fue aceptado en la Asociación de Católicos. Desde la misma conocería, admiraría y proclamaría la Obra de don Bosco.
Hijo de un confitero, Bartolomé había nacido el 24 de agosto de 1843 en Peralta (provincia de Navarra y diócesis de Pamplona) y, ese mismo día, recibió el bautismo. Siendo joven todavía se doctoró en ciencias físicas y, en 1880, llegó a Barcelona para hacerse cargo en su universidad de la cátedra correspondiente. A los cinco años, como se ha dicho, por mediación del doctor Plans, ingresó en la citada Asociación. Ambos catedráticos pertenecían ya con anterioridad a las Conferencias de San Vicente de Paul y querían realizar en sus vidas el ideal del sabio cristiano, demostrando que era posible servir a la ciencia moderna y vivir, al propio tiempo, los valores del Evangelio."
Feliú llegó a la Asociación de Católicos en un momento en que ésta necesitaba imperiosamente nuevas fuerzas. Por eso, a los cuatro meses (28 de marzo de 1886), fue elegido presidente. «Nos ha venido como llovido del cielo por sus excepcionales cualidades» — decía el presidente anterior, José Oriol Dodero, en la Junta general de socios."
Como estuvo al frente de la Asociación durante el bienio reglamentario 1886-1888, él fue el responsable de preparar tanto la velada de homenaje a don Bosco — imposición de la medalla de socio de honor y mérito (15 de abril de 1886)" — como la sesión necrológica en su memoria (5 de marzo de 1888).96 En ambas ocasiones pudo demostrar brillantemente su total adhesión a don Bosco y sus instituciones
91 Ver ADB, Entitats Eclesiástiques Antigues. Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona. Leg. 8, carpeta que dice Papeletas de Presentación. Para conocer la personalidad del presentador, ver
J. DE FONT Y DE BOTER, Bosquejo biográfico del Dr. D. Fructuoso Plans y Pujol. Leído en la sesión pública que la Sociedad Médico-farmacéutica de los Santos Cosme y Damián celebró el día 26 de junio de 1890. Barcelona 1890.
92 Cf. Actas I, sesiones de la Junta directiva de los días 14y 25 de noviembre de 1885.
93 Pocos meses antes de su entrada en la Asociación de Católicos, Feliú había evocado en la Academia de la Juventud Católica de Barcelona la figura del que había sido consiliario de la misma, Jaime Arbós y Tor, el cual había trabajado como qiíímico, industrial y empresario y, una vez viudo, había recibido la ordenación sacerdotal. Para él, Arbós y Tor venía a ser la plasmación de un ideal soñado, síntesis de ciencia y fe, de creatividad profesional y sentido religioso de la vida. Cf. Biografía del Sr. D. Jaime Arbós y Tor, Barcelona 1885.
94 Memoria y discurso leídos por el secretario y presidente de la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona, en la Junta General de Reglamento celebrada en 28 de marzo de 1886, Barcelona 1886, p.21.
95 Cf. Acta de la sesión solemne celebrada en 15 de abril de 1886 por la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona... El discurso del doctor Feliú, en p. 6-18.
96 Cf. Recuerdo de la solemne sesión necrológica celebrada por la Asociación de Católicos de
. Desde el punto de vista salesiano, fue un cooperador eminente; desde el profesional, un sabio y un pedagogo cuyos libros universitarios alcanzaron una gran difusión; políticamente, militó siempre en el partido tradicionalista, ostentando incluso algunos cargos. Por encima de todo, fue un católico de acción. Murió en Zaragoza, el 16 de noviembre de 1918."
Desde marzo de 1886, secretario suyo en la Junta directiva de la Asociación de Católicos fue el doctor Joaquín de Font y de Boter, que ya pertenecía a la misma desde tres años antes. Era farmacéutico, escritor y traductor, con domicilio en la Ronda de San Pedro, n° 140. En 1886 trató personalmente a don Bosco, tanto en Barcelona como en Turín." Lo visitó en su última enfermedad, en enero de 1888.99 Y, cuando murió éste, se convirtió en el portavoz más cualificado del salesianismo barcelonés. Los artículos publicados por él en el «Correo Catalán» 100 y el discurso que pronunció en la sesión necrológica citada arribara llaman aún hoy la atención por la riqueza informativa y el amor entusiasta de que hacía gala el autor. b) El grupo de los clérigos
Tuvo siempre un relieve destacado en la Asociación de Católicos. Estaba formado por los párrocos de las iglesias de antigua tradición; por los profesores del seminario conciliar y por algunas dignidades de la iglesia catedral. Y es que, de hecho, la corriente de renovación intelectual y pastoral que animaba a varios clérigos encontraba su punto de referencia en esta Asociación de Católicos. En ella habían dado su nombre, además de José Morgades, por ejemplo, Jaime Almera, Cayetano Barraquer, Valentín Basart, Salvador Casañas (nombrado obispo de Seo de Urgel en 1879, creado cardenal en 1895, trasladado a la sede episcopal de Barcelona en 1901),102 Domingo Cortés, Ildefonso Gatell, Barcelona, en memoria de su esclarecido miembro de honor y mérito, el Rmo. P. D. Juan Bosco fundador de la Congregación Salesiana, Barcelona-Sarriá 1888. La intervención del doctor Feliú en p. 33-37.
97 Nota necrológica, en BS 34 (1919) 31-32.
98 Cf. MB XVIII, 150-152. 675. Ver también Actas II, sesión del 7 julio 1886.
" «Pocos días han transcurrido — escribía el 2 de febrero de 1888 — desde que tuvimos la dicha de hablarle por última vez. En humilde celda y en pobrísimo lecho descansaba en plácida calma, a pesar de los agudísimos dolores...» («Correo Catalán», n° 3900, 2.2.1888)
" Cf. Dom Bosco, en «Correo Catalán», n° 3900 (jueves 2 de febrero de 1888) 8-10. Turín ante el cadáver de Dom Bosco, en: «Correo Catalán», n° 3908 (viernes 10 de febrero de 1888) 7-9. Edición de la mañana.
mi Cf. Recuerdo de la solemne sesión necrológica..., 7-26. El también debió de redactar la invitación a la velada en honor de Don Bosco del 15 abril 1886. Cf. MB XVIII, 647.
1°2 Al tener que abandonar la ciudad de Barcelona para trasladarse a su primera sede episcopal, fue nombrado «socio de honor» de la Asociación. Cf. «Boletín de la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona» 2 (1880) 19. Casañas y Pagés profesó una admiración ilimitada hacia doña Dorotea Chopitea de Serra y todo lo que significaba su obra asistencial. Por eso, no es nada extraño que para las instituciones salesianas abrigara un «profundo cariño» (BS 24 [1909] 27).
Francisco de Asís Renau, José Torras y Bages (nombrado obispo de Vic en 1899),103 Felipe Vergés, Eduardo Vilarrasa.
Juan Masferrer era ya párroco de la iglesia de Nuestra Señora de Belén cuando dio su nombre en la Asociación de Católicos desde los primeros tietn_pos.1" Fue él quien, el día 1 de mayo de 1886, refiriéndose a don Bosco que había acudido a la citada iglesia para celebrar la Misa, dijo: «Abbiamo qui fra noi un Santo».105 Tenía entoces el cargo de consiliario en la Asociación.
Jacinto Verdaguer (f 1901), el gran poeta catalán, ingresó en la Asociación de Católicos en marzo de 1878 y fue considerado como «uno de los socios más distinguidos».106 En 1882 la junta directiva le nombró «socio de honor y mérito».1°7 Es lástima que no se encontrara con don Bosco en abril-mayo de 1886, por hallarse en peregrinación en Tierra Santa. Murió siendo Cooperador salesiano.108
Félix Sarda y Salvany 1916), que en julio de 1884 escribió tres valiosos artículos con el título de La obra salesiana en Cataluña109 y visitó personalmente a don Bosco en los Talleres Salesianos de Sarriá el día 13 de abril de 1886,"° había sido nombrado «socio de honor y mérito» en la mencionada Asociación de Católicos."' Los salesianos tuvieron siempre al doctor Sardá y Salvany como «uno de sus más asiduos cooperadores».112
Finalmente, consignemos que el cura-párroco de la iglesia de los Ángeles y profesor del seminario conciliar, José Juliá, que, el día 30 de abril de 1886 y en la iglesia de Nuestra Señora de Belén, pronunció ante don Bosco la conferencia salesiana,'" entró en la Asociación de Católicos al año siguiente, 1887.114
Los nombres que se acaban de traer son de un gran prestigio en el clero barcelonés de la segunda mitad del siglo pasado, y su presencia en la Asociación de Católicos ayuda a descubrir uno de los aspectos más interesantes de
103 Había entrado en la Asociación de Católicos en febrero de 1872. Según aseguraba el «Boletín Salesiano», «para los salesianos tuvo siempre estimación profunda y cariño paterno» (BS 31 [1916] 55).
1°4 En la lista de socios publicada con fecha 1 marzo 1872, aparecía inscrito con el número 30.
I°5 Y añade Carlo Maria Viglietti: «Come una fiamma quena parola divampó nel cuore dei presentí che si gettarono verso Don Bosco, ed a stento potemmo salvarci dall'onda che irrompeva nel presbiterio» (Cronaca, 1° Maggio 1886. Barcelona).
106 Como tal lo tenía la Junta directiva, según consta en Actas I, sesión del 31 mayo 1882. Ibid.
108 Cf. BS 17 (1902) 336.
1°9 Cf. «Revista Popular», 27 (1884) 10-11; 27 (1884) 20-21; 27 (1884) 36-37. 130 Cf. Cronaca, 13 Aprile 1886. Barcelona.
'" «En prueba de la consideración que le merecen sus muchos y buenos servicios a la causa de Dios, como infatigable publicista católico, escritor muy distinguido y virtuoso sacerdote» (Actas 1, acuerdo de la Junta directiva en 4 abril 1883).
"2 Nota necrológica en BS 31 (1916) 55.
113 Cf. Cronaca, 30 Aprile 1886. Barcelona.
'" En 1888 fue elegido vocal eclesiástico y como tal actuó desde la Junta directiva.
los orígenes de la obra salesiana en Barcelona, tanto en la vida del Fundador como en los años inmediatos a su muerte.
2.3. Objetivos, medios, mentalidad
Siempre que la Asociación de Católicos sentía la necesidad de clarificar su identidad y tomar conciencia de sí misma, recordaba las palabras del artículo tercero de sus Estatutos, que decía: «El fin de esta Asociación es la propagación de la doctrina católica en todas las esferas del saber». El término propagación/propaganda constituía para los asociados el objetivo al cual debían tender todas sus actuaciones.
El sentido y el alcance de dicho artículo los explicó el presidente Coll y Vehí cuando, el 24 de marzo de 1872, después de un año de rodaje de la Asociación, pronunció estas palabras: «Confesar la fe de Cristo; creer, amar y defender las verdades propuestas por nuestra santa madre la Iglesia católica, apostólica y romana; detestar y combatir los errores que la Iglesia condena; manifestar explícita y resueltamente nuestra completa adhesión a la Sede apostólica, he aquí nuestro objeto. Non enim erubesco Evangelium, he aquí nuestro lema ».1"
En la misma ocasión, al explicar las condiciones que se exigían para ingresar en la, sociedad, declaraba: «Ni las ideas ni los actos públicos, con excepción de los contrarios a las declaraciones de la Iglesia, han cerrado ni han de cerrar jamás a nadie las puertas de esta casa. Profesión de la fe católica, práctica de la religión católica, adhesión completa a la Cabeza visible de la Iglesia: no pedimos más, ni nos contentamos con menos»."6
En estos dos párrafos del discurso del fundador, los socios creyeron siempre que estaba perfectamente enunciado el espíritu que debía animar toda su vida. Muy en concreto los trajeron a la memoria a la hora de relanzar sus actividades después del paréntesis de suspensión (1873-1877)."7
¿Con qué medios intentaban los socios realizar este programa? «Únicamente» — según precisaba el artículo cuarto de los Estatutos — de esta manera: «1°. La formación de una buena biblioteca de autores católicos para instrucción de los socios. 2°. La celebración de sesiones académicas. 3°. La fundación de escuelas, dando preferencia a las de primeras letras para los artesanos en’ Discurso que en la Junta General celebrada en 24 de marzo de 1872 por la disuelta Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona pronunció su primer presidente, el Sr. D. José Coll y Vehí (Q.E.P.D.).
Barcelona 1877 , 4.
116 Ibid., p. 8.
117 Ver la circular impresa que, con fecha 4 enero 1878 y las firmas del presidente José de
Sans y el secretario Juan Federico Muntadas y Vila rdell, se envió a los socios. Un ejemplar, en ADB, Entitats Eclesiastiques Antiguas. Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona. Leg. 7. Carpeta 3. Año1878.
hijos de artesanos. 4°. La fundación de bibliotecas populares y la publicación carien de hojas, folletos o libros»."8
Como se ve, la Asociación de Católicos, tanto en sus objetivos como en sus medios, presentaba un talante intelectual, propagandístico y educativo, y entendía moverse dentro de un campo de acción más bien amplio: «Las asocia ciones católicas — opinaba — necesitan extender su círculo de acción y comprender todos los terrenos, desde el especulativo, religioso y científico, hasta el social, económico e Industrial, pues en todos es necesario introducir e iratrar el elemento católico».119
De acuerdo con esto, y después de varios intentos y consultas, la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona se organizó en 1881 según las secciones siguientes: la literaria y artística, la industrial y mercantil, la de propaganda, la científica y la de escuelas. De todas ellas, las que funcionaron de verdad desde antes del mencionado año, fueron la sección artístico-literaria y la sección de escuelas.
A este respecto hay que recordar que, entre los meses de marzo y abril de 1880 y siguiendo una tradición que venía desde años atrás, la Asociación había puesto en funcionamiento una escuela de primera enseñanza (diurna y 'nocturna). Estaba situada en la calle Ferlandina número 45 y en ella se hacían cargo de la enseñanza los hermanos de las Escuelas Cristianas."' Seis años después, la Asociación se sintió con fuerzas para abrir otra y decidió instalarla en el llamado Palau Fivaller, ubicado en la calle Lladó números 4 y 6, dentro del casco antiguo de la ciudad."' F.I local destinado a la nueva escuela se inauguró precisamente el 15 de abril de 1886, con la velada en honor de don Bosco.122 Al año siguiente, vino a parar también a este edificio la sede de la Asociación, que ya en 1880 se había transferido desde la calle del Regontir número 11 a la de Riera de San Juan número 22. Por tanto, la sesión necrológica en memoria de don Bosco (5 de marzo de 1888) tuvo lugar en esta casa de la calle Lladó número 4, que todavía existe.123
Por cuanto se acaba de exponer y por los datos que se han ido aduciendo
18 El articulado de los Estatutos no sufrió cambio alguno en las diversas ediciones que se hicieron durante el siglo XIX (1871, 1877, 1888, 1891).
'" Ver el artículo titulado Nuestro programa y firmado por M.R. y S., en el «Boletín de la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona» 6 (1880) 84.
120 Cf. Reseña y discurso leídos por el vocal secretario 1° D. Luis María de Llauder y el presidente D. Francisco Romaní y Puigdengolas en la Junta General de Socios celebrada el 20 de marzo
de 1880. Barcelona 1880, 2-7. «Boletín de la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona» 1 (1880) 11-15.
"1 Cf. AJUNTAMENT DE BARCFr ONA, Catáleg del Patrimoni Arquitectónic Histónko-Artístk de la Ciutat de Barcelona, Barcelona [1987], p. 243-244.
"-u Cf. Cronaca, 15 Aprile 1886. Barcellona. MB XVIII, 647.
"8 Tarjeta de invitación para la velada necrológica y programa que se desarrolló en la misma, en ADB, Entitats Eclesiástiques Antigues. Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona. Leg. 7. Carpeta 13. Año 1888.
anteriormente, resulta fácil captar los rasgos más significativos de la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona. En su mentalidad y formas de comportamiento incidió de lleno el espíritu de la Iglesia que le tocó vivir; es lio Vaticano decir, I la(1869- Iglesia 1870). de la Restauración, de Pío IX (1846-1878) y del Conci influyó también la dura experiencia del Sexenio Revolucionario (1868-1874), con idos los forcejeos y desajustes que comportó en lo político, intelectual, social dh yes religioso.
al papa y defensa del sacerdocio
Para aquellos católicos barceloneses, el Pontificado constituía un valor supremo. Pío IX era un Papa «santo y mártir»; León XIII seguía siendo «PapaRey>>.124 Suspiraron constantemente por la «libertad e independencia del Augusto Prisionero»I25 y, para apoyarle, organizaron colectas y participaron en las peregrinaciones a Roma. (Así se entiende el que se complacieran en monstrar en público a don Bosco como amigo y confidente del Papa).
Junto a esto, la Asociación de Católicos profesaba una gran veneración por los sacerdotes y religiosos, a los cuales había visto criticados y vilipendiados durante el período revolucionario. (Por eso, se esforzó en presentar a don Bosco como una gloria del clero católico. Por otra parte, el hecho de que, en la conocida fotografía del 5 de mayo de 1886, aparezca a la derecha de don Bosco, entre sus amigos y cooperadores, un abad cisterciense de la Gran-Trapa — el valenciano Cándido Albalat y Puigcerver — no puede tomarse como una pura casualidad).
a) Catolicismo y patria
Los de la Asociación de Católicos valoraban la religión como fundamento de la unidad de la Patria. «Nuestros padres [...] fueron los que nos transmitieron el don precioso de la unidad católica como principio nacional» — afirmaba el abogado y presidente Francisco Romaní y Puigdengolas en el discurso final del año (1878-1879).' Por ello, para evitar la disolución de la sociedad española, había que defender la unidad religiosa. De lo contrario los españoles corrían el peligro de perder su patria — «como perdieron la suya los judíos», concluía el citado señor Romaní."
124 Memoria y discurso leídos por el vocal secretario 1° D. Juan F. Muntadas y Vilardell y el presidente D. José de Sans... 1878, p. 14-15.
125 Ver la circular, fechada el 16 diciembre 1882 y firmada por el presidente José María Rodríguez-Carballo. ADB, Entitats Eclesiástiques Antigues, Leg. 7. Carpeta 7. Año 1882.
128 Reseña y discurso leídos por el vocal secretario 1° D. Luis María de Llauder y el presidente D.F. Romaní y Puigdengolas en la Junta General de socios celebrada el 22 de marzo de 1879, Barcelona 1879, p. 21.
Ibid.
(Según las Memorias biográficas, Delfín Artós, al hacer a Don Bosco ofrenda de los terrenos situados en la cumbre del Tibidabo, le pedía levantar allí un santuario al Sagrado Corazón de Jesús, «per mantenere ferma e incrollabile quella religione [...] che é nobile retaggio dei padri nostri»).128
c) Profesión pública de la fe cristiana
Era otra exigencia insoslayable para aquellos católicos que se empeñaban en demostrar que la religión no estaba muerta, sino viva y operante. Desde 1881 adoptaron como lema el que el Papa León XIII había dado a la «Revista Católica de Barcelona» que, entonces servía de órgano oficial de la Asociación: Nihil timendum nisi a Deo. Si algo temían y rechazaban era precisamente el indiferentismo y la cobardía de los que se hacían pasar por católicos. Como escribían en su Boletín, ellos no podían resignarse «con el triste papel de católicos vergonzantes ».129
Aquí radicaba la causa de todo ese atuendo, solemne y espectacular, con que procuraban enaltecer todas las manifestaciones religiosas: comuniones generales, procesiones, romerías, velas de adoración ante el Santísimo Sacramento, oficios litúrgicos de la Semana Santa, fiestas marianas, ejercicios espirituales. Con esta misma mentalidad, asumían con verdadero espíritu de sacrificio el peso enorme de representar, en los actos sociales y culturales, las fuerzas del catolicismo militante. (Todo esto se ha de tener en cuenta para explicarse el porqué se esforzaron tanto para dar una proyección pública a la presencia de don Bosco en Barcelona, desde el primer acto basto el último; es decir, desde la recepción que le dispensaron a la llegada a la ciudad hasta la despedida).
d) Antiprotestantismo y antiliberalismo
Era una actitud visceral de los católicos barceloneses, que arremetían también contra Inglaterra y Norteamérica, contra Francia y Rusia, tierras que ellos consideraban como la cuna de tantas doctrinas disolventes del catolicismo. Por supuesto, tampoco estaban de acuerdo con los llamados católico-liberales. «El Syllabus es nuestra bandera — decía el presidente José de Sans, un hombre bueno por los cuatro costados,u° en la Junta general de marzo de 1878 —; es nuestro programa religioso, social y político. El Syllabus sin distingos ni tergiversaciones. [...] La guerra entre la luz y las tinieblas es a muerte; toda transacción es imposible ».131
128 MB XVIII, 113.
229 «Boletín de la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona» 2 (1880) 20.
u° Era presidente de la Asociación de Católicos (desde marzo de 1872) cuando ésta hubo de suspender sus trabajos por disposición gubernamental. Después de la crisis (1873-1877), a él le tocó la dura empresa de organizar de nuevo la Asociación y relanzar las actividades. Con abnegación y profundo sentido cristiano, se entregó constantemente al progreso de las escuelas de la misma. Murió en 1884.
Frente a cualquier intento de desviación o de desmantelamiento del catolicismo, José de Sans y los suyos no dudaban en proclamar: «Nosotros constituimos una asociación que, teniendo por objeto inmediato la propagación de la doctrina católica en todas las esferas del saber, se propone en último resultado la restauración de la soberanía social de Jesucristo».132
El pensador más influyente en la mentalidad del asociacionismo católico barcelonés fue sin duda el sacerdote, ya nombrado, Félix Sardá y Salvany, el conocido autor del libro El liberalismo es pecado (1884) y que, como miembro de honor y mérito de la Asociación de Católicos, ejerció en la misma un magisterio indiscutido.133
e) Unión de fuerzas para la lucha
La visión que tenían de la Iglesia estos militantes era francamente sombría. La contemplaban «empobrecida» por la política desamortizadora del gobierno español, con un clero «desprestigiado» por la propaganda anticlerical, con las Órdenes religiosas «disueltas» o «cohibidas» después de los decretos de supresión, invadida por el error y el espíritu del mal...134 «En este momento — seguía comentando por su parte el señor Sans — la lucha es viva cual nunca y general en toda la línea de combate». Y como solución sólo encontraba ésta: «Unámonos, pues, que la unión es la fuerza».135
f) Promoción cultural y escolar del pueblo
Todas las asociaciones católicas coincidían en admitir que tanto la propaganda católica como la beneficencia asistencial a los pobres comenzaba por la escuela. Todas ellas tuvieron sus escuelas populares, lo mismo para los niños como para los obreros adultos. Tal actividad tenía una orientación deliberadamente propagandística. «El protestantismo — se lee en el órgano oficial de la Asociación — ha circunscrito su propaganda a la niñez para lograr, por medio de la escuela, la difusión de sus máximas [...]. Oponer a sus escuelas las católicas, gratuitas, con uná perfecta enseñanza primaria elemental y superior [...],
131 Memoria y discurso leídos por el vocal secretario 1° D. Juan F. Muntadas y Vilardell y el presidente D. José de Sans... 1878, p. 32.
132 Ibid.
133 En la Asociación sé le tenía por «el infatigable adalid de la Propaganda católica, el profundo y popular teólogo, el virtuosísimo y fervoroso sacerdote... »: Memoria y discurso respectivamente leídos por el secretario y presidente de la Asociación de Católicos de esta ciudad, en la Junta General de Reglamento celebrada en 29 de marzo de 1885. Barcelona 1885, p. 7.
U4 «Boletín de la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona» 2 (1880) 19-20.
13' Memoria y discurso... 1878, p. 34.
he aquí una de las más provechosas e interesantes tareas a la que consagramos, con incansable afán, nuestra actividación de Católicos produciría la escuela salesiana, cuyo volumen y excelencias ensalzaron continuamente).
Toda esta mentalidad era ampliamente compartida por otras agrupaciones del societarismo católico barcelonés. Su conocimiento es imprescindible para comprender cuanto, en la capital de Cataluña, se hizo, se dijo y se escribió en torno al Fundador de los salesianos, tanto a raíz de su visita a la ciudad en 1886, como con motivo de su fallecimiento año y medio después (1888).
3. Otras asociaciones católicas
Junto a la Asociación de Católicos hubo también otras que entraron en algún contacto con don Bosco y su obra de una forma u otra. Se ha visto suficientemente en el punto primero de este estudio. Y es que, entre las diversas agrupaciones, no sólo se daba una afinidad de pensamiento, sino también una colaboración en orden a iniciativas y actividades. Más aún: hay que tener en cuenta que muchos católicos pertenecían simultáneamente a varios grupos (según la rama masculina -o femenina). Todos ellos formaban en rigor un único entramado sociorreligioso y benéfico. Era el catolicismo, visible y operante.
En la imposibilidad de tratar aquí ni siquiera de las entidades más relevantes, lo más práctico será ofrecer un cuadro general, acentuando, si es el caso, algún elemento del mismo."'
Siempre en referencia a las asociaciones que establecieron mayor contacto con don Bosco y los salesianos, había unas a las que les animaba un propósito prevalentemente propagandístico y educativo, como la «Asociación de Católicos» y la «Academia de la Juventud Católica». De la primera se acaba de hacer el oportuno estudio. La segunda, en el artículo segundo del Reglamento, declaraba que «el objetivo de la Sociedad» era: «1°. Instruir a los Socios por medio de la lectura de obras religioso-sociales, y de los trabajos presentados por aquéllos. 2°. Fomentar la instrucción principalmente moral y religiosa del pueblo, por la enseñanza ya pública, ya privada, y 3°. Publicar hojas sueltas, encaminadas a destruir toda clase de errores, y hacer cundir las máximas del Catolicismo». 138
"6 M.R. y S., Nuestro programa, en «Boletín de la Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona» 2 (1880) 34.
137 Con frecuencia resulta muy difícil el acceso a la documentación, porque muchas de las antiguas agrupaciones ya no existen y porque, durante la guerra civil española de los años 19361939, los archivos constituían un peligro serio para la vida de los asociados. Basta recordar, por ejemplo, que en aquella triste coyuntura fueron asesinados más de setecientos socios de las Conferencias de San Vicente de Paul...
1;8 Reglamento de la sociedad Juventud Católica de Barcelona 1870, Barcelona 1870. En el de Junto a ellas, había otras cuyo fin era preferentemente benéficoasistencial, como la «Sociedad», o «Conferencias» de San Vicente de Paul — cuya actividad genuina era la visita semanal domiciliaria a pobres y necesitados — y la sociedad denominada, en sus orígenes, Amigos de los Pobres y, más tarde, Patronato del Obrero, que, en conformidad con el artículo segundo del Reglamento, quería «mejorar en lo posible la suerte de los obreros que la misma patrocine»."9
En un segundo plano — pero siempre en conexión con la mencionada Asociación de Católicos — conviene citar la Academia Barcelonesa Filosófico-Científica de Santo Tomás de Aquino — formada por clérigos e intelectuales seglares — y la Sociedad Médico-Farmacéutica de los Santos Cosme y Damián, integrada por profesionales católicos, cuyo propósito deja entrever suficientemente el título que habían puesto a su revista: El sentido católico de las ciencias médicas.'4° Como se ve, ambas agrupaciones se acercan a los ideales de la Asociación de Católicos y de la Academia de la Juventud Católica. Lo cual demuestra bien la existencia de un movimiento de la intelectualidad católica barcelonesa, que no se puede ignorar en modo alguno. Ese movimiento se encontrará, por supuesto, con don Bosco, los salesianos y sus instituciones.
Al lado de las asociaciones de tendencias intelectual-educativa y benéfico-asistencial, se daban otras de signo preferentemente devoto y piadoso, aglutinadas, en buena parte, por la devoción al Sagrado Corazón de Jesús — cuyo máximo promotor fue el mencionado José Morgades y Gili —.141
Dentro de esta línea devota, citamos la Pía Unión de san Miguel Arcángel y, sobre todo, el Apostolado de la Oración y la Venerable Orden Tercera Franciscana. La Asociación de Católicos siempre promovió el Apostolado de la Oración — donde se fraguaba concretamente la devoción al Corazón de Jesús y muchos de sus miembros. eran piadosísimos terciarios franciscanos.142 (Sólo dentro de este ambiente espiritual se comprende el hecho de que regalaran a don Bosco la cumbre del monte Tibidabo, para que allí levantara, precisamente, un santuario dedicado al Sagrado Corazón de Jesús).
En este asunto — importante, entre otras cosas, porque dicho santuario sigue siendo hoy en Barcelona una espléndida realidad — conviene recordar la intervención de algunos miembros de las Conferencias de San Vicente de Paul.
1881 (artículo 3°) se decía textualmente: «El objeto de esta Sociedad es la edificación e instrucción religiosa de los socios y la propaganda del Catolicismo».
139 Reglamento de la sociedad titulada Patronato del Obrero, Barcelona-Sarriá, Tipografía y Librería Salesiana 1891.
140 Alrededor de los años ochenta el lazo de unión más sólido entre la Sociedad de los Santos Cosme y Damián y la Asociación de Católicos era el mencionado Joaquín de Font y de Boter (1857-1916).
"' Cf. J. BONET I BALTÁ, L'Església catalana, p. 641-658.
Incluso hacían la correspondiente profesión en la iglesia parroquial de San Francisco de Paula, de Barcelona. Otro tanto hay que decir de un buen número de socios de la Academia de la Juventud Católica.
Éstas llegaron a Madrid en 1849 y pronto tuvieron una notable difusión por la Península. A los siete años (1856), ya se pudo constituir en Barcelona un Consejo Particular. Pero, tal como se ha señalado anteriormente, todo este proceso de crecimiento quedó cortado por un decreto ministerial del 19 de octubre de 1868, que ordenaba la supresión de la entidad y la confiscación de sus bienes. Sólo el advenimiento de la Restauración (1875) permitió la vuelta a la normalidad. El decenio siguiente (1875-1885) fue de franca recuperación. En 1886, por ejemplo, ya funcionaba en Barcelona el Consejo Central de Cataluña.143 Por tanto, cuando, en este año, llegó don Bosco a la Ciudad Condal, las Conferencias se hallaban en pleno despliegue. El Consejo Particular articulaba las actividades de veinte Conferencias.
En el seno de aquellos círculos piadosos y caritativos templaron su espíritu cristiano hombres como el mencionado Bartolomé Feliú."4 Y también si no todos, sí al menos parte de los que, en enero de 1876, adquirieron la cumbre del Tibidabo: Delfín Artós, Manuel María Pascual de Bofarull, Alvaro Catnín. Decidieron efectuar la compra por un imperativo de moral social, tal como indica el secretario Viglietti, recogiendo con toda probabilidad el testimonio de Manuel María Pascual."' Y por un motivo religioso también regalaron los terrenos a don Bosco diez años más tarde (1886), según queda referido en el presente trabajo. Ya que, cuando se realizó la compra (1876), la Asociación de Católicos no había superado aún la crisis de la suspensión gubernamental, parece que hay que concluir que los mencionados compradores eran unas personas que, si bien habían pertenecido a dicha Asociación, en aquel momento se movían preferentemente en el ámbito de las Conferencias de San Vicente de Pau1.146
"3 Cf. SOCIÉTÉ DE SAINT VINCENT DE PAUL, Livre du centenaire, I, Paris 1933, p. 196-206.
1" «Donde [en las Conferencias de San Vicente de Paul, de Barcelona] hemos tenido ocasión de conocer y cobrar cariño a esa obra [de las Conferencias] y donde tantos y tan preciosos ejemplos hemos podido contemplar por dicha nuestra», recordaba el propio doctor Feliú (A. LOTH,
San Vicente de Paul y su misión social... Obra traducida y anotada por B. Feliú y Pérez... Barcelona, 1887, p. 597).
145 «Questa sommitá — escribía Viglietti en 1886 — era, or son pochi anni, in possesso di malvage persone, che volevano fas di quel luogo un'albergo di cattivi ritrovi, od edificarvi un tempio protestante. Sette buoni signori convennero tra loro, e ne fecero acquisto...» (Cronaca, 3 Maggio 1886. Barcellona). Los compradores no fueron siete, sino doce. Pero la motivación indicada parece que corresponda a la realidad.
146 Para clarificar muchos detalles pertinentes a la historia de la transmisión de la propiedad de la cima del Tibidabo, puede verse Copia auténtica de la escritura de venta otorgada por Don Dein Artós y Mornau, apoderado de los señores D. Jaime Moré, D. Félix Vives, D. Manuel María Pascual y otros, ante el que fue notario de esta ciudad, D. Miguel Martín y Beya, con fecha 18 de agosto de 1888. Este y otros documentos oficiales se hallan en el archivo de la Casa salesiana del Tibidabo (Barcelona).
Conclusiones
Tal vez resulte útil cerrar el estudio subrayando algunos valores que han ido apareciendo a lo largo del mismo y que posiblemente ayudan a comprender mejor no sólo la personalidad del Fundador de los salesianos, sino también el contexto sociorreligioso en .que tuvo que actuar, concretamente durante sus años de madurez.
Con referencia a la presencia de don Bosco en Barcelona y a los orígenes de su obra en la capital catalana emergen, por ejemplo, las siguientes conclusiones.
r. Los Cooperadores salesianos. Las páginas que anteceden han dejado bien en daro la procedencia de los primeros Cooperadores barceloneses. Al inicio, no fueron ellos los que nutrieron y engrosaron las filas de las asociaciones católicas, sino que, más bien, habían forjado previamente en éstas su espíritu de piedad y apostolado. Los futuros Cooperadores, una vez que conocieron la personalidad del Fundador de los salesianos y comprendieron cuál era su misión y los medios de que se valía, consideraron la cooperación salesiana como una prolongación de las actividades benéfico-asistenciales que ya ejercían en sus asociaciones. La mentalidad social y religiosa que cultivaban en éstas les llevó enseguida a sintonizar con las obras de Don Bosco.
2'. La inserción en la iglesia local. Las sociedades católicas y Juan Bosco se necesitaban mutuamente. A éste le apremiaba el apoyo moral y material de aquéllas para abrir nuevos cauces a sus instituciones; las primeras no querían privarse del prestigio y de la ayuda que les podían dar la amistad y cercanía de un hombre tan cualificado como iba siendo el Fundador de los salesianos. Cuando, en la junta general de la Asociación de Católicos, habida el 11 de mayo de 1884, el presidente recién elegido, José Oriol Dodero, propuso «nombrar socio de honor a don Bosco» y se aceptó por unanimidad tal propuesta, el presidente saliente, José María Rodríguez-Carballo, añadió una nueva: «que luego que [don Bosco] hubiere aceptado, se publicara en los periódicos de esta Capital». Esta segunda proposición fue igualmente aproba' Y es que la Asociación de Católicos sentía la necesidad de proclamar a los cuatro vientos que se había apropiado del Fundador de los Talleres Salesianos. Era una conquista y una ganancia...
Esta mutua interrelación entre las asociaciones y don Bosco sirvió, entre otras cosas, para dar a la obra salesiana naciente una prueba de aceptación y de inserción en el tejido vivo de la Iglesia local. Al fin y al cabo, al frente de las organizaciones católicas estaba generalmente el obispo de la diócesis.
3'. La primera imagen pública de don Bosco. Las asociaciones asumieron
147 Actas I, sesión correspondiente a la Junta General de socios del 11 mayo 1884.
también otra función de extraordinaria importancia: la de interpretar a don Bosco y elaborar y difundir su imagen pública. Tal operación se llevó a término en el seno de las asociaciones y utilizando los medios de comunicación que éstas tenían a mano.'"
Los que en Barcelona hablaron y escribieron mejor de don Bosco fueron un clérigo (Félix Sardá y Salvany), un catedrático de Universidad, doctor en fi-. sica (Bartolomé Feliú y Pérez), un farmacéutico (Joaquín de Font y de Boter) y dos abogados (los hermanos Narciso María y Manuel María Pascual de Bofarull). Todos ellos, según se ha podido comprobar en las páginas del presente estudio, pertenecientes, en un grado o en otro, al asociacionismo católico de Barcelona.
148 Naturalmente los folletos señalados en las notas 95 y 96 se distribuyeron entre los socios. Ambos pertenecen a la literatura más antigua que se produjo en Barcelona tratando de don Bosco y de la obra salesiana. Por otra parte, ya se ha visto que las publicaciones a las que las asociaciones mencionadas tenían acceso eran especialmente el diario «Correo Catalán» y los semanarios «La Hormiga de Oro» y «Revista Popular», dirigidas las dos primeras por Luis de Llauder y la tercera por Félix Sardá y Salvany. Las tres en la línea católico-integrista.
DON BOSCO HY MARÍA DOMINGA MAZZARELLO: RELACIÓN ISTÓRICO-ESPIRITUAL
Anita DELEIDI
O. Premisa
En la extraordinaria proliferación de nuevos institutos de vida religiosa surgidos en el siglo XIX, se sitúa la fundación del Instituto de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora, que tuvo a don Bosco y a María Mazzarello como fundadores.'
En el contexto de la reflexión sobre la figura histórica y la obra de don Bosco promovida por este Congreso, me ha parecido oportuno ofrecer esta comunicación como intento de profundización en una relación que en la historiografía salesiana se interpreta según líneas de diversa orientación.
Para captar correctamente la modalidad de la relación que se estableció entre los dos santos se ha hecho necesaria una puntualización histórica, una reconstrucción cronológica de los encuentros directos e indirectos y la individuación de mediaciones significativas de esa relación, para poder llegar después a centrar el contenido y la incidencia de las diversas intervenciones del Fundador en la vida de María Mazzarello y su actitud de respuesta y asimilación.
María Domínga Mazzarello (nacida en Mornese-Alessandria en 1837 y muerta en Nizza Monferrato en 1881, un corto trayecto de vida fecunda en caridad apostólica),2 conoce a don Bosco a los veintisiete años cuando posee una cierta formación y madurez espiritual. Don Bosco, que ya había fundado
El Instituto fue fundado en Mornese, provincia de Alessandria, diócesis de Acqui, el 5 de agosto de 1872. Es conocida la figura del fundador, don Bosco; María Dominga Mazzarello, reconocida como cofundadora, no es muy conocida en ámbitos no salesianos. Su figura se coloca en un contexto ambiental más limitado que el del Santo; su vida fue breve (1837-1881), pero su específica misión edesial ha sido recordada repetidas veces en los procesos de beatificación y canonización.
2 Cf. la biografía fundamental: F. MACCONO, Santa Maria Domenica Mazzarello, Confondatrice e prima Superiora generale delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice 2 vol., Torillo, Istituto FMA 1960. Presenta una bibliografía completa de la Santa: A. COSTA, Rassegna bibliografica su S. Maria Domenica Mazzarello, en: M.E. POSADA (ed.), Attuale parché vera. Contributi su S. Maria Domenica
Mazzarello, Roma, LAS 1987, p. 227-262.
la congregación salesiana y trabajaba activamente en la consolidación de si obra en Valdocco, establece progresivamente una relación de conocimiento mediato y después personal con esta mujer sobre la que ejercerá un influjo de terminante.
1. Interpretaciones de la relación histórica entre don Bosco y María Mazzo. reno en el ámbito salesiano
De un examen de las publicaciones (aun diversas por finalidad, ámbito, método y valor documental) relativas a las figuras de los dos santos (biografías, estudios, memorias...) se aprecia enseguida que la presentación de su relación ofrece una variedad de planteamientos y de interpretaciones: desde una absoluta dependencia de la Madre — como se la llamaba habitualmente — con respecto a don Bosco, hasta una acentuación de su papel de cofundadora como valor preeminente y autónomo.3
Las primeras y conocidas biografías del santo subrayan su papel preponderante y la dependencia y sumisión de la joven María Dominga, «atraída» por su persona, aunque en «providencial» convergencia de ideales y de modalidades educativas y apostólicas: «siempre tuvo la mirada clavada en él, como una hija en el Padre, como una humilde discípula en el Maestro, atenta a cada gesto, devota, fidelísima», afirma Amadei.'
El décimo volumen de las Memorias biográficas de San Juan Bosco exalta, en efecto, a la beata María Mazzarello como «quien no tuvo otro anhelo que el de seguir e inculcar el programa trazado por el Fundador».3 Amadei expresa una convicción muy arraigada, tanto en las Hijas de María Auxiliadora como en los salesianos: que María Mazzarello debía aparecer sólo como discípula de don Bosco y colaboradora suya, y no podía presentarse como cofundadora de pleno derecho. La intención explícita y declarada del autor es, efectivamente, aclarar «los caminos del Señor, es decir, las disposiciones de la providencia al guiar cada paso de su Siervo fiel». Y María Mazzarello es sólo el instrumento preparado por Dios para que el Santo pueda fundar su segunda familia.
Es interesante ver, en cambio, que los primeros escritos que se refieren a María Mazzarello de Bonetti en la «Tinitá Cattolica»6 y de Lemoyne en el «Bollettino Salesiano» (1881),7 aunque en tono laudatorio, toman con mayor acento a la Madre en su papel de superiora llena de entrega al echar las bases del nuevo Instituto, hasta el punto de que despierta la admiración y la aprobación de don Bosco. Al exponer la misión de María Mazzarello, los dos autores se refieren al Fundador del Instituto, pero no explicitan la dependencia de la primera superiora con respecto a él.
3 Cf. P. CAVAGLIA, Il rapporto stabilitosi tra S. Maria Domenica Mazzarello e S. Giovanni Bosco. S'uds.° critico di alcune intetpretazioni, en: POSADA (ed.), Attuale perché vera, p. 69-98.
A. AMADEI, La Serva di Dio Madre Maria Mazzarello, en BS 47 (1923) 2, 30. MB X, IV.
6 Cf. G. BONETE, La Superiora Generale delle Suore di Maria Ausiliatrice, en: «L'Unitá Cattolica» (21 maggio 1881), n. 120.
Cf. G.B. LEMOYNE, Suor Maria Mazzarello, en BS 5 (1881) 9, 11-13.
Francesia y Maccono, al poner el acento en las afinidades biográficas y espirituales, intentan de nuevo probar que la Providencia preparó a don Bosco el instrumento apto para la realización de sus obras.8 El Santo encuentra correspondencia a su proyecto en la docilidad y solicitud diligente de la Madre, que lo ejecuta en humilde obediencia, con actitud de discípula fiel.
Cuando más tarde, la Congregación de Ritos atribuye a María Mazzarello el título de cofundadora, los autores tratan de ahondar en el significado y el valor del papel de la Madre como colaboradora, como «auxiliadora» de don Bosco.9
Cenia, por ejemplo, tiene preciosas intuiciones sobre la aportación personal e insustituible de María Mazzarello en la fundación del Instituto, aunque en dependencia de don Bosco?'
Caviglia afirma que don Bosco, al encontrar en María Dominga los rasgos esenciales de la espiritualidad salesíana, los asume para construir sobre ellos algo nuevo y poderoso: no ya dependencia fiel de don Bosco, sino creación de una nueva tradición espiritual." Aunque la interpretación de Caviglia no se basa todavía en una reconstrucción histórica exacta de los encuentros que tuvieron lugar entre los dos santos y sobre sus dependencias recíprocas, tiene el valor de definir la identidad de la relación, pero ya no en términos estáticos de dependencia.
Ahora los estudios más recientes relativos a María Mazzarello (Colli, Fiora, Posada, Midali...) 12 discurren por una hermenéutica más correcta de las fuentes, acuñando los términos de «fidelidad creativa» o «creatividad fiel» de la Madre ante don Bosco.
8 Cf. G.B. FRANCESIA, Suor Maria Mazzarello ed i prim i due lustri delle Figlíe di Maria Ausiliatrice. Memorie raccolte e pubblicate, S. Benigno Canavese, Libreria Salesiana 1906; F. MACCONO, Suor Maria Mazzarello, prima Superiora Generale delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrici, fondate dal Venerabile D. Giovanni Bosco, Torino, S.A.I.D. 1913.
9 Cf. la evolución en las mismas biografías escritas por Maccono: de la primera de 1913 a la publicada en 1934.
1° Cf. E. CERIA, Santa Maria Domenica Mazzarello, Confondatrice dell'Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice, Torino, SEI 1952.
" A. CAVIGLIA, Santa Maria Mazzarello, Torino, Istituto FMA 1957.
12 C. COLLI, Contributo di don Bosco e di madre Mazzarello al carisma di fondazione dell'Istituto delle F.M.A., Roma, Istituto FMA 1978; L. ÑORA, Stork del titolo di «Confondatrice» conferito dalla Chiesa a S. Maria Domenica Mazzarello, en: POSADA (ed.), Attuale perché vera, p. 37-51; M.E. POSADA, Significato della «validissima cooperatio» di S. Maria Domenica Mazzarello alfa fondazione dell'Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice, en: POSADA (ed.), Attuale perché vera, p. 5367; M. MIDALI, Madre Mazzarello. II significato del titolo di Confondatrice, Roma, LAS 1982.
Además, las interpretaciones de marcado acento teológico subrayan el papel de cofundadora como valor preeminente y autónomo." En cambio, la publicaciones sobre don Bosco no se plantean, parece, el problema del tipo de relación entre los santos y siguen en la línea de dependencia y acentúan para. lelismos y semejanzas de vida.
Pero me parece que de una atenta lectura de las fuentes que tenemos a disposición, es necesario plantearse un serio estudio que no reduzca a dependencia absoluta o sitúe en paridad de papel la relación entre los santos: hay, en efecto, una evolución progresiva, gradual, desde una intuición inicial recíproca hasta una auténtica y fecunda colaboración.
2. Línea histórica de la relación
La reconstrucción histórica de los encuentros que tuvieron lugar entre don Bosco y María Mazzarello, hecha a partir de las fuentes más atendibles, tiene como fin identificar el carácter de la relación que se estableció entre los dos santos.
Los documentos y la historiografía salesiana consultada no han facilitado mucho el trabajo: he debido hacer una revisión crítica de las fuentes como, por ejemplo, de la Cronistoria dell'Istituto delle Figlie di María Ausiliatrice (fuente narrativa que reconstruye los orígenes del Instituto a partir de diverso material documental) y de algunas memorias y testimonios fundamentales, pero tardíos."
Siguiendo un criterio cronológico, he dividido la exposición de la investigación en dos períodos delimitados por el hecho de la fundación del Instituto de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora (5 de agosto de 1872), porque pone de re, lieve el carácter, el contenido espiritual de las intervenciones de don Bosco en la vida de María Mazzarello antes y después de la fundación del Instituto.
No entro, sin embargo, en la problemática del proceso de decisión y fundación del Instituto, tema que oiremos en la comunicación siguiente de Sor Posada.
" Cf. MIDALI, Madre Mazzarello.
14 Cronistoria. Se trata de la publicación completa de la «cronistoria» mecanografiada compuesta por la madre Clelia Genghini durante los años 1922-1942. Se presenta como una rica elaboración historiográfica. La autora usa un material abundante y válido, pero no siempre indica las fuentes; a veces, las integra o sintetiza. No obstante, la documentación recogida se conserva en: AGFMA. Dicho material está constituido por fuentes narrativas (testimonios de hermanas que vivieron en Mornese, laicos y sacerdotes paisanos de Madre Mazzarello) y de fuentes documentales, en los anexos al texto (deliberaciones capitulares, actas notariales, documentos históricos, textos de las Constituciones, correspondencia, documentos referentes al status jurídico del Instituto). Además de este material, la Cronistoria toma datos de la biografía de Maccono y de Francesia, de las MB y del BS. Por esto, mi investigación ha exigido la consulta de las fuentes inéditas, para confrontarlas con el texto impreso. Cuando coinciden, cito el ejemplar impreso de la Cronistoria, para facilitar la consulta.
2,1. Antes de la fundación del Instituto (1862-1872)
El contexto histórico-ambiental en que se sitúa el conocimiento inicial de los dos santos es el típico del siglo XIX piamontés-ligur que gira alrededor de las figuras de don Bosco, del teólogo Frassinetti de Génova, de don Pestarino, sacerdote de Mornese, pueblo del Monferrato en el que vive María Mazzarello y en el que tendrá lugar la fundación del Instituto. También este pueblo siente y vive con modalidades y resonancias propias el típico clima de la Restauración del siglo XIX y los problemas religiosos conectados con ella." En el movimiento de renovación espiritual tiene un papel preponderante propio don Pestarino, discípulo y amigo del teólogo Frassinetti, que promueve una espiritualidad esencialmente cristocéntrica, mariana y apostólica.'6
Aunque del examen atento de las fuentes no se logra establecer con exactitud las fechas de los primeros encuentros entre don Pestarino y don Bosco (y hasta su inscripción en la Pía Sociedad Salesiana), aparece, sin embargo, indudable el papel de mediación ejercido por el sacerdote para el conocimiento inicial de María Mazzarello (1862).'7
Los mensajes escritos y orales que don Bosco envía a María Dominga y a Petronila Mazzarello, jóvenes pertenecientes a la asociación local de Hijas de María Inmaculada, comprometidas y formadas ya en una modalidad especial de apostolado educativo, los dirige sin conocerlas personalmente, pero parece que los expresa más bien como una respuesta benévola a lo que el mismo Pestarino expone.'8
Tampoco en el primer encuentro histórico (octubre de 1864, en Mornese, durante una de las clásicas excursiones de otoño de los muchachos de Valdocco) se puede hablar de un interés específico del Santo por María Mazzarello, considerada en el «grupo» de las Hijas de María Inmaculada, aunque presentado explícita e intencionadamente al Santo."
" Cf. M.E. POSADA, Giuseppe Frassinetti e Maria D. Mazzarello. Rapporto storico-spirituale, Roma, LAS 1986, p. 37-41.
Una carta inédita de Angela Domenico Pestarino, nacido en Mornese en 1817, hizo sus estudios eclesiásticos en el Seminario de Génova, donde fue ordenado sacerdote en 1839. A consecuencia de algunas tensiones que se originaron en el ambiente eclesiástico genovés, volvió a Mornese en 1847, en donde permaneció hasta la muerte (1874) realizando un vasto apostolado y desempeñando importantes funciones en la vida pública local, como consejero del ayuntamiento y ecónomo de la parroquia. Después de conocer a don Bosco, en 1862, se hizo salesiano; pero permaneció en Mornese como Director del naciente Instituto de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora. Cf. F. MACCONO, L'apostolo di Mornese. Sac. Domenico Pestarino, Torino, SEI 1926; cf. también la documentación relativa a don Pestarino en: ASC 275 Pestarino.
En una Memoria del cardinale Giovanni Cagliero, del 15 febrero 1922, se lee que don Pestarino había conocido a don Bosco en Génova, en la casa del teólogo Frassinetti, encontrándose después con él varias veces entre 1860 y 1864 (en: AGFMA). La Cronistoria y la biografía de Maccono recogen, en cambio, un testimonio de don Giuseppe Campi, sacerdote mornesino, que afirma que el primer encuentro ocurrió en un viaje, en el tren de Acqui a Turín en 1862.
" Cf. Cronistoria I, p. 117-118.
19 Cf. Ibid., p. 148-150.
Maccagno a Frassinetti expone el modo y el contenido, más bien exhortativo, para el compromiso en la Pía Unión.20
En cambio, es diferente la resonancia interior y profunda de la figura, de la palabra y la acción de don Bosco en la joven María Dominga que precisamente en esa circunstancia aprende a hacer más esenciales sus intervenciones educativas y más educativa su presencia entre las jóvenes. Los testimonios concuerdan en subrayar la intuición de la santidad de don Bosco y la insólita audacia al proclamarlo abiertamente 21
En la historiografía salesiana se habla del sucesivo y continuo interés indirecto de don Bosco por el grupo de Mornese, pero sólo en 1867 se tiene una carta explícita del santo a don Pestarino para anunciar una visita a Mornese,22 y por la crónica del mismo don Pestarino se sabe que don Bosco dio de nuevo una breve conferencia a las Hijas de María Inmaculada 23
Y en marzo de 1869 tiene lugar otra visita de don Bosco a Mornese, un nuevo encuentro con las Hijas, esta vez más específico: hasta se habla de una especie de horario y de reglamento para las que hacían vida común, pero por desgracia ese documento no aparece.24 El testimonio transmitido por Petronila Mazzarello, pone ya, sin embargo, de relieve elementos fundamentales de la espiritualidad salesiana que van modelando al pequeño grupo del que ahora es cabeza María Mazzarello.25
¿Un interés ya orientado con vistas a la fundación de la obra salesiana femenina? Hasta 1871 no tenemos la primera declaración oficial de don Bosco sobre esa intención; don Pestarino sigue al grupo y lo forma y continúa encontrándose con don Bosco, que sigue con estima y observación atenta y cierta actitud de expectación.26
Paso por encima la sucesión de hechos que llevaron a la fundación del Instituto (es interesante a propósito la memoria del mismo don Pestarino,27 el proceso de la redacción de la Regla, los pasos dados por don Bosco). En cambio, querría más bien poner de relieve la obra de mediación de don Pestarino con María Dominga y sus compañeras: es él quien presenta la propuesta de don Bosco, la misma Regla, orienta la decisión y prácticamente da comienzo a la obra.28
20 Cf. una carta de Angela Maccagno (1830-1890), maestra de Mornese, fundadora del grupo de las «Figlie di, S. Maria Immacolata», al prior, Giuseppe Frassinetti, fechada el 4 diciembre
1864. El manuscrito autógrafo se conserva en el «Archivio della Postulazione Generale dei Figli di Santa Maria Immacolata» (Roma).
21 Cf. Cronistoria I, p. 150.
21 Carta de don Bosco a don Pestarino, 3 de diciembre 1867, en: ASC 131.01.
23 Recogida en: Cronistoria I, p. 204.
24 Cf. Ibid., p. 222-224.
2' Cf. testimonio de Petronilla Mazzarello en: SACRA CONGREGATIO RITUUM, Aquen. Beatifil cationis et canonizationis Servae Dei Mariae Dominicae Mazzarello, Confundatricis F.B.V.M.A. Transsumptum, 133-134.
26 Cf. Cronistoria I, p. 239.241.243.245.
27 Cf. Memoria di don Pestarino, manuscrito autógrafo en: AGFMA.
Don Bosco no está presente (casi obligado) hasta la profesión de las primeras once Hijas de María Auxiliadora el 5 de agosto de 1872. Don Pestarino es de hecho mediación activa y actuante. Y, sin embargo, la fuerte adhesión de María Mazzarello a don Bosco está subrayada por el testimonio que en este momento da Giuseppe Campi (salesiano, natural de Mornese, muy próximo a don Pestarino). «Si por un imposible don Pestarino dejase a don Bosco, yo me quedaría con don Bosco».29
No hubo, pues, por cuanto consta de los testimonios, encuentros directos individuales entre don Bosco y María Mazzarello. Pero no parece que por ello la relación con don Bosco no sea determinante en la vida de María Mazzarello: antes de encontrarse habían madurado ya un ideal parecido y al encontrarse se dan cuenta de la convergencia y de la complementariedad. La relación tiene el carácter de conocimiento inicial recíproco y de aceptación: sin embargo, la postura de María Mazzarello no es de dependencia absoluta y pasiva; acepta libremente vivir la propuesta de don Bosco y según la modalidad salesiana, que ya practicaba inicial y originalmente antes de conocerle.
Don Bosco aparece en la historiografía salesiana que trata de este período como el Fundador y María Mazzarello como el instrumento para la actuación de un designio providencial. En realidad, a mi parecer, la aceptación libre, responsable y hasta original en el modo sencillo de suceder las cosas; hace que el «instrumento» sea activo y dotado de autodeterminación personal.
2.2. Después de la fundación del Instituto (1872-1881)
El período que va de 1872 a 1876, año de la aprobación diocesana de las Constituciones, es el de la formación estructural y espiritual del Instituto: y la relación que se establece entre don Bosco y la Madre Mazzarello ayuda a la constitución definitiva del Instituto. Se pueden encontrar, en efecto, lazos estrechos entre las intervenciones de don Bosco, el papel de la Madre Mazzarello y la formación de las primeras hermanas.
La actitud del Fundador que interviene — unas veces directamente y otras, también, indirectamente — hacia la nueva superiora general y hacia la primera comunidad provoca una respuesta rápida en la Madre y en las hermanas. Pero por otra parte también las características de su modo de ser y de su obra influyen en la modalidad, en la frecuencia y en el contenido de las intervenciones del Fundador.
Una vez más, los días 4 y 5 de agosto de 1872, la atención y la palabra de don Bosco se vuelcan sobre la comunidad para que se forme en una vida de sencillez, pobreza y mortificación." No es posible — como se nos atestigua siquiera un encuentro personal, tan deseado, entre don Bosco y la Vicaria(es éste el título que toma) ni siquiera cuando se la presenta en su nuevo cargo Me parece que la preocupación de don Bosco es clara por la formación de la comunidad (enviando a las religiosas de Santa Ana, aceptando personalmente a las que desean ingresar, yendo personalmente a Mornese);3' pero al mismo tiempo muestra atención y confianza hacía aquella mujer, campesina, sí, pero verdadera educadora.
28 Cf. Cronistoria I, p. 250-252.
29 Testimonio de Giuseppe Campi en: AGFMA.
30 Cf. Cronistoria I, p. 223.
En las visitas que están documentadas (como en 1873, 1874, 1875),32 las intervenciones de don Bosco van dirigidas a delinear y consolidar la fisonomía del nuevo Instituto. A la aprobación de las Constituciones de los salesianos (1874) le sigue a poca distancia la inserción del Instituto en la Pía Sociedad Salesiana: don Bosco se convierte de derecho en el Superior Mayor de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora. Sin embargo, conserva el modo de relación, estima y confianza hacia María Mazzarello, de la que va conociendo gradualmente el sentido de responsabilidad y la progresiva capacidad de gobierno. La Madre no se dirige a él — como vemos en la documentación de las cartas33 — por motivos personales, a los que puede y sabe renunciar; sino que se dirige al Fundador en su papel de superiora de la comunidad para la selección de personas que desean entrar en el Instituto, para pedir consejo sobre la marcha de la casa.
La relación con don Bosco se basa en la verdad y la confianza. Hay obediencia y escucha; pero hay también capacidad de propuestas maduras y de opciones oportunas. Don Bosco, en su actitud de interés, de guía siempre discreta (y realizada por medio de don Pestarino, primero, y después de don Cagliero) precisa normas y provoca una cooperación eficaz y esencial.
Con la aprobación diocesana de las Constituciones de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora (1876), el Instituto comienza su expansión, no sólo en Piamonte, sino también en Liguria, Francia y América. Para la Madre Mazzarello es un período intenso de obras, de iniciativas, de viajes, de correspondencia epistolar.
Los encuentros con don Bosco son más prolongados y más frecuentes. Es ella la que siente la necesidad de recurrir al Fundador para pedirle consejo o para darle cuenta de la marcha del Instituto. En la apertura de nuevas casas es ella la que escoge el personal, es ella la que forma con verdadera sensibilidad educativa. Le caracteriza el don de un discernimiento auténtico.34
31 Cf. Ibid. II, p. 24.28-31.40; cf. también: Annali e cronache Istituto Suore di Sant'Anna, vol.
I, 1873, p. 103-104, en: Archivio «Suore di Sant'Anna della Provvidenza» (Roma).
32 Cf. los testimonios recogidos en: Cronistoria II, p. 40.88.146. 148.
" Cf. carta de la Madre Mazzarello a don Bosco, 22 de junio 1874, publicada en: E. POSADA, Lettere di S. Maria Domenica Mazzarello, Roma, Istituto FMA 1980, p. 51; carta del 17 junio
1878, en: Ibid., p. 83; del 22 diciembre 1879, en: Ibid., p. 128; del 30 octubre 1880, en: Ibid.,p. 167.
Después de las visitas que hace a las cosas acude a don Bosco para referirle lo que ha visto. No nos queda documentación de esas relaciones. Sin embargo las idas a Valdocco son numerosas."
Don Bosco interviene personalmente más tarde en el traslado de la casa madre a Nizza Monferrato: y la actitud de confianza de don Bosco hacia la Madre asume, en ese período, un tono de mayor intensidad, estimulando su colaboración, reduciendo sus intervenciones, apelando con mayor frecuencia a su capacidad de Superiora general efectiva.36
Por su parte, María Mazzarello madura en sí misma el sentido de pertenencia y de responsabilidad hacia el Instituto, cuyo espíritu es el de don Bosco. Las intervenciones de don Bosco, que ahora se hacen menos frecuentes y numerosas, se dirigen a reforzar la unidad en la familia religiosa."
Los últimos encuentros de 1880 y de comienzos de 1881 tienen lugar en Sampierdarena, Marsella, S. Cyr.38 La Madre está enferma y es don Bosco el que le hace entender la verdad del momento. Hace su ofrecimiento. En la última conferencia a las hermanas la Madre habla de la obediencia hacia don Bosco, mediador de la voluntad del Padre."
Pero don Bosco no está presente cuando muere María Mazzarello. Faltan documentaciones explicitas que justifiquen su ausencia. El 14 de mayo de 1881 don Bosco se encontraba en Florencia con «cosas muy graves entre manos», como escribía a don Berto.4° Le sustituye Cagliero.
Este último período de la vida de la Madre Mazzarello se caracteriza, pues, por la presencia de colaboración, de confianza plena por parte de don Bosco. El 'Santo interviene, sí, con sus precisiones, normas ascéticas, consejos, aprobaciones, pero da plena libertad a esta mujer sencilla y excepcional, cuya auténtica maternidad culmina en el ofrecimiento total de su vida por el Instituto.
La exposición lineal de esta relación histórica, como se ha expuesto, ha exigido sin embargo una búsqueda atenta en la documentación accesible.
A través de la reconstrucción de los hechos, a través de los testimonios, la correspondencia epistolar, como también la consideración de los encuentros indirectos, se ve cómo entre don Bosco y María Mazzarello se dio una comunicación progresiva y variada. Los encuentros, ni frecuentes ni largos, pero fe. curdos en consecuencias, hacen entrever que entre don Bosco y María Mazzarello hubo de hecho un influjo recíproco.
34 Cf. los testimonios del proceso de canonización: SACRA CONGREGATIO RrniUm, Aquen. Beatificationis et canonizationis Servae Dei Mariae Dominicae Mazzarello Primae Antistitae Instituti
Filiarum Mariae Auxiliatricis Summarium super dubio, 408-422.
33 Recogidas en: Cronistoria II, p. 182.202269.323.341.
36 Cf. Ibid., p. 350.385.
37 Recogidas en: Ibid., p. 32.58.66.70.139.172.178.229232.
38 Cf. Ibid., p. 340.343.346.354.
39 Recogida en: Ibid., p. 367-368.
4° Carta de don Bosco a don Berto, 8 de abril 1881, en: E IV, 42-43.
El carácter de los encuentros es también significativo para el conocimiento del estilo de las intervenciones propias de don Bosco. Es típico de él, en efecto, la intervención breve, oportuna, siempre estimulante para el crecimiento interior, realizada con una actitud de respeto y confianza. Así son exactamente las intervenciones de don Bosco en el Instituto de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora y en la vida de María Mazzarello.
3. Mediaciones significativas
Una alusión especial, dado el límite de una comunicación, se impone para identificar y nombrar al menos algunas de las mediaciones significativas de la relación que se estableció entre don Bosco y María Mazzarello.
Ya se ha aludido al papel preponderante de mediador del conocimiento primero y del espíritu, después, de don Bosco, jugado por don Domenico Pestarino (1817-1874), precioso educador de la vida espiritual de María Mazzarello. Primer director del Instituto, desempeñó su papel con una presencia discreta y eficaz, refiriéndose, como es natural, a don Bosco, pero utilizando también su sólida formación doctrinal desde los años de seminario de Génova, madurada con una intensa vida parroquial.
Don Giovanni Cagliero (1838-1926) director general aun antes de la muerte de don Pestarino, se presenta como mediación privilegiada de la solicitud de don Bosco por el naciente Instituto. Colaborador entregado y ligado por el afecto a don Bosco, está autorizadamente presente en la vida del Instituto y su palabra es acogida como si fuera la de don Bosco, del que es portavoz oficial. Con frecuencia es don Bosco mismo quien confía a su sagacidad y experiencia cosas que se refieren al Instituto. La relación de cordial y filial apertura es especial y se manifiesta con singular confianza, delicado e intenso afecto por parte de la Madre hacia él. Las cartas son un testimonio explícito de ello.°
Don Giacomo Costamagna (1846-1921), tercer director local, conocido por su particular «exuberancia» al querer formar a las Hermanas, tiene el mérito de haber llevado a Momese el estilo de vida y las tradiciones de Valdocco. El equilibrio de la Madre Mazzarello hizo que en la estima recíproca, en la caridad, se lograse mantener un clima de alegre serenidad salesiana, aun dentro de la tensión ascética impuesta por él.42
41 Cf. las cartas de Madre Mazzarello a don Giovanni Cagliero: 29 diciembre 1875, en: Po. SADA, Lettere, p. 53; 5 abril 1876, en: Ibid., p. 58; 8 julio 1876, en: Ibid., p. 64; 27 diciembre
1876, en: Ibid., p. 73; 27 septiembre 1878, en: Ibid., p. 85. Sobre la figura del Card. Cagliero, cf. G. CASSANO, Il Cardinale Giovanni Cagliero, 2 vol., Torino, SEI 1935.
42 Cf., por ejemplo, las cartas de don Costamagna a Madre Mazzarello del 19 de febrero 1877 y del 20 de noviembre 1878, en: AGFMA.
Don Giovanni B. Lemoyne (1839-1916) provenía de una experiencia salesiana rica y «gratificante». No le resulta fácil integrarse en Mornese, pero su permanencia allí y en Nizza Monferrato da una preciosa aportación típicamente salesiana a la vida de comunidad, con discreción y oportunidad. Sus intervenciones formativas orientan también la acción educativa. Con la Madre establece una relación afectiva, sencilla, familiar.43
Estas conocidas figuras de la historia salesiana contribuyeron a reavivar la relación entre don Bosco y María Mazzarello y el estudio de su mediación sigue siendo un campo por explorar. La documentación relativa a los arios de la permanencia en Mornese es escasa, es verdad, pero el significado de su mediación es tal, que debe estudiarse.
4. Significado de la relación en perspectiva de espiritualidad
La reconstrucción de la línea cronológica de la relación de don Bosco con María Mazzarello lleva, por último, a poner en evidencia la relación espiritual que se dio entre los dos santos.
Dotada de especial receptividad y unificada por la búsqueda de la verdad, María Mazzarello se revela dotada también por una viva capacidad de asimilación de la propuesta espiritual de don Bosco, también porque se hace abierta por la presencia de elementos que preparan a la espiritualidad salesiana y que están ya en su formación.
La espiritualidad cristocéntrica, mariana, apostólica, fundamentada sobre una sólida ascesis, virginal propia del grupo de las Hijas de la Inmaculada, guiada por don Pestarino en la escuela del teólogo Frassinetti, encuentra convergencia en las propuestas de don Bosco." A esta sólida base se añade además la atención vigilante por conocer el espíritu de don Bosco, para vivirlo en fidelidad a sus intenciones y a los ejemplos de su santidad.
De la lectura de los «hechos» se advierte que la exigencia cada vez mayor de la Madre de conformarse a la espiritualidad salesiana no es búsqueda de apoyo o seguridad, sino que más bien pone de relieve que la Madre se empeña en penetrar en el espíritu de don Bosco para injertarlo y renovarlo en el propio ambiente educativo femenino de Mornese. Los contenidos que don Bosco proponía directa o indirectamente los asumía la Madre, pero los vivía en forma propia, personal, con un carácter de austeridad y sencillez y de entrega continua.
. Cf. las cartas de la Madre Mazzarello a don Lemoyne: 14 diciembre 1877, en: POSADA, Lettere, p. 78; 17 marzo 1879, en: Ibid., p. 95; 9 abril 1879, en: Ibid., p. 97; diciembre 1879, en:
Ibid., p. 134.
44 Cf. POSADA, Giuseppe Frassinetti e Maria D. Mazzarello, p. 131-132.
Volviendo a la exposición inicial sobre la consideración de la relación entre los santos considerada en los autores salesianos, se puede concluir que tal relación no tiene el carácter de dependencia absoluta o imitación pasiva. Don Bosco encuentra una mujer con la que, en actitud de respeto, de confianza y de libertad, puede realizar un proyecto de vida y de acción no indiferente para aquel tiempo. Es una relación de colaboración responsable, realizada mediante la asimilación creativa de la espiritualidad salesiana.
5. Observaciones finales
El límite de una comunicación me ha obligado a proceder tal vez por dusiones. Pero el campo de investigación se ha revelado vasto y todavía abierto. La necesidad de una hermenéutica correcta de las fuentes se impone y mi in tento se sitúa todavía en una perspectiva muy amplia. La pista de investigación debe profundizarse y el estudio de una relación de la importancia de la de don Bosco y María Mazzarello, aun en su contenido esencial, se manifestará fecunda para el futuro de las dos congregaciones que trabajan en la Iglesia.
EL INSTITUTO DE LAS HIJAS DE MARIA AUXILIADORA. CON RELACIÓN A DON BOSCO *
María Esther POSADA
El tema de esta comunicación se presenta enseguida amplio y complejo. Requeriría, en efecto, la explicitación de la relación que existe entre la realidad histórico-eclesial que es el Instituto de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora (HNLA) y su Fundador, san Juan Bosco.' La explicitación de la relación que el Instituto maduró a lo largo de sus 116 arios de historia requeriría, no sólo un estudio más profundo que éste, sino también un espacio menos limitado que el de una comunicación.
Tema-y espacio me llevan a realizar una opción de carácter histórico, reduciendo el argumento dentro de los límites de los orígenes del Instituto y, en ese período, a los diez y seis primeros años de su existencia, en los que, como espero demostrar en este estudio, se establece una relación con el Fundador cuyo resultado aparece como paradigmático para el Instituto en las diversas fases de su historia?
Declarada mi elección y antes aún de presentar la estructura del tema, creo necesario enunciar al menos algunas observaciones preliminares que exige su contexto.
1) El contexto histórico-eclesial en el que aparece el Instituto de lilasdaH1VLA es un momento de sufrimiento y de crecimiento, de crisis y de vitalidad religiosa. Giacomo Martina dice que la situación de los institutos religiosos en Italia en torno a los años 70 revela una doble antinomia: persistente crisis interna en los institutos y florecimiento de iniciativas y de nuevas fundaciones.3
La traducción castellana del aparato técnico es de la autora de la comunicación (n.d.e.). El Instituto, fundado en Mornese (provincia de Alessandria, diócesis de Acqui), reconoce como cofundadora a Santa María Dominga Mazzarello (1837-1881). Tiene, como fin, la educación de la juventud femenina de ambientes popithres, a través de diversas obras y actividades; entre las que se hallan: escuelas y colegios, catequesis, oratorios o centros juveniles. El Instituto es de derecho pontificio desde el 7 de diciembre de 1911. Actualmente (1988), cuenta con 17.167 Hermanas, distribuidas en 72 provincias y 5 visitadurías, presentes en 1.495 casas de 72 naciones. 2 El arco de tiempo que he examinado va de 1860 (desde cuando se pueden obtener datos atendibles sobre la inspiración primigenia) a 1876 (fecha de la aprobación diocesana del Instituto y de las Constituciones, acontecimiento que conduye el proceso de la fundación desde el punto de vista histórico y jurídico)..Afirmando que la relación establecida entre las primeras Hijas de María Auxiliadora y don Bosco resulta paradigmática, decimos que en las sucesivas etapas o momentos de la historia del Instituto esta relación ha tenido siempre un significado peculiar dentro de contextos históricos diversos.
2) FJ nuevo florecimiento de los institutos religiosos estimula un proceso jurídico a veces inexistente o bien inadecuado y de lenta elaboración, especialmente en Italia y en particular para los institutos femeninos.4 Por otra parte, la evolución de la legislación promueve la expansión de la vida religiosa femenina.5
A mi parecer, esta situación incide sobre la actitud de don Bosco en orden a la fundación de un nuevo Instituto de Hermanas; si por una parte se siente estimulado por la gradual aceptación de la mujer en el campo de la acción social y de la educación, por otra comprende la exigencia del proceso hacia el que se ven abocados los nuevos institutos. Él, en efecto, se mostrará inicialmente reticente a fundar y, más todavía, a hacer aprobar por la Santa Sede el Instituto ya fundado.6
3) La tercera observación se refiere a la diversidad del grupo inicial de las HMA en relación con el de los salesianos. Estos provenían en su mayor parte del ambiente de Valdocco, es decir, fueron muchachos educados directamente por don Bosco;' las primeras, en cambio, surgen de un grupo ya formado, con «Uno sguardo anche superficiale alla situazione degli Istituti religiosi in Italia intorno al 1870 rivela una duplice antinomia, difficile a spiegare almeno a prima vista: una persistente crisi degli istituti nel loro complesso, molto anteriore alle leggi eversive, una fioritura di ini7iative costruttive e una rapida esuberante espansione» (G. MARTINA, La situazione degli Istituti religiosi in Italia intorno al 1870, en: Chiesa e religiositá in Italia dogo l'Unitá [1861-1878],PW1, Milano, Vita e Pensiero 1972, p. 194).
4 «Il continuo ricorso di queste fondazioni [femminili] a Roma [...] coopera [...] ad accrescere sia la loro importanza [...] sia quena dell'autoritá della Chiesa negli Statí in cui si trova ad
agite. Se alcuni elementi sono accolti facilmente [nella procedura] altri avevano bisogno di ripensamento» (G. ROCC.A, Le nuove fondazioni religiose femminili in Italia dal 1800 al 1860, en: ASSO
CIAZIONE ITALIANA DEI PROFESSORI DI STORIA DELLA CHIESA, Problemi di noria della Chiesa. Dalla Restaurazione all'Unitá. Atti del VI Convegno di aggiornamento [Pescara 6-10 settembre 1982], Napoli, Edizioni Dehoniane 1985, p. 171-172).
Nos encontramos en realidad con situaciones antitéticas: «Da un lato é riconosciuto gradualmente alla dona un maggior spazio nella vita attiva, particolarmente nell'assistenza e nell'istruzione elementare. Dall'altro la legislazione écclesiastica dell'Ottocento comincia ad evolversi, a riconoscere a questi istituti, finora non considerad ufficialmente come "religíos in, gli attributi essetwinli della vita religiosa vera e propria» (MARTINA, La situazione, p. 200).
6 «Un falto che puó sembrare un'anomalia nella vita di Don Bosco é ch'egli non chiese e non si decise mai a chiedere a Roma l'approvazione delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice. Tanto piú ció é sconcertante, quanto pió si bada al contesto in cui si colloca, nella comice di una mentalitá che è portata a dare gran rilievo alla persona del Papa e alle prerogative che la religiositá cattolica del tempo afferma ed esalta. [...] Mentre da una parte, per salvaguardare alla Societá Salesiana la fisionomía che aveva sognata si sottrae alle pressioni vescovili di Torino [...], dall'altra, quasi nello stesso tempo, per un moto affettivo analogo rífugge dal sottoporsi a Roma per quanto riguarda l'Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice» (STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 203-204).
' MB IV, 429.
espiritualidad y estructuras propias: «Figlie di Santa Maria Immacolata» de Mornese.8
4) La última observación es de carácter documental. Tengo que declarar que no existen estudios de carácter histórico-crítico sobre este tema.9 La historiografía salesiana al respecto, aunque intenta reconstrucciones lo más atendibles posible, se sitúa en una línea de relato edificante más que en una vertiente científica.m Hacía falta, pues, trabajar sobre documentos de primera mano, que son escasos, pero importantes!' La búsqueda, ya encauzada, el tamizado crítico de las fuentes, la publicación de ediciones críticas sobre el material existente se hace indispensable para una hermenéutica correcta en el ámbito de la historia de las TIMA.
Una vez hecha esta referencia al contexto ya las fuentes históricas, dedica mi atención a la dinámica que se da entre los dos polos de la relación de que estamos hablando: el primer núcleo de la HMA, el grupo de cambio y realmente modificado por la intervención de don bosco, y el mismo don
Se trata de una unión que surge hacia 1851 en la parroquia de Mornese, por iniciativa de Angela Maccagno (1832-1891). Don Domenico Pestarino dio un fuerte impulso al grupo como guía espiritual inmediato. El teólogo genovés Giuseppe Frassinetti compiló una Respuesta en respuesta al deseo de don Pestarino y en base a un esbozo de Angela Maccagno. La pionera tomó el nombre de «Nuove Orsoline Figlie di Santa Maria Immacolata», bajo la protección de Santa Úrsula y Santa Ángela Merici (cfr. G. FRASSINE111, Opere edite ed Medite. Opere Ascetiche, vol. II, Roma, Postulazione Generale dei Figli di S. Maria Immacolata 1909, p. 108ss .; ME POSADA, Giuseppe Frassinetti y Maria Domenica Mazzarello. Rapporto storico-spirituale, Roma, LAS 1986).
9 El capítulo dedicado a las Hijas de María Auxiliadora en laobra crítica de P. StelIa antes citada es un estudio documentado y estimulante, aunque sintético, que debe considerarse como el primero sobre el argumento. Se debe tener también en cuenta la edición crítica de las Constituciones primitivas de las HMA, preparada por Cecilia Romero. Es un estudio serio que, de modo indirecto pero documentado, investiga sobre los orígenes del texto y sobre su colocación histórica
(cf. G. Bosco, Scritti editi e inediti, vol. Costituzioni per l'Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice [1872-18851, Testi critica a cura di Sr. Cecilia Romero FMA, Roma, LAS 1983).
Un estudio sobre la génesis de la fundación fue publicado en la misma ocasión del centro de la muerte de don Bosco (cfr. ME POSADA, Todos los orígenes de una historia. Don Bosco, Fondatore di un Istituto religioso femminile, en: R. GIANNATELLI [ ed.], Pensiero and prassi di don Bosco, Roma, LAS 1988).
'° Así en las MB; cf. también: Cronistoria. Tampoco son estudios críticos, aunque sean fundamentales para la historia de la Sociedad Salesiana y el Instituto de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora: Annali; G. CAPETTI, II cammino dell'Istituto nel corso di un secolo, 3 vol., Roma, Istituto delle FMA 1972-1976. En estas fuentes y estudios se funda, en general, la historia del Instituto.
"Documentos existentes en el AGFMA y en el ASC, especialmente en el" Fondo Don Bosco "(ASC 131-175). Me parece conveniente tener en cuenta las primeras crónicas del Instituto de la HMA son tardías e incompletas. La más antigua parece ser de 1887. Estos y otros documentos posteriores como el Scharimenti sugli inizi dell'Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice se ha convertido en un escrito de los resultados. En este sentido se puede afirmar que todos los documentos, aunque incompletos, son importantes.
Bosco, en el momento de la búsqueda, de la elección y de la fundación del Instituto, implicado también en una dinámica de la transformación, de la continuidad y, al mismo tiempo, de la rotura con esquemas anteriores, de la novedad de la vida y de las obras.
Estudiando atentamente esta dinámica dentro de los límites que él pudo, él podría identificar tres momentos, la duración de la desigualdad, la expresión de las diversas prácticas de una única relación. La estructura de este tema se refleja en estos momentos sucesivos:
1) una nueva orientación espiritual dentro del grupo de las Hijas de Santa María Inmaculada (1860-1870);
2) una verdadera opción histórica: el momento de la fundación (1871-1872);
3) una progresiva conciencia de pertenencia en el grupo y en la misma relación que se establece con don Bosco (1872-1876).
"Una nueva orientación espiritual (1860-1870)
El grupo de las Hijas de Santa María Inmaculada (HSMJ), comprometido en un intenso ritmo de vida cristiana y entregada a las actividades parroquiales. y giraba en la órbita espiritual del teólogo genovés, Giuseppe Frassinetti ". Entró por primera vez en contacto con el sacerdote Giovanni Bosco a través de la mediación personal del mismo don Pestarino.
"Las fuentes documentales no coinciden en la fecha de este encuentro", niu Las Hijas de Santa María. Inmaculada tenía como fin. povere inferme del luogo »(Regula della Pia Unione delle Figlie di S. Maria Immacolata, I, 1; HL 37).
13 Don Domenico Pestarino (1817-1874). Originario de Mornese, hizo sus estudios en el seminario de Génova, que fue más tarde prefecto. Regresó a Mornese en 1847 y trabajó intensamente en la renovación espiritual de la parroquia. Directora espiritual de Santa María Domenica Mazzarello, durante 27 años, directora del grupo de las Hijas de Santa María Inmaculada y, más tarde, directora local y espiritual de la primera comunidad de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora. La correspondencia de don Pestarino, conservada en el ASC está clasificada con este título: Pestarino don Domenico, sac. fondatore dell'opere salesiane di Mornese [ASC 275, 1, 3] (cf. F. MACCONO, L'apostolo di Mornese. Sac. Domenico Pestarino, Torino, SEI 1926).
Giuseppe Frassinetti (1804-1868). Prior de la iglesia de Santa Sabina (Génova). Moralista, escritor de obras ascéticas, pastor y director espiritual. Por deseo de don Pestarino, preparó y publicó la Regla de la unión de las Hijas de Santa María Inmaculada, y fue animador espiritual del grupo (cf. G. FRASSINETIT, Opere Ascetiche. Introduzione e note di P. Giordano Renzi FSMI,
2 vol., Roma, Postulazione Generale dei Figli di S. Maria Immacolata 1978; POSADA, Giuseppe Frasinetti).
En una memoria del carnet. Giovanni, Cagliero, depositado en el AGFMA, se lee "questo incontro and visite sucesivo avveruiero nel 1860, 61, 62 y 64» (Memoria del Cardinale Giovanni Cagliero, 15 de febrero de 1922 en AGFMA). La Cronistoria y el biógrafo de Santa María Mazzarello, don Ferdinando Maccono, un testimonio de don Giuseppe Campi, sacerdote de Mor-nese. Testimonio de D. Giuseppe Campi en: AGFMA; cf. Cronistoria I, p. 111; F. MACCONO, S. Maria Domenica Mazzarello, Confondatrice y prima Superiora generale delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice , vol. I, Torino, Istituto FMA 1960, p. 100). La autora de la Cronistoria, la Sra. Clelia Genghini, que fue secretaria general del Instituto de la HMA, a partir de varias investigaciones hechas por ella misma,
en el lugar donde ocurren, l6 y ni siquiera en el contenido, ¿cuáles son las versiones no unívocas. Todas estas versiones indican dos elementos importantes: el entusiasmo de don Pestarino hacia la persona y la obra de don Bosco y el interés de don Bosco hacia el grupo de la HSMI dirigido por don Pestarino.18 Sin embargo, las mismas fuentes no coinciden en el modo con el cual el ropero entra en la órbita de don bosco. Algunas versiones presentan un don Pestarino como el que "ofrece" un don Bosco el grupo de la Inmaculada sin una previa petición; "en otros, es don Bosco mismo quien, oyendo hablar a don Pestarino, se" mueve ", empujado por su interés hacia el grupo ". Algunos testimonios dejan entrever la preexistencia de la inquietud de don Bosco por fundar un Instituto femenino, 2 'otros están de relieve que el encuentro,
16 En la citada memoria del card. Cagliero se lee: «Ricordo che Don Pestarino mi disse di aver conosciuto Don Bosco en Genova, en la casa del Parroco Frassinetti di S. Sabina». Don Campi afirma que el encuentro tuvo lugar en un viaje en el tren que conduce a Don Bosco y don Pestarino desde Acqui a Alessandria. Este testimonio es reconocido por la Cronistoria y por Maccono.
«[Don Pestarino] preso da venerazione per le sue virtit [di don Bosco] s'invoglió di venire
a Torno» (G. CAGLIERO, Memoria, en: AGFMA).
i8La Cronistoria, junto con el interés de don Pestarino por la obra de don Bosco, pone en evidencia el interés por el grupo de las Hijas de Santa María Inmaculada, que don Pestatino dirigía, y reconstruye, de modo hipotético e imaginario, el Diálogo entre los dos sacerdotes, del que, en realidad, se conservan solamente algunos detalles (cf. Cronistoria, I, p. 114-116).
19 Es un testimonio de don Rua, sucesor de don Bosco, en el proceso ordinario para la canonización del mismo don Bosco: «[Don Pestarino] con calde istanze ottenne pare che l'adottasse [la Pia Unione] come sua spirituale famiglia. D. Bosco vedendo il buono spirito, la pietá e la vicendevole carita, che cola regnava, lascib il Sacerdote D. Pestarino alla direzione dele medesime [Figlie di S. Maria Immacolata e poi FMA] finché il Signore lo conservó in vita (1872) [sic] »(M. RUA, Deposizione en: SACRA RITUUM CONGREGATIONE, Taurinen. Beatificationis et canonizationis Servi Dei Joannis Bosco Sacerdotis Fundatoris Piae Societatis Salesianae, Positio super Introductione Causae, Summarium super dubio, p. 323). Citaré: Summ.
20 Es la tesis más afirmada en los documentos del Instituto (cf. Schiarimenti, p. 3-4), donde se da énfasis en la pertenencia de don Pestarino a la Sociedad Salesiana. El documento es más interesante a este respecto, a mi parecer, a la Memoria de Don Pestarino, donde se pone en evidencia la intervención de Don Bosco respecto a la idea de hacer una fundación. El documento no tiene mención del primer encuentro. Parte de 1871: «Nel orille ottocento settant'uno il benemerito Sacerdote D. Bosco esponeva a D. Pestarino Domenico il suo desiderio per educazione cristiana dele povere fanciulle y dichiarava che Mornese sarebbe stato fi luogo che conosceva pió adatto essendovi giá da varii e iniziata la Congregazione dele zitelle sotto nome dell'Immacolata e dele nuove Orsoline ... »(D. PESTARIN0, Memoria autografa,
21 Así afirman los Schiarimenti.
22 «[Don Bosco] non venne nella decisione [di fondare] sino a guando la Provvidenza gli
A mi parecer, en el encuentro, probablemente en el verano de 1862, don Bosco encuentra el camino definitivo para el desempeño de uh proyeco que estaba madurando from Hacia Mucho tiempo.23
desde Aquel Momento, los Hechos nos Han Llegado con mayor Credibilidad y claridad y la implicación del grupo, siempre MOVIDO por Don Pestarino, Aparece Más Evidente y Efectiva. La relación con don Bosco se perfila en tres direcciones:
a) en orden a su persona, que suscita en el grupo admiración, respeto, veneración de su personalidad y fama de santidad;
b) en el orden de su obra educativa, que le interesa a toda la población de Morese, especialmente en la primera visita del Santo al pueblo en 1864: 25 el HSMI se refiere a la preparación de esta visita; y después de la propuesta de don Bosco a toda la población de fundas en Mornese un colegio para muchachos, se comprometen ellas en primer lugar en el trabajo de construcción del edificio; 26
c) en para un proyecto insólito que Don Bosco va manifestando lentamente en sus visitas a Mornese en años sucesivos "y que culmina en un" pnigrama "de vida espiritual a todo el grupo hacia 1869.28
La implicación mediata más efectiva del grupo de los HSMI en la órbita de la palabra es stessa evidentemente la vía. Un pio sacerdote, D. Domeníco Pestarino ecc. »(M. RIJA, Deposizione, en: Summ., P. 323).
"Cf. POSADA, Alle origini, p. 162-169.
24 Cf. Cronistoria I, p. 148-150. Me parece interesante, a este respecto, una carta de don Pestarino a don Rua, con la ocasión de la enfermedad de don Bosco en Varazze, a finales de 1871. Las Hijas de la Inmaculada han sido rezadas y hasta ofreció la vida por la salud del Santo : «Ebbi la consolazione, nella tristezza, di sentirrni chiedere da una che, se le permettevo, faceva l'olocausto della sua vita per ottenere la salud y la vita de don Bosco, il cheí ripeterono altre, pronte a morire [.. .] e faranno l'olocausto alla santa communione »PESTARNO, Lettera a don Michele Rua, Mornese, 17 de diciembre de 1871, manoscritto originale, en: ASC 275, 1, 2 [2] Pestarino).
25 «Nell'ottobre di quest'anno [1864] passó da Momese il Rev.mo y celebre D. Bosco di Tocino con 60 e pió de 'suoi giovani, con banda musicale ecc ... col quale da qualche tempo, per grazia Di Dio, Aiovave Fato Relazione Ed Eravamo Intesi in Molti Punti; con lui avevo esternato tutto fi mio povero spirito ei miel progetti. Giunto qui ed accolto dalla popolazione nel miglior modo possibile, si fermó 4 giorni, nei quali si fece bellissima funzione en Chiesa, accademia a Borgoalto; ed io intanto gli esternai il mio desiderio di fabbricare in tal Mogo ... »(Racconto - Memoria della fabbrica di Borgoalto. Copia allografa di un racconto atribuido a Don Pestarino, en: ASC 409, 1, 5, f. 4).
26 Cf. Ibídem. 2ss; Cronistoria I, p. 147-154.
n Don Bosco hizo varias visitas a Mornese (cf. Cronistoria I, p. 204-239). Documentos importantes para reconstruir la relación entre don Bosco y don Pestarino y las visitas del Santo a Mornese son las cartas autógrafas de don Bosco al mismo don Pestarino (cf. ASC 13101). 28 La Cronistoria habla de un «Horario-Programa» de vida, escrito por el mismo don Bosco en abril de 1869 (cf. I, p. 222-224). C. Romero en el estudio y citado sobre las Constituciones de la HMA se expresa así: «Sena voler entrare nella questione dell'esistenza e datazione di questo regolamento sembra di poter affermare che non if tratta dí un testo normativo riguardante la vita religiosa di una comunitá »(C. ROMERO, Alle origini delle Costituzioni dell'Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice, en: Bosco, Scritti editi, p. 32).
San Juan Bosco, tal como aparece en este decenio de cambio, es de carácter estrictamente espiritual, es decir, revela una actitud común interior que se expresa, por parte del grupo, en la admiración de la persona y la obra de don Bosco y en La primera apertura a sus orientaciones directas. Don Bosco manifiesta interés, pero al mismo tiempo ponderación realista de una opción a través de encuentros medios inmediatos con un grupo que llega a conocer bien la espiritualidad y la actividad.
2. Una verdadera opción histórica: el «momento» de la fundación (18711872)
Desde el punto de vista histórico, la génesis de un instituto religioso no puede reducirse hasta la fecha de su fundación. La génesis es un proceso de duración según las circunstancias históricas que atraviesan el instituto. El 5 de agosto de 1872 es la fecha que el Instituto de la HMA reconoce como la de su fundación y corresponde, efectivamente, a la celebración de las primeras profesiones.
Documentos atendibles referencias a la génesis. Instituto de la historia. Tiempo de vida desde 1871 a 1872. Consideremos este tiempo como el "momento" cumbre de la fundación. Las modificaciones que se hacen son una relación estable entre don Bosco y el HSMI.
Una carta autógrafa de don Bosco a Madre Enrichetta Dominici, superiora general de «Suore di Sant'Anna della Provvidenza», 29 nos pone en frente de una decisión de don Bosco y un proyecto de fundación. Pide a la Madre Dominic que le ayude en la redacción de un Reglamento para el trabajo en la institución de la mujer en la cara al Chiesa siano vere religiose, la facie alla civile societá siano altrettanto libere cittadine ». a su Capítulo (Consejo) superior.31
29 Madre Enrichetta Dominici (1829-1894). Nació en Borgo Salasio, Carmagnola (Turín). Entró en el instituto fundado por la marquesa Barolo en Turín, las Hermanas de Santa Ana de la Providencia, dedicadas a la educación popular. Fue superiora general por 32 años. La personalidad de la madre La responsabilidad de la seguridad y el don Bosco, por su sabiduría y la administración del gobierno (cf. Vigilia eroica. Pagina autobiográfica de suor M. Enrichetta Dominici delle Suore di S. Anna della Provvidenza. Introduzione e note di Morazzetti SP , Tivoli 1951). La Madre Dominica fue producida por Beata en 1978.
"Carta de don Bosco a madre Enrichetta Dominici, Torino, 24 de abril de 1871, autógrafo original en: ASSA.
"Fuentes y estudios indican que el 24 de abril de 1871 es la fecha en la que don Bosco se comprometió oficialmente en su capítulo superior respecto a la fundación de un Instituto femenino. Para esta afirmación se citan las actas de este día (cf. STELLA , Don Bosco I, p. 188; MB X, 594; Cronistoria I, p. 241). En el ASC no existen las actas de ese año (cf. ASC 0592) y la noticia no se encuentra en las actas sucesivas ni en Otras fuentes. Sólo un testimonio de don Paolo Albera, pedido por don Rua, relata el hecho atribuyéndolo al año 1870 (cf. Verbali del 25 dicembre 1907, en: ASC 0592; cf. Summ. lI. Substantialia causae, 68 ss.) .
La carta contiene, en efecto, elementos para identificar, no sólo las fuentes del primer código de la vida de las HMA, sino también para conocer la identidad jurídico-eclesial del nuevo Instituto. Aparece, además, significativo que don Bosco se dirija a una mujer para la elaboración del texto-base de la Regla y que la escuela a la superiora de un Instituto religioso dedicado a la educación de las muchachas del ambiente popular.
Pero también por parte del grupo de las HSMI se verifica una verdadera opción. El grupo, que ha entrado en una relación directa con don Bosco, se ha llamado un nuevo compromiso de la vida y una mayor pertenencia al proyecto del Santo Turinés.32 Una parte del grupo de los «Nuove Orsoline» (HSMI) ) rechaza abiertamente la propuesta de hacerse «religiosas» demostrando la conciencia del cambio radical en su condición de vida. Otras pruebas se pueden realizar también. Otras se adhieren más tarde, demostrando también ellas tenían que tener la "sensación" del cambio.33
La Memoria autógrafa de don Pestarino sintetiza la primera reunión que tuvo lugar el 29 de enero de 1872 para la elección de un Capítulo superior:
«[...] bel bel giorno di S. Francesco di Sales, ed esposto quanto D. Bosco li aveva consigliato (a don Pestarino), deten il Veni Creator Spiritus col Crocifisso esposto sopra un tavolino con candelieri accesi, if passó alla votazione, essendo in number di 27, facendo poi leggere i voti ricevuti da D. Pestarino, dalla Angela Maccagno Maestra del Paese, e fino aflora Superiora di quelle che vivono en loro famiglia. Risultó dallo scrutinio 21 voti a Maria Mazzarello di Giuseppe delta dí Valponasca y passó alla votazione della seconda Assístente che riusci Petronilla con voti 19; Si ritirarono queste due y nominaron per Maestra delle Novizie Felicina [Mazzarello], ed Economa Giovanna [Ferrettino] e Vicaria o Vicesuperiora per quelle del paese, la Maestra Maccagno. Si se publican y si se encuentra bien, coloqúese Dominum l '
Siete meses más tarde tienen lugar las primeras profesiones. El proyecto de don Bosco se trasladó al colegio hecho por don Pestarino en el lugar llamado Borgoalto y en un primer momento, en la intención de don Bosco, para la escuela de los muchachos de Mornese. Ahora se convierte en la Casa Madre del Instituto de las HMA. El "sello" histórico-eclesial de tal transformación del grupo de simples "Pia Unione" parroquial en el instituto religioso en el lugar del obispo de Acqui, mons. Giuseppe Maria Sciandra, durante la función de las profesiones; El "sello" histórico-salesiano lo aportó la presencia del fundador que, por invitación del mismo obispo, dirigido la palabra a las nuevas profesiones, tal como fundador ".
32 Cf. PESTARINO, Memoria A, en: AGFMA.
33 Cf. Cronistoria I, p. 272-274.
34 PESTARINO, Memoria A, en: AGFMA. "Loc. Cit.
Leyendo superficialmente las pocas noticias que se pueden ver con este hecho. Efectivamente, no había previsto estar presente en las profesiones, 36 aparece como forzado a ir, 37 y venta inmediata de la firma en el acta de fundación.38 Sin embargo, su presencia, la invitación del obispo a dirigir la palabra a las nuevas profesiones, la aceptación que tiene el Instituto en presencia del mismo obispo, la calidad de la relación histórica que se establece ahora con las FMA ante la Iglesia y la historia.
De una implicación simple, aunque profunda, en lo espiritual, la relación de las FMA en el orden de la persona y la misión edesial de don Bosco se transforma en una relación de carácter histórico que representa una dependencia real del fundador y se abre a la aceptación Código de pertenencia. Este es, desde las primeras e imperfectas fases de su planteamiento, hasta la marca del pensamiento y el espíritu de San Juan Bosco.39
3. Una progresiva conciencia de pertenencia jurídica (1872-1876)
La observación se presenta en las primeras versiones de VIH, como aparece en las reglas y en las noticias, las crónicas, se deduce un estilo simple, pobre, sereno y austero, centrado totalmente en la configuración de la primera comunidad y en el Compromiso apostólico entre las muchachas, especialmente las internas.
Sin embargo, algunos hechos casi inmediatamente posteriores a la fundación en una progresiva maduración en la conciencia y en la estructuración jurídica del Instituto, la conciencia en la relación que se ha establecido en la comunidad primitiva y su fundador.
En 1874 y aún en vida de don Pestarino, don Bosco procede a dos medidas jurídicas de importancia: la elección de un Director general del Instituto, "en la persona de uno de sus mejores salesianos, don Cagliero, 41 y el nombramiento de una superiora general en la persona de Sor María Do / 11in, Mazzarello que hasta entonces había presidido la comunidad con el título la, Vicaria ".
"Cf. Cronistoria I, p. 297.
"Cf. Ibid., P. 307.
78 Verbale relativo alla fondazione dell'Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice eretto en Mornese Diocesi di Acqui, Mornese, 8 de agosto de 1872, copia auténtica, en: ACVA Registri, 15, 520-522.
39 Cf. ROMERO, Alle origini, en: Bosco, Scritti editi, p. 34-49.
40 Solamente a partir de Manoscritto F de las Constituciones HMA aparece la figura del Director general del Instituto. En los manuscritos anteriores se dice que el Instituto está bajo la dirección del Superior General de la Sociedad de San Francisco de Sales (cf. Manoscritti
A-E y F, en: Bosco, Scritti editi, p. 209-252).
'Giovanni Cagliero (1838-1926). En 1874 fue nombrado primer director general de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora. En 1875 participó como responsable de la primera expedición misionera a Argentina. En 1884 León XIII lo nombró obispo titular de Magida y le confió el vicariato apólico tópico de la Patagonia. En 1904, Pío X le confió la visita apostólica en la diócesis de Tortona, Piacenza, Albenga y Savona, enviándolo así como Ministro de Plenipotenciario y Delegado apostólico de Centro América. En 1915, Benedicto XV lo nombró cardenal y miembro de las congregaciones de Religiosos, de Propaganda Fide y de Ritos. En 1920, obispo de Frascati. Murió en Roma en 1926 (cf. G. CASSANO, Il cardinale Giovanni Cagliero, 2 vol., Torillo, SEI 1955).
El porqué del nombramiento de don Cagliero está justificado por la un' posibilidad, por parte de don Bosco, de seguir directamente al Instituto y de su visión previsora sobre la expansión del mismo." El nombramiento de la superiora general obedece tal vez al deseo de asegurar una figura jurídica entonces controvertida, pero necesaria según los usos del tiempo.44
En el mes de marzo del mismo año 1874, don Bosco había presentado a la Congregación de los Obispos y Regulares un «Riassunto» de la «Pia Societá Salesiana», en orden a la aprobación de las Constituciones. En este «Rías. sunto» hacía alusión a la fundación de Mornese en términos muy sucintos."
Sín detenerse, pues, en clarificaciones sobre la estructura jurídica del Instituto, don Bosco se orienta en cambio hacia la aprobación diocesana del mismo y de las Constituciones procediendo a la revisión de éstas46 con el deseo de presentarlas al obispo de Acqui, el mismo mons. Sciandra que presidió las primeras profesiones.
42 La primera elección del Capítulo superior del Instituto, el 29 de enero de 1871, fue elegida como Superiora (21 sobre 27 votos) Sor María Dominga Mazzarello. Ella «suggeri le pareva lasciar nelle mani di D. Bosco la scelta della prinia Superiora» (PESTARINO, Memoria A, en: AGFMA). Efectivamente, don Bosco la nombró Superiora general, con el título de Vicaria en 1874, cuando se hizo la elección de Superiora general. De hecho en el Manoscritto D, cuya fecha se encuentra entre 1874 y 1875, aparece por primera vez en la figura de la Superiora general (cf. Bosco, Scritti editi, pág. 85-95).
43 En el año del nombramiento del Director general del Instituto existía solamente la Casa central o Casa madre de Mornese.
44 Es interesante notar que en Italia, antes de 1839, no se plantea el problema del nombramiento de la Superiora general. Algunas cuestiones eran una orden eclesiástica, otras relativas a la condición de que, por ejemplo, las dificultades de viajar, la cosa que ahora, no a la relación, ni a la palabra, ni a la palabra, ni a la religión, ni a la letra, ni a la letra ni a la letra ni a la letra ni a la letra. con tanta frequenza »(RoccA, Le nuove, p. 155).
45 «Venga al apéndice e dipendentemente dalla Congregazione Salesiana é la Casa di Maria Ausiliatrice fondata con Appravazione dell'autoritá Ecclesiastica en Mornese diocesi d'Acqui. Lo que está en la lista de precios de la historia y el mercado de ventas y de los ragazzi. El tema religioso está en el número de la ciudad y el cura de 200 películas »(Riassunto della Pia Societá Salesiana di S. Francesco di Sales nel 1874, en: CONGREGAZIONE PARTICOLARE DEI VESCOVI E REGOLARI [] Torinese, Sopra l'approvazione delle Costituzioni della Societá Salesiana [?] Marzo 1874, en: ASC 0231).
46 cf. Manoscritti E, F de las Constituciones primitivas en: BOSCO, Scritti editi, p. 99-123.
La petición para la aprobación es un documento muy significativo para el origen del Instituto, su fundación, sus finalidades, su desarrollo. El manuscrito está firmado por don Bosco, por don Costamagna, entonces director local de la casa de Mornese y por Sor María Mazzarello. Es interesante observar, a la luz del contexto histórico del momento, cómo, junto a la firma de la Madre Mazzarello, don Bosco, la suya, la abreviatura: sup., Que demuestra la existencia real de una superiora efectiva en el Instituto "
Las cartas de Santa María Dominga Mazzarello, dirigidos en estos años a don Bosco, con el fin de mejorar su dependencia personal y el Instituto del Superior Mayor, don Bosco. Escribe la Santa:
«Permetta, Rev.mo Superiore Maggiore ch'io mi raccomandi allle enumente la eficiencia de la gestión de la vida y el acceso a la mía carica m'impone y possy corrispondere al tanti benefizi datimi dal Signore e alle aspettazioni della SV; Dica una di quelle efficaci parole a Maria SS. perché voglia aiutarmi a praticare ció che debbo insegnare alle altre e possano cosi ricevere tutte da me quegli esempi che il mio grado m'obbliga dí dar loro >>. 49
La relación entre la HMA y San Juan Bosco se afirma como pertenencia jurídica real al tronco salesiano. Esa pertenencia tiene que ver con el fundador, quien, al pedir la aprobación oficial del Instituto y de las primeras Constituciones, asume in proprio ante la Iglesia la paternidad real del Instituto.
4. Observaciones finales
Dije al comienzo de estas reflexiones que la relación que se da entre las primeras HMA y Don Bosco resulta paradigmática en la historia del Instituto. Me parece, en efecto, que se puede afirmar, como conclusión, que los elementos espirituales, históricos y jurídicos que constituyen una única relación, actúan entre sí y una dinámica de "circularidad" a través de los diversos momentos de la vida del Instituto.
Esos elementos o dimensiones se acentúan de modo especial en las diversas fases por las que el Instituto sigue profundizando su relación con el Fundador.
"Cf. Domanda a mons. Giuseppe Maria Sciandra para l'approvazione dello Istituto e delle Costituzioni delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice [sd]. Manoscritto originale, Cartella Mornese; copia autenticata (Acqui 26 [?] Gennaio 1876), en: ACVA, Registri 17.
48 Cf. Loc. cit.
"Maria Domenica S. MAZZARELLO, Lettera a Don Bosco, Mornese, 22 de junio de 1874, en: ME POSADA (ed.), Lettere di S. Maria Domenica Mazzarello, Confondatrice dell'Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice, Roma, Istituto FMA 1980 , págs. 51-52.
En el difícil momento de la separación jurídica del Instituto de la Sociedad de Ventas, que se desempeñó en la fuerza de la Norma, como las emanadas de la Congregación de los Obispos y Regulares en 1901 y tuvo un efecto en el Instituto a partir de las Constituciones de 1906. , 5 ° el Instituto Ahonda en sus relaciones con el Fundador y, aun así, adquiriendo la autonomía jurídica, el emplazamiento en la vinculación espiritual con la Sociedad de ventas en la persona del Rector Mayor pro tempore, el punto de sutura con el espíritu de los orígenes.
De 1907 a 1920, y precisamente a través de sucesivas clarificaciones provocadas en el Proceso de beatificación y canonización de don Bosco, 5 'la Iglesia, la Sociedad de Ventas y el Instituto de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora tienen la posibilidad de mostrar el modo incontrovertible. fundamento de la paternidad histórica de don Bosco en relación con el Instituto femenino fundado por él, desvaneciéndose así cualquier hipótesis sobre una simple paternidad adoptiva, y que se aclara el verdadero papel de don Pestarino en orden a la fundación de las FMA.
Las fuerzas renovadoras del Vaticano II que impulsan a los institutos religiosos a la memoria de su origen y al mismo tiempo a la profecía de su futuro, solicitó también la dinámica de la "circularidad" llevando al Instituto a ahondar en el carisma de los orígenes. El texto de las Constituciones se renovó en ese sentido como síntesis de memoria y profecía.52
En esta vuelta, en la historia y en la espiritualidad, en el cuerpo de Santa María Dominga Mazzarello. Don Bosco, Fundador del Instituto del modo inequívoco, no es el único y solo Fundador. La colaboración eficaz y esencial de la Madre Mazzarello animó a la Iglesia a conferirle el título de Cofundadora en sentido verdadero y propio.
La última observación se muestra en el plano metodológico. Por la dinámica continua, progresiva y circular que se da entre el Instituto y sus fundadores se impone una continua y progresiva búsqueda documental en una hermenéutica correcta en los diferentes campos: histórico, teológico, jurídico, pedagógico, pastoral, social. A mi parecer, el Instituto está en los principios del tiempo heurístico, tal vez el más delicado, pero también el más fecundo.
Heurística, exégesis y hermenéutica son también dimensiones de una circular que lleva, en una forma de espiral, una continua y diría que una investigación inagotable del pasado en orden al progreso real de la historia.
"Cf. Normae secundum quas S. Congr. Episcoporum et Regularium procedere solet in approbandis Novis Institutis Votorum simplicium, Typis SC de Propaganda Fide, 1901 (cf. IsTrruro FIGLIE DI MARIA AUSILIATRICE, Costituzioni delle Figlie di Maria Ausillatrice fent) , Tip. Salesiana 1906).
51 Para un estudio de los procesos de beatificación de don Bosco, cf. P. STELLA, Don Bosco III. Respeto a la fundación del Instituto, en el ámbito de los procesos de don Bosco y de la Madre Mazzarello, cf. M. Mumil, Madre Mazzarello. I1 significato del titolo di Confondatrice, Roma, LAS 1982.
"Cf. ISTITUTO FIGLIE DI MARIA AUSILIATRICE, Costituzioni e Regolamenti, Roma, Istituto FMA 1982.
DON BOSCO Y LA SOCIEDAD EDAD CIVIL,
Giuseppe BRACCO
La ocasión del Centenario ha sido estimulada, sin duda, la atención de los estudios sobre la historia de don Bosco. Pero, según la especialización (en mi caso, la economía), seguir con la figura de don Bosco. Mi residencia en el Turín ha sido para mí una ocasión afortunada para las fuentes originales de la documentación que queda de aquel período.
En esta ocasión, me gustaría exponer a los presentes, a las preguntas, a las preguntas, a los resultados, a los resultados. ¿Qué es esto? ¿Cuál es la mejor manera de leer y escribir? Entre 1840 y 1880.
Se ha visto nuevos documentos, pero sobre todo se ha visto como se ha abordado la historia económica de la Italia del siglo XIX.
Hace unos treinta años se puso de moda en Italia los estudios de historia económica, por desgracia con una corriente ideológica predominante, que se ha visto en la aplicación del materialismo histórico una verdad firmemente erigida a la que muchos acudieron, aunque sólo tiene el derecho de aceptar los resultados que Aquellos estudios dieron a conocer. Digo esto, porque la visión que se da en los tiempos del siglo XIX como una ciudad que vive el período preliminar al desarrollo industrial, parece hoy universalmente forzada. No se puede ya decir o escribir, como se ha hecho, que el pasado siglo XIX recuerda el Londres de la fase preindustrial, peor aún, el Londres de
Los primeros años de la revolución industrial. Desde entonces que no: basta que se refiere a la revolución industrial turinesa e italiana se considera mejorada en la década a caballo entre los dos siglos, el XIX y el)
Para más información sobre el tema tratado en esta comunicación, se puede ver: G. BRACCO (ed.), Torino y don Bosco, vol. I, Torino, Archivio Storico della dttá di Torino 1989 (nde).
Tratando de construir un cuadro, lo más objetivo posible, de esa reajidad, estudios italianos, estudios franceses, estudios ingleses, en una.
labra, estudiosos europeos se conviertan en la situación económica y social y también en Italia. Para decirlo en términos económicos, se ha entendido ya se ha observado en el lento desarrollo italiano se ha prestado una buena oferta de bienes y servicios, se ha dado en la realidad, se ha respondido a la demanda de bienes y servicios que se ha llevado a cabo en la sociedad italiana. Con esta premisa, se hace más fácil entender el cuadro social y civil del trabajo en el que trabaja don Bosco.
Era una ciudad que tenía un tejido muy abierto, muy desmenuzado en actividades productivas, no industriales, pero a veces las técnicas usadas eran las innovaciones que se conocían en el resto de Europa.
El papel de la capital, por otra parte, presentamos todavía un Turín con características diversas, porque, a pesar de todo, Turín era una ciudad de servicios más que una ciudad de producción. Se convierte en una ciudad de producción sobre todo al final del siglo.
Entonces, esta ciudad de servicios exigía una masa de hombres, mujeres y campesinos, que venía, con un espíritu, que aún no se había registrado, la costumbre de la edad moderna, cuando los pobres del campo, en los momentos de la atención, acudían a las grandes ciudades, porque allí estaba más probable es encontrar recursos para la propia vida, que nacer de la aplicación del viejo católico de la caridad como instrumento real para la redistribución de la renta. Por tanto, veníamos a Turín muchos pobres, hoy diríamos marginados, no tanto porque nos encontramos en las vías de cambio económico-productivo, sino porque Turín era en todo caso el centro en el que era posible aprovechar la oportunidad de sobrevivir.
¿Qué es la ciudad de Turín? La capital de un reino amplio, así como el alcalde en términos territoriales del contexto italiano (lo que se Saboya, Piamonte, Liguria, la zona de la Costa Azul actual, la parte marítima y Cerdeña) y por en condiciones de ejercer un reclamo sobre la población pobre de un vasto territorio.
El don Bosco que llega a un puerto de los valores que se da en la ciudad, que se da en Piamonte. Y estos valores en la relación con la sociedad civil los explicita todos en el curso de su acción. Estar presente en esta ciudad con los valores antiguos significará tener que enfrentarse con un Municipio que derive de los antiguos valores de los Ayuntamientos libres y, por tanto, con una autoridad ciudadana que afecte a toda la ciudad; Significar con el Gobierno del Estado, con la monarquía por tanto, el rey, los ministros y también con una determinada Iglesia. No me competir, desde luego, a mí hacer aquí la historia de la Iglesia, pero es una Iglesia que aparece muy en consonancia con una tradición que es el Estado, que tiene un cierto modo de situar, en los siglos anteriores y también en el XIX,
Un contradecirme, parece que los primeros actos, los primeros pasos que el don Bosco está en el acuerdo con el plan que -tiene toda la Iglesia de Turín. Un dato que me ha enseguida el aguacate, apenas me ha puesto una lectura entre los documentos de Don Bosco que están en los archivos comunales, es que Don Bosco no está nunca solo. Don Bosco actúa con un grupo de sacerdotes, que parecen todos orientados hacia un mismo objetivo, la intervención en el sector de la marginación y el malestar social, según los esquemas que son también antiguos.
Son los personajes que vienen hoy como recuerdo de la Iglesia del siglo XIX, de don Borel a Cafasso, Murialdo y otros otros. Si tenemos en cuenta este punto de vista las Memorias biográficas y se anotan sólo los nombres de todos los sacerdotes que pasaron por Valdocco trabajando con don Bosco, nos damos cuenta del fenómeno: don Bosco no está nunca solo solo; trabaja, permítaseme el término, con una multitud de sacerdotes que trabajan en la ciudad, según un plan que parece común. ¿Cuál es el plan estético?
Una carta que hemos encontrado - era desconocida, pero hoy ha circulado ya - de marzo del 46, dirigida por don Bosco a Michele di Cavour, en la que pide permiso para llevar a cabo su obra a Valdocco, en cuatro puntos fundamentales - autógrafos, en El sentido de que están firmes por Don Bosco.
El primer punto - escribe - es el amor al trabajo; el segundo, la frecuencia de los santos sacramentos; el tercero, importantísimo desde nuestro punto de vista actual, el respeto a toda superioridad; El cuarto, la fuga de los compañeros malos, una cosa que se puede leer también en términos de simple sociedad civil.
En una ciudad en la que hay mucho malestar; Donde hay autoridades muy presentes, hay una Iglesia que trabaja, la relación con las instituciones, la sociedad civil, se convierte en un instrumento ineludible, debe darse.
Es casi posible (él usó el término) seguir los pasos de don Bosco en sus movimientos por la ciudad. No hay prácticamente ningún acto fundamental. Cualquier construcción, desde la más sencilla, hasta el edificio más grande, desde la pequeña Capilla Pinardi hasta la gran Basílica de María Auxiliadora, se realiza siempre después de haber obtenido el permiso de la autoridad civil. También es siempre teniendo en cuenta a la sociedad civil. Precisamente la intervención con cada niño, por ejemplo, presentamos un modo de afrontar el problema tan moderno, como se hizo hoy, que me ha parecido excepcional.
Cuando el Ayuntamiento, la Prefectura, la Jefatura de la Policía del Gobierno, debían afrontar el caso de un muchacho, diríamos, en peligro o abandonado, como no tenía entonces, el estado de la palabra. que hoy definimos nosotros como IPAB, pedían a don Bosco que interviniese.
En el curso de las investigaciones emprendidas para la preparación de un estudio, promovido por la administración comunal de Turín, he tenido la suerte de encontrar cartas que considero muy hermoso, en un fondo del Archivo del Estado de Roma, en la respuesta de don Bosco a las peticiones para. Que se interesase por los muchachos. Estas cartas son pequeños proyectos para una actuación en la que se examina para el niño en sus cosas esenciales, se comunica a la autoridad civil, porque parece que don Bosco se ha dado cuenta de que el modo de actuar es, más que aceptado, reconocido por la autoridad civil. En este momento, don Bosco dice: «Mirad que debemos enviarlo primero a ese otro sitio; Cuando tengas la edad apropiada, lo aceptaré ». Examina a otro muchacho y escribe: «No tiene todavía instrucción. Lo enviamos a la escuela, después nos orientamos al trabajo, pero viendo e intentando comprender lo que es su inclinación personal ». O bien viene un muchacho que tiene problemas porque el padre ha tenido -co ver con la justicia, y hasta que ha sido ajusticiado, y don Bosco: «Atención, que poner un muchacho de este tipo con otros muchachos, puede suponer molestias sexuales ulteriores , porque los muchachos, en su malicia involuntaria, pueden perseguirlo, tomar el pelo, y por tanto no obtener el resultado de suprimir el malestar, sino de empeorarlo ».
Esta referencia continua es un elemento importante. Además de estos episodios que se convierten en personas y, por tanto, en algunas medidas, se amplían, se explican los hechos, se generalizan en las personas, se comportan y se precian en el diálogo con la sociedad. civil.
Me ha asombrado siempre, al leer la hagiografía tradicional de don Bosco, que para él todas las cosas eran difíciles. ¿Es posible? Y parece que casi todas las veces, para lograr algo bueno, tenía que suceder un hecho extemporáneo, por no decir de tipo casi ultraterreno. Hay siempre alguna intervención que te ayude a resolver. Cuando quiera hacer la Basílica de María Auxiliadora, los malvados del Aytmtamiehto no quieren que se dedique a María Auxiliadora; cuando quiere ir a Valdocco, Michele Cavour grita y así por el estilo. Es decir, cada cosa que tiene que ver con Don Bosco, parece ser la tradición que presenta como sumamente difícil. Luego llega el toque, el deus ex machina que resuelve el problema.
Me convenció de una cosa: don Bosco usa como método educativo, pedagógico, pero también como método concreto para construir la presencia de su obra en la sociedad civil, un instrumento que puede parecer feo, pero que tiene, en cambio, connotaciones hermosas por Las consecuencias que supone. En la comunidad en la que vives hay un proyecto, él quiere interesar a dos, se pasa la vida interesando a personas. Entonces dice: «Tenemos que todos,
Esto es una cosa difícil y falta para lograrla ». Todos los de la comunidad tienen que participar en ello. El que pueda hacer algo, debe hacerlo. Y en el caso limite de que alguien no pueda trabajar debe también (y perdóneseme el sólo) rezar. Pero tiene que interesarse, tiene que sudar. Esónloeste punto, con el interés de todos, salta el otro mecanismo, que es el de la solidaridad: todos juntos, uno para el otro, porque se trata de algo que está en consonancia con una fin. Este es un mecanismo que construye una comunidad que vive unida, que se beneficia de ello y que se encuentra elementos de impulso en los momentos en que después se obtiene el resultado.
Sí leemos las cartas de ese modo, vemos que hay un momento en el que Don Bosco tiene el permiso en el bolsillo para algunas cosas, que ha obtenido el permiso de quien tiene que dar, pero no lo dice seguro.
Nada Hay que conquistar cada cosa.
Desde ese punto de vista, él estudió, esta vez rozando la paranoia, los diversos actos de las loterías de don Bosco. Todas las loterías como un instrumento para obtener medios financieros, para construir, para hacer, para actuar. Leyendo esas cosas, él encuentra aspectos muy diferentes. Las loterías son uno de los instrumentos mayores para la sociedad civil en la obra de don Bosco. Don Bosco, cuando lanza una lotería, presenta una idea. Luego comienza a actuar para interesar a todos, que es una obra enorme, para recoger los regalos. El momento de la venta de papeletas es, sí, un momento de compromiso, pero sin duda menor que el compromiso que se ha establecido antes para formar la comisión promotora, reunir a los sostenedores y los donantes: son miles de personas. Y después, muy bien Habrá que hacer seguir el acto de la venta de papeletas, la realización de la tómbola y el sorteo, con ideas estupendas, como la lotería con premio único: se sortea; ¿Quién tiene el número ?; nadie lo tiene; Lo que tengo en Bosco y la cosa queda en casa.
La relación entre el joven sacerdote que va a Valdocco - «amor por el trabajo y el respeto por toda la superioridad» - se convierte en Un modelo que sigue para toda la vida.
La relación con las instituciones es un personaje que forma parte de la comunidad.
Él sabe que desempeña un cometido que las instituciones no son capaces de desempeñar y que él, en cambio, garantiza. Entonces esa es la dignidad se hace grande, pero no se puede descender después de las instituciones de toda la sociedad civil y el único instrumento, el verdadero instrumento es el interés, la implicación de solidaridad y que al final lleva a la construcción de la comunidad, que yo veo de todos los modos, y de la que habla con algunos aini. Gos esta mañana, en la gran familia salesiana de hoy.
La rapidez con que los proyectos salesianos, por ejemplo, parece un instrumento inventado por don Bosco. Esta mañana citamos el "correo salesiano", como un instrumento para el interés, que parece contrastar con las reglas de la sociedad civil, pero que interesa porque así está el servicio recíproco, según un plan que es global, para alcanzar los resultados que son comunes
Para terminar, digo que yo leo las Memorias biográficas ya casi como un monumento y un método pedagógico que como un verdadero documento de historia crítica y, probablemente, no tengamos que seguir el camino de la búsqueda de documentos fuera de las instituciones salesianas, porque son muchos y consienten los comportamientos. En las Memorias biográficas tenemos el instrumento que sirvió para el compromiso; Fuera tenemos, en cambio, los documentos que nos permiten captar la grandeza de las cosas que hicieron.
Muchas gracias por su atención.
DON BOSCO Y EL MUNDO DEL TRABAJO
Silvio TRAMONTIN
1. Un contexto complejo
Gian Mario Bravo en un rico volumen, a pesar de todo, sobre Torino operaia. Mondo del lavor e idee sociali nell'etá di Carlo Alberto, 'aporta con amplitud de ideas y actividades de conservadores y moderados sociales, radicales y reformadores sociales, el primer movimiento obrero y la sociedad de ayuda mutua, liquida en una paginita la obra de Giuseppe Conolengo y de Giovanni Bosco, que escribe de la caridad cristiana y el paternalismo. generalizarse a toda la sociedad ». Y prosigue: «[Sus] actividades estaban viciadas por la idea fundamental que movía a ambos, por la que quedo abandonado en las manos piadosas de una providencia divina ». Y agregó "que hubiera podido, de acuerdo con lo ocurrido", "Lo único que se puede hacer", "Lo único que se puede hacer". Una sopa, un local en que reunirse. De ese modo - concluye - seguimos extraños a los movimientos reales de las masas y las necesidades y los apoyos a las clases dominantes. estos últimos y preocupados sólo por procurarse algo que alimentar »? «No queremos negar el bien que hicieron estos dos sacerdotes y las instituciones que promovieron;
Cf. GM BRAVO, Torino operaia. Mondo del lavoro e idee sociali nell'eta di Carlo Alberto,
Torino 1968.
2 Ibíd., Pág. 152.
cautiva y enferma por constitución y sólo pudiese mejorar en algunas partes marginales: de ahí está su interés por el pueblo y sus hombres ».3
¿Qué es eso? ¿Qué es esto? ¿Qué hacer? ¿Qué hacer? amplios, llegando no sólo al campo de la asistencia, sino a muchos problemas relacionados con los procesos de modernización del país al día siguiente de la Unidad? Parece que no se puede ni siquiera afirmar que "lo que se refiere a la prehistoria patológica paleocapitalista". 6 y no han incidido en lo más mínimo en el curso de la historia sucesiva. Al contrarío, la Institución salesiana, como escribe un historiador laico, Bairati, se convierte en lugar de paso y de inculturación para los jóvenes que van del campo a la ciudad, de una sociedad que empieza a ser industrial y se orienta hacia la modernidad, un modelo de vida y una cultura que se basa en ritmos de comportamiento ligados al trabajo agrícola o paleoanalista, un modelo de vida y de cultura unido a ritmos y comportamientos más ordenados y estructurados »; ' Por lo que el modelo cultural salesiano, presentando algunas connotaciones que contraponen tajantemente a los tiempos en que nació y anche al Tocino liberale di Cavour y Gobetti, y al Torino operaia Gramsci, alla Torino del lavoro, della imprenditoria, della cultura ».
3 Ibid., Pág. 152.
4 Cf. M. GUASCO, Don Bosco nella storia religiosa del suo tempo, en: Don Bosco y le sfide della modernitá (Quaderno del Centro Studi «C. Trabucco», 11), Torino, Stabilimento Poli9rafico Editoriale «C. Fanton »1988, p. 4. El juicio está tomado de L. PAZZAGLIA, Apprendistato e istruzione
degli artigiani a Valdocco (1846-1886), en: F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella stella della cultura popolare, Torino, SEI 1987.
5 Cf. P. SCOPPOLA, Don Bosco nella storia civile, en: Don Bosco e le sfide, p. 20. A este propósito, recuérdese lo que dice el mismo Scoppola, en la conclusión de su conferencia: «Don Bosco appartiene a pieno titolo alla storia civile del nostro paese e di questo nostro travagliato mondo contemporaneo. Appartiene perció a tutta Tocino: alla Torino cristiana e cattolica, ma
6 Cf. S. QUINZIO. Domande sulla santitá. Don Bosco, Cafasso, Cottolengo, Torino, Gruppo Abele 1986, p. 88.
7 Cf. P. BAIRATI, Cultura salesiana y sociedad industrial, en: TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 338.
.8 Se hace así también moderno, no en el orden de las doctrinas sino en el de la organización, como por ejemplo, una fuerte función económica. , por una notable capacidad expansiva, y por una especial capacidad de mejorar y madurar a los individuos en el trabajo y en la conquista de un papel social, por lo que el mismo Bairati lo podría definir como un organizador extraordinario tayloriano del amor cristiano » .9
2. Concepción del trabajo en don Bosco
En este contexto - complejo si queremos, como un juicio de muchos es el personaje de don Bosco - tenemos que situar su concepción del trabajo y su acción en el mundo del trabajo. Su concepción primera y fundamental no es más útil que la Biblia, sino más bien inmediata y primaria: en sudore vultus tui vesceris pave. "El trabajo como medio para ganar con qué vivir, la fatiga el trabajo como el derecho del pecado". Y también el largo sueño de más de seis horas en la noche entre el 1 y el 2 de mayo de 1861 (cuando un misterioso personaje le muestra a los jóvenes que se perdía y el camino de salvación para sus muchachos con tres palabras) : labor, sudor, fervor, explicándole después: «Labor in assiduis operibus, sudor in poenitentiis continuis, fervor in orationibus ferventibus et perseverantibus», es decir,
Y cuando tuvo que interrumpir los estudios para acoplarse a las pretensiones de su hermanastro, volvió a las duras fatigas del campo. Peón en la granja Moglia, se levantaba al amanecer y trabajaba hasta la noche. Reemprendidos los estudios en Castelnuovo y en Chieri, ganamos la pensión y las matrículas trabajando en el criado y el preceptor, el camarero, el sastre, el mozo de cuadra. Trabajó también durante las vacaciones, como él mismo escribió más tarde: «Hacía husos, canillas, trompos, bochas o bolas en el torno, cosía zapatos; Izabajaba en hierro, en madera. Aún hoy no hay en mi casa de un escritorio, una mesa de comedor con algunas sillas que me recuerdan los muebles de esas vacaciones mías. Me dedico también a segar la hierba en los prados, una cosechar el trigo en el campo; un despampanar, un despabilar, un vendimiar, un hacer vino,
8 Cf. Ibid., P. 333.
9 Cf. Ibid., P. 355.
'O Sobre la complejidad del «personaje» don Bosco, cf. G. DACQUINO, Psicología de don Bosco, Tocino, SEI 1988.
"Gen 3,19, al que se podría añadir el v.17: in laboribus comedes ex ea (la tierra) diebus vitae tuae. Cf. también lo que don Bosco escribe en la Storia sacra (nueva edición corregida: Tocino 1855), 9-10. Y en el Primo piano di regolamento per the casa annessa all 'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales, cap. «Del lavoro», lea: «1 °) L'uomo, miei cari, é nato por lavorare. Adamo fu collocato nel paradiso terrestre affinché lo coltivasse. S. Paolo dice: es el tema de la manière chi non vuol lavorare. 2 °) Per lavoro s'intende l'adempimento dei doveri del proprio stia di studio di di art o 3 °) Ma ricordatevi o mediante lavor potete rendervi benemeriti della so-cica, della religione y lejos del bese all'anima vostra, especialmente se describe un Dio le vostre occupazioni [...].7 °) El texto es obligatorio y no se puede utilizar en el futuro (MB IV, 748 s.).
usted Cf. MB VI, 904. "Cf. MB XII, 598.
Ahora bien, aun teniendo en cuenta la abundancia de la prosa del Santo y un poco también su protagonismo, deberíamos decir que nunca dejó el trabajo. No sólo en aquel primer período de su vida, sino también después. Su trabajo podría ser ahora Dar vueltas por Turín en busca de muchachos abandonados, encontrar bienhechores, educar a sus hijos espirituales, pero nunca desder. El trabajo manual: poner un remiendo a un traje, arreglar una puerta, encuadernar un libro, ayudar a Los albañiles a poner ladrillos en la iglesia de María Auxiliadora.
El objetivo de este trabajo fue la fuente de los ingresos para mantenerlo en la vida, como la obra de la vida en el espíritu y, por último, como en la maduración para las futuras responsabilidades y la salvaguardia de la moralidad. "Pero no más.
"¿Qué es lo que sucedió?", "¿Qué es esto?". y las variedades de desarrollo, en la asociación de trabajo a la oración para la salvación del alma, "a la convicción de que el trabajo se convierte en la atención personal." No os recomiendo penitencias ni ayunos, sino trabajo, trabajo , trabajo, repetía frecuentemente a sus jóvenes ". Ciertamente si se entiende por laicidad (como se entendió el alcalde superior en su discurso de Milán) la importancia
"MO 95s.
M. PERRINI, Politice e imprenditorialita di don Bosco, en «Studium» (1988) 269-274, habla de una cultura comercial del trabajo, sintetizada en la expresión de don Bosco «chi non sa lavorare non é salesiano», y nota también en don Bosco una experiencia en el mundo moderno en el campo de la producción industrial, la investigación científica y tecnológica, la reserva de medios de comunicación y el lugar de trabajo para la clase de ópera ».
16 Cf. SCOPPOLA, Don Bosco nella storia titile, p. 11, en donde afirma que don Bosco anticipó, en los hechos y en la práctica, muchos elementos de aquella visión de la «laicidad» que el concilio Vaticano II ha hecho propia.
"Cf. D. VENERUSO, II metodo educativo de San Giovanni Bosco alía prova. Dai laboratori agli istituti professionali, en: BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 134.
18 Cf. MB X12, 598.
19 Cf. 1V18 IV, 216.
El ordenamiento temporal, la apertura organizativa, la competencia organizativa. Pero menos, me parece, cuando el mismo don Ver?) Afirma: «Don Bosco, en su modo concreto de actuar, demostró siempre -una sensibilidad especial hacia los muchos aspectos positivos de la laicidad peculiar del mundo del trabajo, que está en reconocer La deuda y el orden propio de la creación y el testimonio de la realeza que ejerce el hombre sobre el que se creó a través de su actividad ».2 ° Aquí don Bosco es casi como un anticipador de la teoría de las realidades terrenas. Y en esta línea parece estar también también Scoppola cuando escribe: «Sí, la verdad es que para ti las cosas son, es decir, tienen un valor propio, según una bella definición del teólogo Congar, Ahora tenemos que decir que don Bosco anticipó con los hechos y la práctica muchos elementos del aprecio de la laicidad que el Concilio Vaticano II hizo sus propios esfuerzos »21 Y menos aún nos parece que se puede aceptar la recomendación de Pietro Prini de que el método de don Bosco anticipó las intuiciones del humanismo personalista de nuestro siglo. Para obtener información sobre el concepto del trabajo, el don Bosco y sus ideas, las ideas son mejores, nos gusta compararlas con un discurso del 21 de mayo de 1862 de un sacerdote liberalizante, Giacomo Zanella, con la ocasión de la cesión de una iglesia a una sociedad de ayuda mutua de obreros. «La condición natural del hombre afirma - es ganarse el pan con el trabajo». Pero le dije que ese trabajo está ennoblecido para el trabajo manual de Jesús y ve en el trabajo la continuación de la creación. «Trabajar es nuestra misión en la tierra. Cuando Dios creó el mundo y se acomodó a nuestras necesidades, se reservó la parte principal de la tarea, pero se confirmó el resto a la acción del hombre: como noble artista que, una vez realizado un diseño con su mano, deja que los alumnos le Pongan los colores [...]. El mismo modo que sin Dios el mundo no subsiste, ni el subsistente ni la vida sin el hombre. El primero en la materia y las fuerzas; El segundo pone su trabajo y se adapta a sus necesidades. Dios empieza y el hombre continúa [...]. El obrero es el verdadero conquistador del mundo;
20 El discurso del Rector mayor, don E.Viganó, ha sido publicado en el número especial, dedicado a la figura de don Bosco en «Rassegna CNOS» 4 (1988) 5-13, de forma algo diversa respecto al ciclostilado en que aparece Por primera vez.
21 SCOPPOLA, Don Bosco nella storia civile, pág. 11. Sigue diciendo: «11 cosiddetto" metodo preventivo "- ma l'espressione oggi pul) prestará ad equívoco - se aplicará a un valor de prueba de la calidad positiva del gioventú esprime». Pero todo esto parece demasiado poco para poder hablar de «laicidad» en don Bosco.
22 Cf. P. PIUNI, en la presentación del ensayo de S. PALUMBIERI, Don Bosco e l'uomo, Torino, Gribaudi 1987.
'G. ZANELLA, Religione e lavoro, en: Le auspicatissime nozze Scola-Patella, Vicenza 1863, p. 32-33. Cf. también el reciente ensayo de P. MARANGON, Cristianesimo sociale and questione operaia
No hace falta ver y ver las anticipaciones filosóficas o teológicas para el futuro. Es suficiente lo que pensamos en la realidad, según los juicios de su tiempo, con un cierto pragmatismo que podría ser adecuado para el presente y prepararse para esperar el futuro. Es suficiente anunciar que tenía un concepto y una estimación del trabajo en el sentido de una entrega personal y una actividad cargada de espíritu de sacrificio, pero también de inventiva. Lo he observado bien un psicólogo, Gíacomo Dacquíno, haciendo ver que don Bosco animaba a sus colaboradores a la versatilidad en el trabajo: «Tenemos que estar dispuestos a subir al púlpito o ir a la iglesia; a dar clase oa barrer; una cátedra audaz o rezar en la iglesia o asistir a un patio; a estudiar tranquilamente en la habitación o con los jóvenes de excursión; Un mandar o obedecer ». 24 Era la noche del 20 de enero y él lo hizo desde que había empezado. El, que había sido prestidigitador, acróbata, sastre, carpintero, músico, escritor, encuadernador, sacerdote. Y así se hicieron los coadjutores, los clérigos, los sacerdotes de Valdocco.
Lo que se entiende, se realiza, se expresa la propia personalidad. Hay una diferencia entre trabajar para producir y trabajar para el amor, entre un trabajo que acaba de nacer en la sociedad de consumo (y, por tanto, fin en sí mismo) y un trabajo en el servicio del hombre y, por el contrario, la expresión de la caridad. «La primera caridad», diría don Cusmano, el don Bosco siciliano.25
Otro aspecto en el que no se ve que no tiene que hacer un propósito que tenía don Bosco del trabajo es el aprecio que tenía el trabajo manual y el trabajo intelectual; por lo que en sus casas acogía, en los comienzos también físicamente juntos, a estudiantes y artesanos. No tenía que tener una diferencia esencial entre el valor y la dignidad por tanto, sino también por el hecho de complementariedad: en efecto, estaba convencido de que el trabajo manual y el intelectual eran recíprocamente correlativos para la formación de una personalidad completa; Lo que hace falta en una cultura, aunque sea sencilla, también en los artesanos y en los estudiantes. Y esta sí que nos parece una verdadera anticipación.
Nel pensiero di Giacomo Zanella y Antonio Fogazzaro, en «Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia» (1988) 111-130. Nótese también lo que afirma Zanella en la p. 58: «L'uomo ha fi diritto al lavoro perché sen7a lavoro non avrebbe la vita di ogni giorno. ». ¿Por qué? Pero nos parece que esta cita y los precedentes no superen la pura concepción del «paternalismo social» que Marangon atribuye a Zanella.
24 MB VII, 47.
25 Cf. G. DACQUINO, Psicología de don Bosco, p. 155. «11 lavoro é la prima carita» solía repetir el beato Giacomo Cusmano, don Bosco siciliano, y pensamos que la misma idea podría ser compartida por el mismo don Bosco (aunque, quizás, no fue nunca pronunciada), teniendo en cuenta sus iniciativas y escritos. Acerca de Cusmano y de su obra social, cf. MT FALZONE, Giacomo Cusmano. Poveri, Chiesa y societá nella Sicilia dell'ottocento (1834-1871), Palermo 1986. Acerca de análogas sobre palermitanas: MT FALZONE, Carita y assistenza nella Chiesa palermitana dell'Ottocento en «Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia» (1988) 70-110.
3. Tipos de trabajo
. Efectivamente, en 1855 en el centenar de jóvenes hospedados en Valdocco, los estudiantes representaron un 49,40%, los artesanos un 37,34%; mientras que en 1891, tres años después de la muerte de don Bosco, se alojan entre Valdocco, Porta Nuova y Valsalice 800 artesanos, 200 empleados en la imprenta y 400 estudiantes.26 Se han cumplido con los requisitos de los tiempos que han ocurrido. una mayor atención hacia el trabajo manual, así como el regreso de los seminarios diocesanos a sus respectivos seminarios.
Pienso, sin embargo, que se debe valorar el concepto de don Bosco sobre el trabajo y su desarrollo en el tiempo a partir del Oratorio. Es una observación que juzga fundamental y que no siempre veo respetada. El oratorio es, en el efecto, el punto de partida y los radios se mantiene en adelante el punto de encuentro, de coordinación, de nuevas actividades. Es el mismo don Bosco quien nos lo indica. En un folleto impreso en 1862, Invitado ad una lotteria d'oggetti in Torino a favore degli Oratori, observaba lo siguiente: «En Turín, desde hace varios años, se abrieron tres oratorios para muchachos en los barrios principales de la ciudad, 27 en La mayor cantidad posible de jóvenescitos en peligro. Se les entretiene allí con honesto y agradable. con un poco de gimnasia y con clases. Un notable número de atentos señores acuden en respuesta solícita a nuestro servicio prestado su servicio de catequesis, vigilando el cumplimiento de su deber en los distintos talleres, y buscándoles trabajo, si están en paro., Con honrados patrones. En el Oratorio de San Luis y en San Francisco de Sales hay clases de información para los jóvenes, la pobreza de sus vestidos o por su indisciplina, no se admiten en las escuelas públicas. Además de la instrucción religiosa, las clases de lectura, los principios de aritmética, el sistema métrico, la gramática italiana y otras materias. Pero entre estos jóvenes se encuentran algunos de los pobres y los abandonados, que no podrían dedicarse a ningún oficio si no les da cobijo, alimento y vestidos. A estas necesidades en la casa aneja al Oratorio de San Francisco de Sales. Allí también se dan clases nocturnas, además de trabajo en talleres y conocimientos elementales a los artesanos, así como canto gregoriano, música vocal e instrumental. Estas clases son tanto para los externos como para los internos. Además, como la divina Providencia dota a muchos jóvenes de ingenio no común, se trata de medios para progresar en los estudios, se abre el acceso a esa casa, se paga la pensión como parte pagana o no pagana nada Con tal de que tengan capacidad y buena conducta. Estos son algunos de los temas de la escuela, otros se dedican al comercio y los que tienen vocación se orientan al estado eclesiástico ».28 ' Además de trabajo en talleres y conocimientos elementales a los artesanos, así como canto gregoriano, música vocal e instrumental. Estas clases son tanto para los externos como para los internos. Además, como la divina Providencia dota a muchos jóvenes de ingenio no común, se trata de medios para progresar en los estudios, se abre el acceso a esa casa, se paga la pensión como parte pagana o no pagana nada Con tal de que tengan capacidad y buena conducta. Estos son algunos de los temas de la escuela, otros se dedican al comercio y los que tienen vocación se orientan al estado eclesiástico ».28 ' Además de trabajo en talleres y conocimientos elementales a los artesanos, así como canto gregoriano, música vocal e instrumental. Estas clases son tanto para los externos como para los internos. Además, como la divina Providencia dota a muchos jóvenes de ingenio no común, se trata de medios para progresar en los estudios, se abre el acceso a esa casa, se paga la pensión como parte pagana o no pagana nada Con tal de que tengan capacidad y buena conducta. Estos son algunos de los temas de la escuela, otros se dedican al comercio y los que tienen vocación se orientan al estado eclesiástico ».28 ' como la divina Providencia dota a muchos jóvenes de ingenio no común, se trata de medios para progresar en los estudios, se abre el acceso a esa casa, se puede pagar la pensión como una parte pagana o no pagana nada, con Tal que tengas capacidad y buena conducta. Estos son algunos de los temas de la escuela, otros se dedican al comercio y los que tienen vocación se orientan al estado eclesiástico ».28 ' como la divina Providencia dota a muchos jóvenes de ingenio no común, se trata de medios para progresar en los estudios, se abre el acceso a esa casa, se puede pagar la pensión como una parte pagana o no pagana nada, con Tal que tengas capacidad y buena conducta. Estos son algunos de los temas de la escuela, otros se dedican al comercio y los que tienen vocación se orientan al estado eclesiástico ».28 '
26 Los datos están tomados de P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economice sociale (18151870), Roma, LAS 1980, p. 180.612.
27 Se trata de los de San Luis en Porta Nuova, de San Francisco de Sales en Valdocco, del Ángel Custodio en Vanchiglia.
Cuando don Bosco redacta esta invitación, en 1862, la organización está casi completa (nos ha echado a andar también la imprenta) y nos encontramos en las etapas finales, pero como se puede ver - siguen siendo los tres orosHos el centro de todo.
4. Iniciativas para el mundo del trabajo
. Desde 1840 a 1850, en efecto, los tres oratorios regidos y por don Bosco (el de Vanchiglia, abandonado en 1849 por don Cocchi, el de Valdocco, alquilado en 1847 igual que el de Porta Nuova) seguimos siendo los oratorios tradicionales, con La excepción de los diez jóvenes hospedados en la casa de Pinardi. Los otros seis o setecientos solían ir al Oratorio por la tarde (y para ellos tenían una escuela nocturna en el que aprendieron los primeros elementos de lectura, escritura, cuentas, un poco de dibujo, canto y música) y el domingo con la escuela festiva Las prácticas de piedad y un honesto recreo.
4.1. Las primeras iniciativas
en este período La preocupación principal de don Bosco es la colocación en el trabajo con el honrado patrón a sus muchachos, estipular por ellos un justo contrato, ir a visitarlos en los talleres, en los servicios de trabajo, en los andamios de las casas en la construcción, suscitando una mejor perplejidad por parte de un representante del clero de entonces, que no se considera una actividad apostólica que mezclar en el mundo del trabajo como él don Bosco.
Colocarlos con los patrones de sangre y los cristianos, donde el ambiente no está relacionado con la inmortalidad o la situación de la cárcel. Especialmente con los aprendices.
En el archivo de la Congregación se conservan dos contratos de "aprendizaje", respectivamente, noviembre de 1851 y febrero de 1852, firmadOs por el patrón, por el joven aprendiz, por su padre y por don Bosco.
28 Elenco de inglés y de los Estados Unidos en beneficio de los oradores de S. Francesco di Sales en Valdocco, de S. Luigi a Porta Nuova y dell'Angelo Custode en Vanchiglia, Torino 1862, pág. 1-3, tomado de BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 29-30.
En ellos, el patrón se obliga a enseñar al joven el arte, a darle las instrucciones necesarias y las mejores reglas, a corregirlo amablemente y no con golpes en caso de alguna falta, a excluir cualquier servicio extraño a la profesión, a dejarle libre por entero todos los días festivos del año, a darle una paga semanal conveniente, con aumentos semestrales, a tratarlo como padre y no como amo. Por su parte, el joven aprendiz se obliga a ser siempre atento, puntual y asiduo, dócil, respetuoso y obediente, a reparar los daños que tal vez ocasionase. La duración del contrato se fija en dos o tres años.29
Don Bosco — observa Dacquino — se empeñaba en lo que hoy se llamaría normativa, pero sin carnés de sindicato y sin una base a las espaldas que le consintiese hacer huelga. Y aunque no fuese el inventor de los contratos de trabajo (parece que ya los hacía la «Opera della Mendicitá Istruita»)," sin embargo, se puede también afirmar — con Dacquino — que don Bosco fue el primer sindicalista italiano verdadero, como defensor de los trabajadores y del trabajo." Se trata probablemente de otra de esas afirmaciones exageradas que han brotado en esta época de celebraciones, pero ciertamente la de don Bosco es una época en la que el joven aprendiz estaba indefenso, a merced del amo, bajo la continua amenaza del despido, explotado según las leyes de la libre demanda. Llegar a la estipulación de contratos que garantizasen a los muchachos sus derechos era, sin más, una conquista. Además, en julio de 1850 fundó una Societá di mutuo soccorso, en la que reunió a los jóvenes obreros que iban al Oratorio. Cada socio pagaba un soldo cada domingo. y recibía, seis meses después de la inscripción, una ayuda de 50 céntimos al día en caso de enfermedad o de paro. La caja se alimentaba también con libres aportaciones de bienhechores, uso común en las sociedades de mutua ayuda de entonces, pero las cuotas de los socios les habituaban al ahorro y les educaban en la solidaridad."
29 El contrato de aprendizaje del oficio de carpintero, estipulado, el 8 de febrero 1852, entre el patrono, Giuseppe Bertolino, el joven aprendiz, Giuseppe Odasso, el padre de éste y don Bosco aparece reproducido también en el apéndice del discurso de don Viganó (no el impreso, sino el fotocopiado).
'° Acerca de la «Opera della Mendicitá Istruita» (en la que Guala y Cafasso invitaban a trabajar a los jóvenes sacerdotes del «Convitto ecdesiatico»), iniciada hacia 1770, de clara inspiración jesuítica, y en la que también don Bosco se inspiró al poner en marcha sus iniciativas (asistencia a los muchachos abandonados, clases de catecismo, escuelas diarias y nocturnas, hospicios...), cf.
STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 61-66.
n Cf. DACQUINO, Psicologia di don Bosco, p. 194. Hemos creído necesario utilizar esta obra, a pesar de las reservas que hay que hacer sobre el enfoque general y sobre algunos puntos particulares de la misma.
" Cf. Societá di mutuo soccorso di alcuni individui della congregazione di San Luigi eretta nell'Oratorio di San Francesco di Sales, Torino 1850. «II primo Giugno cominció la Societá di mutuo soccorso di cui veggansi gli statuti nel libro stampato» se dice, en el año 1850, en el Principio dell'attuale oratorio di Valdocco e suo ingrandimento fino al presente (BRAM, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 57). En realidad — como advierte el mismo Braido — aquélla había comenzado algunos meses antes.
Tambien aquí debemos ver en don Bosco a un precursor social, que intuyó las largas líneas de la historia hasta el punto de que anticipó las mutualidades, la indemnización por infortunio, y hasta la caja de compensación33 ¿O, más bien, un hombre atento a las iniciativas que estaban apareciendo34 y dispuesto a aplicarlas en beneficio de sus muchachos?
4.2. Segunda fase
Esto, en la primera fase de su inserción, aún exterior en un cierto sentido, en el mundo del trabajo. Pero después, a partir de 1850, comienza una segunda fase. De una asistencia genérica y de la colocación, se pasa a la institución de los talleres. He aquí cómo cuenta el hecho con sencillez Pietro Enria, que iba a ser después uno de los primeros coadjutores salesianos: «D. Bosco, al ver el peligro que tenían sus jóvenes continuamente en los talleres de Turín, fue fraguando poco a poco la idea de establecer talleres en su-misma casa y comenzó con el de sastrería y zapatería, después el de carpintería y a continuación con todos los talleres que existen todavía; y esto lo hizo únicamente para sustraer del peligro a sus queridos jóvenes, a los que quería más que a sí mismo ».35
Así, en 1853, habían surgido en casa los talleres de zapatería y sastrería; en 1854 el de encuadernación; en 1855 el de carpintería; en 1861 la tipografía; en 1862 el de herrería. Como resulta del testimonio citado, los primeros talleres tenían el objetivo principal de sustraer a los jóvenes de los talleres en que se oían conversaciones inmorales, anticlericales y blasfemias. Su estructura era todavía la preindustrial: jefes de taller, obreros y aprendices juntos. Se piensa en ellos no como propias y verdaderas escuelas de artesanía, capaces de producir objetos terminados y rentables, sino destinados sobre todo a las necesidades de los mismos internos, aunque también a la venta.
Había una gran diferencia y era que, mientras que en los talleres artesanales las ganancias eran de los amos, en los del Oratorio iban en beneficio de los mismos artesanos, cuando no tenían necesidad de ser atendidos con las rentas de los estudiantes.36
33 Estas afirmacione son de DACQUINO, Psicologia di don Bosco, p. 192.
34 Acerca del nacimiento y del desarrollo de la «Societá di mutuo soccorso», cf. F. FRANCON', Le prime lotte operaie nell'Italia unita, en: L'economia italiana dal 1861 al 1961. Studi nel 1° centenario dell'Unitá d'Italia, Milano 1961; E.R. PAPA, Origini delle societa operaie, Milano 1967; A. CHERUBINI, Dottrine e metodi assistenziali dal 1789 al 1848: Italia - Francia - Inghilterra, Milano 1958; A. CHERUBINI, Stork della previdenza sociale in Italia (1860-1960), Roma 1977, p. 3670; Stato e Chiesa di fronte al problema dell'assistenza, Roma 1982.
39 La narración está recogida en: STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 505. Se transcriben las 24 paginitas del Promemoria de Enria.
36 Cf. F. RIZZINI, Don Bosco e la formazione professionale. Dall'esperienza alfa codificazione, en el número especial de mayo 1988 del CNOS: Don Bosco e la formazione professionale, p. 15-56.
Su proyecto no reviste, pues, todavía las dimensiones y los requisitos de una verdadera y cabal escuela profesional y sigue inspirándose en la idea de un aprendizaje. Pero aun así se tiene un desarrollo y una transformación de la realidad tradicional del Oratorio. Éste se convierte en algo nuevo, se inserta, a su modo, en el mundo del trabajo y de la producción, evitando el peligro de la despersonalización y de la explotación. Los oratorios no son, de este modo, almacén de trabajo, talleres artesanos o algo parecido a la industria naciente, sino una unión de trabajadores en beneficio propio, aunque esto aumenta las dificultades por la crisis de competencia en el mercado del trabajo, con la consiguiente dificultad de colocar los productos y de hacerlo a precios competitivos.
Pero esta segunda fase de inserción en el mundo del trabajo pedía que don Bosco concibiese nuevas figuras. Los jefes de taller, en efecto, no siempre eran seguros, a veces dejaban su tarea sin previo aviso. Era preferible entonces que los más instruidos entre los aprendices enseñasen a los otros, aunque esto suponía perjuicio para realizar los trabajos pedidos. Fue entonces cuando maduró en don Bosco la idea del coadjutor. También en este caso al principio como ha observado Stella37 — se designaba con este nombre a partir de 1854 (año en el que uno de 39 ingresados se clasificaba como tal) a los seglares jóvenes o menos jóvenes que coadyuvaban en casa en los trabajos domésticos o en los de los talleres. Eran, por tanto, personas empleadas en arreglos de la casa, barrían, servían en las comidas o ayudaban a los maestros de taller en los mejores casos. Más adelante, no obstante, se diferenciarían los coadjutores salesianos, con votos o sin votos, que se convertirían en maestros de taller, no sólo con una continuidad de dirección, muy deseable, sino garantizando una asistencia mayor y preparando el camino para la constitución de auténticas escuelas profesionales.38 Aun así, a pesar de la forma en que se concibieron los talleres inicialmente y, en cierto sentido, forzosamente, fueron una gran ayuda. Libraban a los muchachos de los peligros morales del aprendizaje junto a patronos indiferentes en moralidad, les ayudaban moral y materialmente, creaban amistades y colaboraciones y orientaban a algunos de ellos a la vida religiosa como coadjutores.39
39 Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 180 y el ensayo de F. Rrzzím, II salesiano coadiutore e la formazione professionale, en el número cit. del CNOS, 87-97.
" CE P. STELLA, Cattolicesimo in Italia e laicato nelle congregazioni religiose. Il caso dei coadiutori salesiani (1854-1974), en «Salesianum» (1975) 411-445.
39 Acerca del desarrollo de los primeros talleres, cf. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 123-199. Sobre las analogías con los patronatos venecianos, que se quedaron, sin em
• bargo, en este primer período, cf. S. TRAMONTIN, Gli Oratori di don Bosco e i Patronati veneziani, en: BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 117-132.
4.3. Hacia la escuela profesional
Sólo más adelante (y Veneruso sitúa este giro hacia 1876, viéndolo por primera vez en el instituto de Sampierdarena,4° pero puede ser que sea por un cierto orgullo de patria chica, porque transformaciones análogas se verifican en aquellos años en otros institutos salesianos incluido el de Valdocco), los talleres artesanales se orientaron, en cierta medida, hacia verdaderas escuelas de formación profesional. La fórmula del taller, que había durado a lo largo de tantos años, no era ya plenamente satisfactoria ante las exigencias de los tiempos, que pedían más especialización y una formación más completa. El mercado había pedido hasta entonces el mismo tipo de vestido, de zapatos, de impresos: productos siempre iguales a sí mismos que no exigían del artesano ni mucho empeño ni mucho tiempo ni puesta al día. Ahora bien, la justificación nueva del producto artesanal no estaba en la inmobilidad, sino en el cambio. Al cambio en el modo de producir debía corresponder un cambio en el modo de aprender el oficio. Hacía falta un empeño metódico de años, en el que el estudio se uniese al trabajo y el proyecto y la capacidad de ponerse al día caminasen al mismo ritmo que la adquisición y perfeccionamiento de la habilidad manual. Hacía falta, pues, pasar de la fórmula del taller a la del instituto profesional. Don Bosco entendió todo esto y las deliberaciones del tercero y cuarto capítulo general't y el Indirizzo da darsi alla parte operaia nelle case salesiane42 fueron la norma fundamental de las futuras escuelas profesionales; que sus sucesores organizaron y multiplicaron. También en este caso, pues, hay que rectificar el juicio de Quinzio, según el cual «las escuelas profesionales y los «artigianelli» pertenecen a la patética prehistoria neocapitalista».43 Si esto es verdad, en efecto, para el primer período de puesta en marcha y de funcionamiento de las primeras escuelas artesanales, no lo es ya después de 1880 cuando se formaron auténticas escuelas profesionales, destinadas a ofrecer, entre otros destinos, centenares de obreros a la Lane Rossi de Schio y a la FIAT de Turín. Es el mismo Alessandro Rossi quien promueve la ida de los salesianos a Schio (1901); aquel Alessandro Rossi que había tenido ocasión de encontrarse con don Bosco en Turín, que había tenido también la oportunidad de intercambiar ideas con el senador Giovanni Agnelli.44 Este último, en 1929, con ocasión de las manifestaciones por la beatificación de don Bosco en Turín, dirá al recibir .a las autoridades religiosas y civiles en la FIAT: «Los discípulos, los seguidores del Beato don Bosco, de este gran piamontés al que venera hoy especialmente y festeja Turín, sentirán que aquí late un ritmo de vida que no habría desagradado al Beato, que fue un héroe sublime de la caridad cristiana y, al mismo tiempo, un ardoroso apóstol del trabajo humano, un creador excepcional de empresas y talleres >>.45 Y habría que observar también que la proliferación de talleres y la institución de las escuelas profesionales se realizó al mismo tiempo que el aumento de los cooperadores salesianos, al aumentar la necesidad de ayudas económicas, morales y personales 46
40 Cf. D. VENERUSO, II metodo educativo, p. 138-140.
41 Cf. Deliberazioni del terzo e quarto capitolo generale della Pia Societá salesiana, S. Benigno Canavese 1887, p. 18-22.
42 L'indirizzo da darsi se recuerda en: VENERUSO, II metodo educativo, p. 141. Cf. además: MB XVIII, 700-702. Es también significativo — como ha observado Pazzaglia — que, muy probablemente, don Bosco haya hablado de «scuola professionale» sólo en una carta de 1880 (cf. PAZZAGUA, Apprendistato, p. 43). Por otra parte, todavía el 7 de octubre 1879, el ministro de agricultura, industria y comercio, Benedetto Cairoli, pedía a las autoridades periféricas que favorecieran la creación de escuelas de artes y oficios, centrándose en las escuelas dominicales y nocturnas que presentaban la ventaja de horarios cómodos, y no las escudas diurnas, que servían para formar obreros preparados y responsables de otros obreros.
47 QUINZIO, Domande sulla santitá, p. 88.
Don Bosco no fue sólo, sin embargo, un sacerdote que acogía a muchachos abandonados para encaminarlos hacia el trabajo, un fundador de talleres artesanales primero y después de verdaderas escuelas profesionales. Entró más directamente en el campo del trabajo en calidad de empresario con el establecimiento y, sobre todo, el notable desarrollo de la tipografía.
4.4. Iniciativas editoriales
El santo piamontés había entendido, como sus contemporáneos más sagaces en el clima de la Restauración, la importancia de la prensa. Recuérdese, por otra parte, que uno de los objetivos principales de las «Amicizie Cattoliche» surgidas en 1811 por iniciativa de don Pio Brunone Lanteri, que aceptó la herencia de las «Amicizie Cristiane» del padre Diessbach, fue la difusión gratuita de buenos libros.47
El primer libro de don Bosco, publicado por los tipógrafos Speirani y Ferrero en 1844, fue Cenni storici sulla vita del chierico Luigi Comollo, del que se imprimieron 3.000 ejemplares (cifra notable entonces), vendido al módico precio de 30 céntimos para facilitar su difusión. Fue el primero de una larga serie de publicaciones, de libros de devoción (11 Giovane provveduto, que será un clásico entre los libros de devoción y que tuvo varias reimpresiones con una primera tirada [1847] de 10.000 ejemplares), de libros escolares (entre ellos la Storia ecclesiastica y la Storia sacra, tal vez una de las más conocidas, a las que se añadió la Storia d'Italia), de periódicos como «L'amico della Gioventú», iniciado en 1846, impreso por Marietti, pero que duró muy poco, las «Letture
44 «Dare questo benvenuto mi é tanto caro — dirá il senatore Agnelli — in quanto ricordo di ayer conosciuto personalmente don Bosco e la sua immagine illuminante parla sempre al mio spirito».
El discurso es citado por BAIRATI, Cultura salesiana, p. 347.
" Acerca de los cooperadores salesianos, cf. Cooperatori salesiani, ossia un modo pratico per giovare al buon costume ed alla civile societá, Sampierdarena 1877; Don Bosco e le sue opere. La casa di Sampierdarena, Sampierdarena 1923, p. 21-22.
" Cf. C. BONA, Le Amicizie. Societá segrete e rinascita religiosa (1770-1830), Torino 1962.
Cattoliche», que comenzaron en 1853 con periodicidad mensual con teernvaas. «religiosos» o «amenos», cuyos primeros fascículos hubieron de reimprimi— se, dada la favorable acogida que tuvieron.
Para todas estas múltiples iniciativas editoriales, don Bosco se valió d nos impresores turineses, entre los que estaban Paravia, Marietti, De Agostini. Pero ya entre 1853 y 1855, con Rosmini, había ideado fundar una tipografía propia, también para actuar con mayor libertad y obtener mayores ganancias. El 26 de octubre de 1861 se dirigió al gobernador de la provincia de Turín, conde Giuseppe Pasolini, para poder abrir en la casa del Oratorio una tipografía, que se abrió efectivamente en 1862. Las «Letture Cattoliche», afianzadas ya, podían asegurar trabajo. En el aspecto legal, rescindido el contrato con Paravia,48 don Bosco se convirtió así en el dueño de una tipografía; y en el social, en un empresario que invertía el propio capital con fines filantrópicos.
La tipografía se convirtió muy pronto en el centro propulsor de los talleres de Valdocco y el más conocido de todos. Don Bosco invirtió un capital notable para mejorar la maquinaria, montar una encuadernación, comprar una fábrica de papel, abrir una librería (en esta actividad estaban ocupados, en 1891, 200 obreros, la mayor parte jóvenes del Oratorio y esto nos puede dar idea del desarrollo tomado por la iniciativa), estar en la vanguardia del progreso, como él mismo decía, despertando envidias y celos en los otros tipógrafos de la ciudad y superando crisis difíciles y demostrando con todo ello que era un hombre de temperamento emprendedor.°
Pero a este propósito hay que repetir una observación de Pietro Stella: «Entre el modo antiguo de establecer relaciones de trabajo entre el patrón y los aprendices y el nuevo modelo de escuela técnica prevista en la ley orgánica sobre la instrucción, don Bosco prefirió ir por su tercera vía: es decir, la de los grandes talleres de su propiedad, cuyo ciclo de producción, de nivel popular y escolar, era también un útil ejercicio para los jóvenes aprendices»." Aunque después, como hemos visto, no descartará la de las verdaderas escuelas profesionales.
Alma de todo seguía siendo, sin embargo, el amor hacia sus jóvenes y por este amor cristiano se convirtió, en todas las formas que hemos reseñado, en un extraordinario organizador taylorista."
48 Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economice, p. 366-368.
49 Sobre el funcionamiento de la tipografía, cf. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economice, p. 351-369, y el ensayo de F. RIZZINI, Don Bosco tipografo ed editore, en el citado número especial del CNOS, p. 57-85.
50 STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economice, p. 248.
51 La expresión es de BAIRATI, Cultura salesiana, p. 355. Nos parecen importantes los juicios del mismo autor, que escribe: «Il modelo culturale salesiano é particolarmente interessante sotto profilo dei rapporti tra religione e societá, tra cultura ed economia. Nel caso dei salesiani tali rapporti non si configurano affatto come compromessi ideologici inevitabilmente effimeri, come ardite ma sterili mediazioni dottrinali, come spregiudicati ma labili patteggiamenti politici. L'intransigenza salesiana é totale. La socialitá di don Bosco e dei salesiani non é il frutto di un inquiy descanso arece que deben tratarse otros dos aspectos, no marginales, cuando demuestran que el centro de la vida salesiana seguía siendo el Oratorio, es decir, la relación trabajo-descanso (o mejor, recreo) y la otra de trabajo-oración. Ahora bien: aparte el descanso festivo, no sólo, evidentemente, respetado en sus talleres, en la tipografía y en las escuelas profesionales, sino exigido también en tratos de colocación en el trabajo estipulados por él a favor de sus muchachó" y los numerosos testimonios a propósito, querían que todos tuviesen una sana diversión. Don Felice Reviglio, en el proceso en Turín de su beatificación, afirmó: «En un patio bastante amplio que rodeaba la pequeña capilla se reunían los días de fiesta cerca de quinientos jóvenes. El había preparado varios juegos e instrumentos de gimnasia para entretenerlos alegrde e-mente, como petancas, tejos, zancos, muletas, paralelas, potros y en la fiesta San Luís y de San Francisco de Sales, carreras de sacos, rotura de ollas, rompecuellos (se llamaba así este juego porque consistía en un plano inclinado untado con mucho jabón, pero que no suponía peligro de ninguna clase, y daba un premio al que llegaba a la cima) ».53 En las horas de recreo era el mismo don Bosco el que animaba a los chicos a jugar porque había intuido que la dimensión lúdica del ser humano es muy importante en el equilibrio psíquico y en la vida de relación.54 Utilizó el juego para encontrarse con los muchachos, no sólo porque había entendido que «el patio atrae más la que la iglesia», síno también porque la actividad lúdica sublima la agresividad, ya que implica aceptación y el respeto a normas, compromete a portarse bien con los demás, a salir del propio egoísmo. «Nosotros, en vez de castigos, tenemos la asistencia y el juego», respondió una vez don Bosco a un periodista que había advertido el clima sereno que reinaba en el Oratorio." Excluía los juegos sedentarios «por la razón de que nunca responden a la necesidad que tiene el muchacho de movimiento y de desahogo. Por eso no quiso nunca que en los patios de renamento progressista o populista della dottrina cattolica (e non dimentichiamo — vorremmo aggiungere — che una domina sociale cristiana non era ancor nata o almeno ufficializzata). La modernitá non é un dato ideologico od un opportunts' tico rimaneggiamento devoto al valori laici. Il modelo culturale salesiano riesce ad essere sociale e moderno non sul terreno della domina, come giustamente sottolinea Burzio, ma in quanto coincide con un'organizzazione, un assetto tradizionale di tipo nuovo, caratterizzato da una forte autoritá economica, da una notevole capacitó espansiva, da una spiccata capacitó di stimolare e maturare gil individui al lavoro e alfa conquista di un ruolo sociale» (Ibid., p. 354).
51:No lamrabsaios an de don Bosco y del mundo del trabajo, entre otras cosas porque nos
52 El Santo había dedicado también al tema del reposo festivo el número de julio de 1861 de las «Letture Cattoliche».
53 Cf. Taurinensis. Beatificationis et Canonizationis Servi Dei Ioannis Bosco sacerdotis fundatoris Piae Societatis Salesianae. Positio super introductione causae, Roma, p. 147. " Cf. DACQUINO, Psicologia di don Bosco, p. 151. " Cf. MB XVI, 168.
creo de sus centros hubiese bancos o asientos de cualquier tipo para evitar dar ocasión a esos juegos» 56 Le gustaba acompañarlos en los largos paseos por las colinas de Monferrato y por eso decía a sus muchachos en 1876: «El movimiento es lo que más favorece la salud. Soy del parecer de que una causa no indiferente de la disminución de la salud en nuestros días viene de que no se hace tanto ejercicio como antes. La comodidad del ómnibus, del coche, del tren elimina muchísimas ocasiones de dar paseos, aun breves, mientras que hace cincuenta años parecía un paseo ir a pie de Turín a Lanzo. Me parece que el movimiento del tren y del coche no es suficiente al hombre para estar bien».57
Los paseos servían también para despertar en sus muchachos el sentimiento de admiración por la naturaleza y lo bello. El sentido estético se desarrollaba también por medio del canto, de la música (un Oratorio sin música es un cuerpo sin alma, solía decir),58 el teatro de marionetas al principio y después la presentación de sainetes y farsas (las bandas y las comedias salesianas fueron y siguen siendo célebres). También quiso que se introdujese la gimnasia para ayudar al desarrollo del cuerpo de sus muchachos y establecer una sana armonía con el trabajo y el estudio. Recomendaba además, especialmente a los estudiantes, un buen empleo del tiempo libre, conociendo bien (y solía repetirlo con frecuencia) que el ocio es el padre de todos los vicios: «Os recomiendo — les decía — que os divirtáis mucho. Jugad a la petanca, a la pelota, al balón. Cada uno en su familia tendrá diversiones especiales; juegue también a las cartas, a las damas, a los «tarocchi», al ajedrez y con todos los medios que encontréis para distraeros. Sobre todo os recomiendo que hagáis bonitas excursiones muy largas ».59
Esto lo quería para los estudiantes, mientras que los que trabajaban en el taller tenían que contentarse con breves recreos, si vivían en los talleres salesianos, o con la diversión de la tarde y de los domingos en el Oratorio. ¡Podría parecer extraño también que por todas estas manifestaciones, a nadie se le haya ocurrido hacer de don Bosco un precursor de la ecología! 60
56 P. RICALDONE, Don Bosco educatore, vol. II, Colle Don Bosco (Asti), Libreria Dottrina Cristiana 1952, p. 49.
57 MB XII, 343.
5° MB V, 347. En cuanto a la música, enseñaba piano, acordeón, armonium, órgano y todos los instrumentos musicales de madera, metal y de cuerda (Riassunto della Pia Societá di San Francesco di Sales nel 23 febbraio 1874, en: OE XXV, 381).
59 MB XIII 431s.
60 Es verdad que una alusión la ha hecho C. SEmEtAR0, Don Bosco, il santo dell'aria aperta, en «Rivista del CAI del Piemonte» (setiembre 1988). Para un examen comparativo, se debe señalar la revalorización de la fiesta (contra la supervaloración de la actividad, del esfuerzo, de dolor y de la función social activa) hecha por I. Pieper, de la universidad de Munich, en un reciente artículo de «Settimana». En dicho artículo se revaloriza el ocio en el sentido aristotélico, y se concluye: «Fare festa, cioé dare Jode a Dio, perché il mondo é godibile».
El trinomio programático de la pedagogía de don Bosco comprendía, además de la alegría y el trabajo, la piedad." Se tratab, pues, de unir el trabajo con el descanso y la diversión, pero también con la piedad.
6. Trabajo y piedad
Piedad que tenía que cimentarse en la instrucción religiosa. Ya en 1850, cuando pedía ayudas a la «Opera Pia della Mendicitá Istruita», don Bosco presentaba una breve referencia histórica en la que se decía: «Por medio de agradable recreo animado con algunas diversiones, con catequesis, clases y canto, algunos (jóvenes aprendices) se hicieron moderados en su vida, amantes del trabajo y de la religión»," y un poco más adelante, añadía: «Un número notable de atentos señores acude a prestar su servicio dando catequesis» 63 Y sigue diciendo en 1862: «Un notable número de atentos señores viene a prestár la colaboración que se les pide dando catequesis, vigilando para que cumplan sus deberes en los respectivos talleres y colocando en empresas de honrados patronos a los que no tienen trabajo »."
Y en d Cenno storico dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales, recientemente publicado por don Braido, el Santo indica que su obra empieza precisamente con la actividad catequística: «Este Oratorio — escribe — es decir, reunión de jóvenes los días de fiesta, empezó en la iglesia de San Francisco de Asís. Don Cafasso, desde hacía bastante tiempo, en el verano, venía dando catequesis los domingos a jóvenes albañiles en una habitación contigua a la sacristía de la mencionada iglesia. La importancia de las ocupaciones de este sacerdote le hicieron interrumpir esta tarea tan grata para él. Yo la reemprendí al terminar 1841 y comencé reuniendo en el mismo lugar a dos jóvenes mayorcitos, muy necesitados de instrucción religiosa. A éstos se les unieron otros y a lo largo de 1842 el número creció hasta veinte y a veces veinticinco. Estos comienzos me hicieron comprender dos verdades importantísimas: que en general la juventud no es mala por sí misma; pero que se hace así generalmente por el contacto con los malos, y que los mismos malos, separados unos de otros, pueden experimentar grandes cambios morales (serán después estas dos verdades las que hagan que despegue el sistema preventivo). El año 1843 siguió la catequesis del mismo modo y el número subió a cincuenta, los que cabían en el lugar que se me había asignado».65
Esta exigencia de cultura religiosa lo impulsó también a hacer imprimir en 1847, además de los acostumbrados pequeños catecismos," la Storia sacra
61 Cf. DAcQuiNo, Psicologia di don Bosco, p. 38s.
62 La memoria fue leída el 20 de febrero a los administradores de la «Opera della Mendicitá Istruita», citado en E I, 29ss.
63 Catalogo degli oggetti 1. El opúsculo es de 1857.
64 Invito ad una lotteria 1.
65 Cf. BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 38s.
66 El más usado (adquirido y reimpreso por él) era el Breve catechistno pe' fanciulli alíe pre
(Speiraní y Ferrero, impresores editores), una vez que vio que entre las que circulaban no había una adecuada para sus jóvenes que (hace falta recordarlo) estaban casi totalmente ayunos de religión. «Falta de estilo popular, hechos inoportunos, temas largos o fuera de tiempo eran defectos comunes — anota en sus Memorie —. Además, se exponían muchos hechos de modo que ponían en peligro la moralidad de los jóvenes. Se preocupaban muy poco por subrayar los puntos que debían servir como fundamento a las verdades de la fe. Dígase lo mismo de los hechos que se refieren al culto externo, al purgatorio, la confesión, eucaristía y otros parecidos ».67
Se da aquí un salto cualitativo, o al menos un intento de darlo, porque sí su Storia sacra supera muchos de los defectos denunciados en las otras, sin embargo, no logró que fuese ese «fundamento de la verdades de la fe» que se había propuesto, aunque suponía un paso en esa dirección. Y la dirección que indicaba era la exacta y contribuirá al salto de cualidad.
Don Bosco reunía también a sus muchachos para la oración. Triduos, novenas, preparación a las fiestas principales constituían su trama. Basta, también aquí, recorrer la lista de sus publicaciones. Le sei domeniche e la novena di San Luigi Gonzaga (1846), II divoto dell'Angelo custode (1845), La giornata del cristiano (1852), La chiave del paradiso in mano al cattolico che pratica i doveri del buon cristiano (1856), y los diversos títulos de las «Letture Cattoliche». Pero lo mejor que produjo — por decirlo así — en esto campo fue la impresión en la casa Paravia en 1847 de Il Giovane provveduto. Era un libro de devoción de 352 páginas y la primera tirada fue de 10.000 ejemplares. Contenía las oraciones de la mañana y de la noche, tomadas del catecismo de mons. Casati,68 el «oficio parvo» de la Virgen, las vísperas del domingo, el Vía crucis y muchos cantos religiosos populares y de éxito.
El centro de la piedad en la que don Bosco educaba a sus jóvenes estaba, sin embargo, constituido por la participación en la santa misa, celebrada en el Oratorio, y la frecuencia de los sacramentos de la confesión y la comunión.
ghiere della mattina e della sera ad uso delle scuole cristiane della cittá e diocesi di Tormno, editado anteriormente muchas veces por Marietti.
67 MO 184s. Pero el mismo Stella (Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 33) las juzga justamente excesivas y no referibles a escritos de catequesis bíblica como los de Aporti o Rayneri.
68 El llamado catecismo de Casati fue, en realidad, compuesto por el canónigo Giuseppe Maria Giaccone en 1765, por encargo del obispo de Mondovl, mons. Michele Casati. Dicho catecismo se coloca en el surco de tradiciones exquisitamente oratorianas: una de las fuentes es sin duda el Piccolo compendio della doctrina cristiana, impreso en Turín en 1710, con la efigie de San Felipe Neri en la anteportada. El autor tuvo presente igualmente el Catecismo romano, el de Bellarmino (como se dice claramente en la carta pastoral de Casad, presentándolo a sus sacerdotes), y también el de Bossuet, del que aparece transcrita literalmente la parte referente a las fiestas litúrgicas, puesta al final del mismo catecismo. Fue adoptado, en 1896, como texto único por los obispos de Piamonte y de Lombardía, hecho que constituye una confirmación de la acertada elección hecha por don Bosco. Cf. S. TRAMONTIN, Dal catechista di Tombolo al papa catechista, en: ID. (ed.), Le radici venete di San Pio X. Saggi e ricerche, Brescia 1987, p. 72-104; L. NORDERA, 11 cate-chismo di Pio X. Per una storia della catechesi in Italia (1896-1916), Roma, LAS 1988.
Enría nos cuenta cosas de las misas celebradas por el Santo y oídas por sus muchachos en la fría iglesia,69 de las muchas horas pasadas en el confesonario y, más todavía, de las confesiones en una sala. Una de las más bellas fotografías es, en efecto, la que nos lo muestra mientras está confesando a un muchacho que le habla al oído, mientras otros jóvenes esperan su turno alrededor. Atribuía al diálogo en la confesión una importancia decisiva: además de guía espiritual, se sentía amigo y padre del penitente. La confesión — ha subrayado acertadamente Dacquino7° — en el ambiente de vida familiar del Oratorio se convierte en un momento de confidencia filial y, por tanto, tenía una función de apoyo del aspecto afectivo, además del espiritual.
Y también por lo que se refiere a la comunión, aunque una cierta mentalidad jansenista lo retenía de animar a todos sus muchachos a la comunión frecuente, sin embargo, por lo que se refiere a los mejores, los empujaba para que se alimentasen con frecuencia del pan eucarístico para un contacto más intenso con Jesús» La oración y los sacramentos debían, por tanto, alimentar junto a la instrucción religiosa, la vida de sus muchachos externos e internos, estudiantes y artesanos. Para estos últimos, además, serían un buen apoyo para que soportasen la fatiga física del trabajo, de lo que se podía advertir el efecto espiritual en el cumplimiento de la voluntad de Dios y hacerlo, por tanto, precioso ante él.
Aun durante el trabajo quería que sus jóvenes orasen, además de ofrecerlo al Señor. «Comenzad siempre el trabajo con el Ave María», decía el n. 8 del Primo Piano citado; y el n° 9: «Por la mañana, a mediodía y por la tarde, recitad el Angelus y por la noche añadíd el De Profundis».72
También Zanella en la conferencia recordada había afirmado: «Religión y trabajo se han dado de nuevo la mano (en la formación de sociedades de ayuda mutua de inspiración cristiana) y de su unión no puede salir más que el mayor bien para una y otro. ¿No ha sido acaso la religión la que ha dado dignidad al trabajo? ¿No responde, por otra parte, el trabajo a los fines augustos de la religión?» Y había invitado a promover fiestas religiosas como en los antiguos gremios para «alegrar el alma maniatada por los mecanismos del oficio
" Cf. el «promemoria» de Enria reproducido por STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 494-506. Se habla también en él de las confesiones y de las comuniones de los muchachos del Oratorio.
DACQUINO, Psicologia di don Bosco, p. 259.
" Es interesante la descripción de un domingo en el Oratorio como viene narrada en el segundo documento inédito presentado por Braido: «Le funzioni religiose ne' giorni festivi sono come segue: al mattino comodita per chi vuole confessarsi; messa cui segue un racconto di storia sacra od ecdesiastica o l'esposizione del Vangelo della giornata; quindi ricreazione. Dopo mezzol catechismo in dasse, vespri, breve istruzione dal palpito, benedizione col venerabile, cui tiene dietro la solita ricreazione. Terminate le funzioni religiose ognuno é libero dí rimanere per trastullarsi o di recarsi a casa. Sul fare della notte si mandarlo tutti a casa e si chiude l'Oratorio» (BRAmo, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 68).
72 Cf. Primo piano, cit. en nota 11.
y sacudirla y consolarla con el augusto espectáculo de los misterios de la fe». y la compara «a esas hornacinas que se encuentran por los caminos de los Alpes, que despiertan un piadoso pensamiento en el corazón del caminante y le ofrecen al mismo tiempo un asiento donde descansar»." La fiesta debía, pues, servir para el descanso y la oración: como para Zanella también para don Bosco.
7. En síntesis
Ésta era la actitud de don Bosco frente al mundo del trabajo, con sus ideas y-sus iniciativas. Su preocupación fundamental era y seguía siendo para él la salvación de las almas, pero si tuviésemos que buscar en él una «cultura del trabajo» no podríamos hacerlo mejor de lo que indicaba don Viganó en su discurso de Milán, es decir:
— primacía del hombre sobre el trabajo;
— primacía del trabajo subjetivo sobre el objetivo; — primacía de la conciencia sobre la técnica;
— primacía de la solidaridad sobre los intereses individualistas y de grupo.74
Conceptos todos subrayados en la Laborem exercens de Juan Pablo 11 75 y repetidos en sus numerosos discursos en la reciente visita de septiembre a Turín y a los lugares queridos por don Bosco.76 F1 discurso sobre el hombre, sobre su trabajo, sobre su dignidad — como ha señalado algún comentarista -- fue el motivo dominante de aquellas jornadas." E invitó, más que a ver en don Bosco a un precursor, a «sentir su presencia en nuestro hoy y nuestro mañana ».78
" Cf. ZANELLA, Religione e lavoro, p. 40. En este discurso, el autor ve la previsión y el ahorro, indicados también por don Bosco, como útiles para conservar los sentimientos religiosos, e invita a mit, a las prácticas religiosas, la lectura de algún buen libro. Los dos se encuentran de acuerdo en este punto como en el ver en todo esto una «educazione a sentire questa dignitá vostra».
74 Cf. el cit. discurso de don Viganó (fotocopiado).
" Para la Laborem exercens, cf. Le encidiche sociali dalla Rerum novarum alfa Laborem exercens, Roma 1984, p. 471-564.
76 Véanse los números 206. 207. 208. 209. 210 de «L'Osservatore Romano», en los que se recogen los discursos completos o el resumen de los mismos con algún comentario. Cf. también el BS (octubre 1988), en donde son comentadas las jornadas turinesas del papa.
77 Cf. P. Ama, Seguire la via indicara da don Bosco per restituire a Torino la sua vera anima, en «L'Osservatore Romano» 5-6 setiembre 1988, 7.
78 De la homilía pronunciada en la plaza «Maria Ausiliatrice» de Turín.
LA OPCIÓN POR LOS JÓVENES
Y LA PROPUESTA EDUCATIVA DE DON BOSCO
Luciano PAZZAGLIA
Al preguntarle, en 1886, qué método prefería para conducir las almas a Dios, el de San Francisco de Sales o el de San Vicente de Paul, don Bosco salió del paso diciendo: «Il mio metodo si vuole che io esponga. Mah!... Non lo so neppur io. Sono sempre andato avanti come il Signore m'ispirava e le circostanze esigevano».'
La respuesta no puede tomarse en sentido literal, como si el sacerdote piamontés hubiera querido verdaderamente sostener que había actuado exclusivamente empujado por lás circunstancias externas. La respuesta parecería, más bien, un expediente para no tener que pronunciarse entre dos autores a los que estaba igualmente ligado.2 Los estudiosos comparten ampliamente la convicción de que don Bosco fue más un educador que un «pedagogo», en sentido riguroso. Con todo, el preeminente carácter práctico de su empeño no debe hacer pensar que don Bosco careciese de un diseño teórico o que fuese adelante de forma casual. Hay que decir, a lo sumo, que resulta difícil organizar los múltiples aspectos de su obra en una visión de conjunto. Tal dificultad es debida, más que a la cantidad de documentación disponible, a la linea seguida por don Bosco en su itinerario. De hecho, llegó muy pronto a elaborar los principios fundamentales a los que iba a permanecer fiel durante toda su vida; pero, al mismo tiempo, trató de obrar de acuerdo con las necesidades del momento y de adaptar aquellos principios a las diversas circunstancias históricas. No hay, pues, que maravillarse de que su pensamiento, aun conservando algunas coordenadas estables, presente contornos algo sinuosos y se escape al intento de quien quisiera situarlo en el cuadro de un proyecto rígidamente unitario. Recientemente alguien se ha preguntado si, en vez del «sistema preventivo» de don Bosco — según una fórmula ya codificada —, no convendría más bien hablar de «sistemas», en plural?
La pregunta había sido formulada por M. Dupuy, rector del seminario de Montpellier, en una carta enviada a don Bosco, el 2 de julio de 1886, para agradecerle la visita hecha a dicho seminario, al regresar de su viaje a Barcelona. La carta de Dupuy y la frase de don Bosco se encuentran en: MB XVIII, 126-127 y 655-657.
2 P. BRAIDO, II progetto operativo di don Bosco e l'utopia della societiz cristiana, Roma, LAS 1982, p. 6.
Con la presente colaboración quisiéramos verificar, aunque sea de forma muy general, en qué forma el sacerdote piamontés decidió dedicarse a la educación de los jóvenes, y, sobre todo, de qué modo esta opción se concretó en las diversas fases de su rica y compleja biografía. La empresa no es fácil, porque se trata, precisamente, de seguir la obra educativa de don Bosco, considerando las más amplias perspectivas sociales y religiosas, en las que fue colocándola. Preciso, de entrada, que al realizar este ensayo, me he servido especialmente de la propuesta interpretativa de P. Braido, según el cual, don Bosco pasó de posiciones basadas en la idea de recuperar, para la sociedad, a los jóvenes en peligro («pericolanti»), a posiciones comprometidas en la defensa de la juventud frente a una realidad social que él, poco a poco, debía considerar cada vez más densa de peligros para las nuevas generaciones."
1. Las primeras experiencias entre la juventud «pobre y abandonada»
La versión dada por don Bosco, en sus Memorie dell'Oratorio, acerca de los comienzos del Oratorio, es generalmente conocida.5 En ese escrito, redactado en los primeros años 70, cuenta que empezó su obra en favor de los jóvenes abandonados el 8 de diciembre — día de la Inmaculada — de 1841, cuando, recién llegado a Turín para frecuentar el Convitto ecclesiastico dirigido por Cafasso y Guala, encontró casualmente a un joven, llamado Garelli, y, con su consentimiento, se puso a enseñarle algunas nociones de catecismo. La reciente publicación de algunos escritos inéditos de don Bosco autoriza, sin embargo, a. pensar que el Oratorio surgió de forma menos azarosa de lo que dichas Memorie querrían hacer creer.6 En el Cenno storico dell'Oratorio, de 1854,, el sacerdote piamontés escribió que había dado comienzo a su trabajo, reanudando, a finales del año 1841, una iniciativa catequística dominical veraniega para aprendices de albañil, iniciada años antes por Cafasso, pero que éste había abandonado después.' En los Cenni intorno all'Oratorio, de 1862, don Bosco afirmaba, en cambio, que había iniciado su obra para salir expresamente al paso de los problemas de los jóvenes presos, que, puestos en libertad, tenían necesidad de alguien en quien apoyarse. Las versiones dadas por los dos escritos — que, como se ve, no hacen ninguna alusión al episodio relativo al joven Garelli —, no son necesariamente contrastantes. En efecto, puede darse que don Bosco, aconsejado por don Cafasso, reactivase la experiencia catequística que éste no había tenido la posibilidad de proseguir: esto explicaría, entre otras cosas, la rapidez con la cual el novel sacerdote promovió los encuentros dominicales, desde sus primeras semanas en Turín. Pero no se puede excluir que, habiendo comenzado mientras tanto a visitar a los presos acompañando a don Cafasso —, se le hubiese ocurrido utilizar aquel servicio para ayudar también a los jóvenes salidos de la prisión. Fuese cual fuese la verdadera intención con la cual don Bosco emprendió su obra, queda claro que ésta, bastante. pronto, se iba a dirigir, no a una categoría específica, como era la de los ex presos, sino más en general a los muchachos «pobres y abandonados» de la ciudad o que llegaban a Turín desde los pueblos cercanos: jóvenes sin residencia fija, desocupados o empleados en trabajos eventuales, habituados a vivir precariamente, y expuestos a todos los riesgos de la calle.'
' P. BRAMO, L'esperienza pedagogica di don Bosco nel sao «divenire», ponencia presentada cc el seminario de estudio: «Don Bosco e la sua esperienza pedagogica: ereditá, contesti, sviluppi, ri soflame» (Venecia, 3-5 octubre 1988), cuyas actas fueron publicadas en «Orientamenti Pedago• gici» 31 (1989) 3-241, y en: C. NANNI (ed.), Don Bosco e la sua esperienza pedagogica, Roma, LA1 1989 (la ponencia de Braido: p. 11-39).
En este sentido se ha pronunciado Braido en: P. BRAIDO (ed.), Esperienze di pedagogía cris• tiana nella storia, vol. II: sec. XVII-XIX, Roma, LAS 1981, p. 322s.; BRAMO, Il progetto operativo di don Bosco, p. 19-20; y, últimamente, BRAIDO, L'esperienza pedagogica di don Bosco, p. 20-21.
5 MO 124-125.
6 Los escritos inéditos a los que nos referimos fueron publicados por: BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 13-81. En realidad los escritos presentados por Braido son tres: una Introduzione (que había ya dado a conocer en: G. Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo, p. 360-362), el Cennc storico dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales y los Cenni storici intorno all'Oratorio di S. Francesa di Sales. L'Introduzione y el Cenno storico fueron redactados según Braido en 1854; según lo: Cenni storici, en 1862.
La historiografía ha discutido ampliamente sobre las fuentes culturales de don Bosco. Por de pronto, hay que observar que la decisión de reunir, los domingos, a grupos de jóvenes para entretenerlos con algunos juegos e instruirlos en las verdades del cristianismo, no constituía una novedad. El título de verdadero iniciador de aquel tipo de actividades en Turín correspondería, en todo caso, a don Cocchi, el cual había abierto, el año 1841, el «Oratorio dell'Angelo Custode» en el barrio del Moschino.9 En otras ocasiones, teniendo presentes las indicaciones dadas por algunos estudiosos, además de los testimonios provenientes del ambiente de don Bosco, he sostenido que el Oratorio de este último se fue caracterizando, respecto al de don Cocchi, por un más organizado empeño educativo.10 Tal afirmación habría, quizás, que matizarla un poco, pues, en realidad, el Oratorio del Angel Custodio no dejó de promover, a lo largo del camino, iniciativas que, más allá de la preocupación de entretener a los muchachos con juegos y ejercicios físicos, se proponían atender a la formación moral, religiosa y cívica. Es singularmente interesante, a este respecto, el proyecto de escuelas dominicales y nocturnas que don Cocchi, con la ayuda del teólogo R. Murialdo, perfeccionó en 1847:" un proyecto que, por lo menos en el papel, no tenía nada que envidiar a las líneas educativas que, en los últimos años 40, había madurado Bosco.
7 Escribe don Bosco: «Quest'Oratorio, ovvero adunanza di giovani ne' giorni festivi comindó nella chiesa di S. Francesco di Assisi. II Sig. D. Caffasso giá da parecchi anni in tempo estivo faceva ogni Domenica un catechismo a' garzoni muratori in una stanzetta annessa alla sacrestia di delta chiesa. La gravezza delle occupazioni di questo Sacerdote gil fecero interrompere questo esercizio a lui tanto gradito. Io lo ripigliai sul Emite del 1841, e cominciai col radunare nel medesimo luogo due giovani adulti, gravemente bisognosi di religiosa istruzione» (BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 38-39). Diversos estudiosos han atribuido a la iniciativa de Cafasso el comienzo de los oratorios en el Convitto de Turín. Incluso P. Stella, el más informado estudioso de don Bosco, en su obra: Don Bosco 1, p. 95. P. Braido, sin embargo, recuerda que en la tradición salesiana esta atribución ha sido impugnada por algunos: BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 38.
8 El texto del 62 afirma perentoriamente: «L'idea degli Oratori nacque dalla frequenza delle carceri di questa dttá» (BRAmo, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 60).
9 Puede verse sobre don Cocchi: E. REFFO, Don Cocchi e i suoi artigianelli, Torino, Tipografia S. Giuseppe degli Artigianelli 1896; se encuentran referencias en el estudio dedicado por el mismo Reffo a la Vita del T. Leonardo Murialdo, Torino, Tipografía S. Giuseppe degli Artigianelli 1905; se halla también amplia información acerca de don Cocchi y, más en general, acerca de los oratorios turineses en: A. CASTELLANI, II beato Leonardo Murialdo, 2 vol., Roma, Tipografía S. Pio X 1966-1968.
No debe sorprender que la nueva generación de sacerdotes — como don Bosco y don Cocchi, profundamente animados del deseo de socorrer los sectores sociales más míseros — vinculase el crecimiento de los jóvenes pobres y abandonados a una mejor educación de los mismos, también desde el punto de vista cívico. Téngase presente que, desde hacía algún tiempo, la cultura de la prevención, superando la visión defensivo-punitiva de los siglos precedentes, estaba subrayando la urgencia de ayudar a los jóvenes marginados, dándoles los instrumentos indispensables para integrarse en la sociedad. Los exponentes de tal cultura — muy preocupados por las repercusiones sociales del pauperismo, de la mendicidad, del vagabundeo — recomendaban contener los fenómenos de la marginalidad con una serie de medidas indirectas. Entre éstas, en primer lugar, la instrucción y educación de los niños y adolescentes necesitados.' Para evitar falsas interpretaciones, es oportuno añadir que, aunque colocándose en una posición mucho más abierta respecto a la represiva de la tradición, la nueva concepción preventiva seguía considerando a la sociedad existente como una estructura intrínsecamente buena, y seguía considerando a las personas colocadas en los márgenes del consorcio civil como a sujetos «peligrosos», a los que había que ayudar, desde una perspectiva esencialmente paternalista. No podemos decir si don Bosco siguió y profundizó las publicaciones de estudiosos como Morichini, Petitti o De Gérando." Pero, desde los comienzos de su actividad, conoció la acción realizada en Turín por instituciones como el Albergo di Virtú o la Opera della Mendicitá Istruita, que, activas ya desde hacía tiempo, habían renovado recientemente su ayuda en favor de los jóvenes en peligro («perícolanti»)."
i. L. PAZZAGLIA, Apprendistato e istruzione degli artigiani a Valdocco (1846-1886), en: F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, Torino, SEI 1987, p. 16-17; respecto a la hipótesis de que el Oratorio de don Bosco tenía un enfoque pedagógico más sólido y completo que el de don Cocchi, cf. G. CHIOSSO, L'Oratorio di don Bosco e il rinnovamento educativo nel Piemonte carloalbertino, en: BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 98ss.
" Oratorio dell'Angelo custode, en «L'Educatore. Giornale d'Educazione ed Istruzione» 3 (1847) 762-765.
<2 Acerca de los debates que, en la primera mitad del Ochocientos, se entablaron en torno al tema de la prevención socio-asistencial, cf. G. MILANESI, Sistema preventivo e prevenzione in don Bosco, comunicación presentada en el citado seminario de Venecia: «Don Bosco e la sua esperienza pedagogica» (p. 148-165).
" C.L. MORICHINI, Degl'Istituti di pubblica carita e d'istruzione primaria in Roma, Roma,
Estas breves alusiones permiten precisar el contexto en el que don Bosco empezó a trabajar. Su opción de ponerse al servicio de la juventud pobre y abandonada arrancaba, ciertamente, de forma directa y prevalente, de las razones propias de la caridad cristiana; pero, aun así, no se puede dudar de que, inicialmente, las modalidades de tal opción se tiñeron de las orientaciones de la cultura preventiva de la época. Es decir, muy pronto, don Bosco comprendió la necesidad de contrarrestar la marginación de la juventud por medio de un generoso y fuerte empeño asistencial-educativo; pero en términos no-muy lejanos de los típicos de la cultura entonces generalizada, comenzó su trabajo considerando que todo el problema consistía en volver a ganar a los jóvenes para la vida social. Esta perspectiva se alimentaba, principalmente, de la convicción de que, siguiendo la inspiración de los principios de la tradición cristiano-católica, la sociedad era capaz de «garantire ordine, sanitá morale, pace religiosa»." Para darse cuenta de la confianza con la cual don Bosco miraba el orden social — al que el viento revolucionario había asestado un duro golpe, y que la Restauración trataba de volver a poner en pie —, es suficiente hojear la Storia ecclesiastica, redactada por él en 1845, y considerar el juicio negativo emitido sobre los movimientos revolucionarios que, a su entender, tenían como objetivo la desestabilización de los equilibrios conseguidos con la alianza entre el trono y el altar.16 No se puede, sin embargo, excluir que hayan pesado además sobre don Bosco el concepto algo pesimista de la naturaleza del hombre y el sentido agudo del pecado original adquiridos en el seminario en la clase de teología rigorista que allí se enseñaba, y por cuyas sugestiones él mismo había sido inducido a dudar hasta de la propia capacidad de salvarse." Los escritos de este período — piénsese en los Cenni storici della vita del chierico Luigi Comollo" o en el testimonio acerca de su compañero de seminario G. Burzío19— dan la impresión de que en aquel momento don Bosco tenía un concepto de los jóvenes matizado de severidad. Son sintomáticas las valoraciones hechas entonces de sus ex compañeros seminaristas. Uno se sentiría inclinado a decir que no logró descubrir en ellos más que seres vacíos y superficiales, aunque sea con la excepción de algunos «veramente buoni»; pero estos últimos — anotaba — «son pocos, y precisamente por esto se debe usar la más atenta cautela, y, encontrados algunos, tratarlos con frecuencia, y establecer aquella familiaridad espiritual de la cual se recaba tanto provecho».2° En la perspectiva de una visión que parecía dar poco crédito a la juventud en general, era natural que, al entrar en contacto con la categoría de los muchachos más extraviados, don Bosco pensara que el único camino a seguir fuese el de reintegrarlos en el contexto social en el que, en virtud de las costumbres inspiradas en los principios religiosos, tales jóvenes podrían mantenerse en el recto sendero.
Stamperia dell'Ospizio apostolico presso P. Aurelj 1835; C.I. PErn II DI RORETO, Saggio sul buon governo della mendicita, degli istituti di beneficenza e delle carceri, Torino, Bocca 1837; J.M. DE GÉRANDO, Della pubblica beneficenza, 7 vol., Firen7e, C. Torri 1842-1846.
" Sobre el «Albergo di Virtil», cf. G. PONZO, Stato e pauperismo in Italia: L'Albergo di virtú di Torino (1580-1836), Roma, la Cultura 1974. Sobre la «Opera della Mendidtá Istruita», cf. las amplias referencias de P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica e sociale (1815-1870), Roma, LAS 1980, p. 61ss.
BRAIDO, L'esperienza pedagógica di don Bosco, p. 20.
16 G. BOSCO, Storia ecclesiastica ad uso delle scuole utile per ogni ceto di persone, Torino, Tip. Speirani e Ferrero 1845, ahora en: OE I, 161-556.
" Respecto a la formación recibida por el joven Giovanni Bosco en el seminario de Chieri, además de los recuerdos del mismo don Bosco (MO 89ss), se puede ver la paciente reconstrucción de STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 51ss.
18 [G. Bosco], Cenni storici sulla vita del chierico Luigi Comollo morto nel seminario di
Pero ya en los primeros arios de la estancia en Turín, don Bosco puso premisas significativas para una ampliación de sus perspectivas. Mientras tanto, el perfeccionamiento pastoral en el Convino, realizado bajo la prudente guía de Cafasso (que continuaría siendo el director espiritual de don Bosco hasta 1860), le permitió superar el rigorismo teológico del seminario con concepciones espirituales caracterizadas por un sentido de mayor equilibrio.21 En la escuela de Guala y Cafasso, don Bosco encontró y conoció mejor a autores como San Alfonso de Ligorio, San Felipe Neri, San Francisco de Sales. Reflexionando sobre ellos, pudo abrirse al sentido de la esperanza cristiana y del abandono confiado en la misericordia de Dios. El Convitto resultó muy eficaz altres categorías: «cattivi», «non cattivi, ma non moho buoni», «veramente buoni» (OE I, 63-64).
Chieri ammirato da,tutti per le sue singolari virtú scritti da un suo collega, Torino, Tip. Speirani e Ferrero 1844, ahora en: OE I, 1-83.
19 La «notificazione» hecha por don Bosco apareció en: F. GIORDANO, Cenni istruttivi di perfezione proposti a' giovani desiderosi della medesima nella vita edificante di Giuseppe Burzio, Tocino, Stamperia degli Artisti tipografi 1846, p. 96ss., ahora en: OE II, 6ss.
2° El juicio, en realidad, era el que don Bosco decía haber escuchado de labios de su compañero Comollo, y formaba parte de la división con que éste había clasificado a los clérigos, según
Es fácil suponer que ésta fuera también la apreciación de don Bosco. De las Memorie dell' Oratorio parecería desprenderse que a esa clasificación de los jóvenes según las tres categorías recordadas, don Bosco había llegado, por su cuenta, al valorar a sus compañeros de latinidad, durante los años de los estudios secundarios en Chieti (cf. MO 50-51). Sobre el juicio bastante crítico que, en los primeros años 40, emitía sobre el seminario y sobre sus moradores, se puede ver también el testimonio acerca de su compañero G. Burzio, en el que sostiene que un buen seminarista debería tener, con los ojos de la paloma, la sagacidad de la serpiente, si desea salir inmune «da' scogli nascosti a flor d'acqua, che nel porto medesinio potrebbero delle volte presentare il naufragio e la morte» (OE II, 8-9). Entre estos «scogli», don Bosco ponía en primer lugar el de los malos compañeros.
21 Sobre los años pasados por don Bosco en el Convitto, cf. STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 85ss.
22 Sobre las relaciones de don Bosco con San Alfonso, cf. STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 87ss.;
M. MARCOCCITE, Alle radici della spilitualitá di don Bosco, en este mismo volumen. Sobre los contactos de don Bosco con el pensamiento de San Felipe Neri y de San Francisco de Sales, cf. BRAMO, L'esperienza pedagogica preventiva, p. 306-307.
ayudarle a fijar las lineas fundamentales de su apostolado. Impulsado a salir de las abstractas diatribas doctrinales para confrontarse con las exigencias de la concreta cura de almas, don Bosco comprendió que, en vista de la gloria de Dios, lo que contaba no era la adopción de una doctrina teológica en lugar de otra, sino más bien la ayuda efectiva que, como sacerdote, era capaz de dar a las personas.
En octubre de 1841, terminada su práctica pastoral en el Convitto, llegó a ser capellán de la «Opera Pia del Rifugio» de la marquesa Barolo, y tuvo la posibilidad de dar a sus encuentros dominicales con los jóvenes una organización más estable: fue precisamente durante el período del Refugio cuando don Bosco comenzó a designar su obra con el nombre de «Oratorio di San Francesco di Sales». La actividad que fue desarrollando (de acuerdo con una fórmula que unía siempre a la explicación del catecismo pasatiempos alegres y entretenidos, además de momentos de verdadera y propia instrucción), debía confirmarlo en la persuasión de que sólo viviendo con los muchachos y cuidándose de ellos era posible conducirlos a pensar en las cosas del cielo 23 Es decir, don Bosco se daba cuenta de que un punto esencial de su acción era hacer comprender a sus jóvenes que habían encontrado un «amigo», una persona de quien se podían fiar y a la que era posible abrir el propio corazón. En aquel momento, cuando los muchachos se sintiesen circundados de profundo afecto y sincera solidadaridad humana, el problema de su recuperación resultaría menos difícil: «Fue entonces — diría más tarde refiriéndose a aquellas primeras experiencias — cuando yo palpé con la mano que los jóvenes salidos del lugar de castigo, si encuentran una mano benévola, que cuide de ellos, los asista en los días festivos, trate de colocarlos a trabajar con algún honesto patrón, yéndolos a visitar alguna vez a lo largo de la semana, estos jóvenes comenzaban una vida honrada, olvidando el pasado, llegaban a ser buenos y honestos ciudadanos ».24
Los historiadores se han preguntado si don Bosco adquirió esta idea de prevención en un sentido más marcadamente promocional impulsado por alguna fuente precisa. Se puede decir, sin más, que la profundización del apostolado de un San Felipe Neri o de un San Francisco de Sales no podía dejarlo indiferente, sobre todo, por las orientaciones que daban sobre aspectos como la alegría, puesta por San Felipe Neri en el centro de su propia visión educativa, o como la dulzura y caridad, que San Francisco de Sales tanto recomendaba a los que se preparaban a comenzar su trabajo en la cura de almas.23
23 Por lo que se refiere a la instrucción propiamente dicha, don Bosco comenzó organizando los domingos un breve encuentro instructivo encaminado a impartir a los muchachos los primeros rudimentos de la lectura y escritura: en los Cenni storici se lee que la «scuola domenicale» se inició en el 1845, pero Braido opina que esta fecha habría que retrasarla un año (cf. BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 68).
24 MO 127.
" Don Bosco hacía, en su Storia ecclesiastica, algunas alusiones a san Felipe Neri y a San Junto a estos maestros de la espiritualidad, don Bosco tuvo también seguramente presentes algunos autores de la literatura ascético-pedagógica menor, de la cual la Iglesia se servía (y no sólo desde entonces), para difundir en medio del pueblo el culto de las verdades y de las virtudes cristianas. P. Stella ha verificado que, entre las fuentes del Giovane provveduto — redactado por don Bosco en 1847 para ayudar a sus muchachos a vivir como cristianos" —, hay que poner una obrita de Gobinet, autor de diversos escritos devocionales profundamente empapados del espíritu de San Francisco de Sales." Pero en la base de la reflexión y de la praxis de don Bosco, ocupado en consolidar su Oratorio, se pueden encontrar también analogías y coincidencias con obras de autores y ambientes contemporáneos. Piénsese, por ejemplo, en la propuesta pedagógica de los hermanos de las Escuelas Cristianas, a la enseñanza de Aporti, a las temáticas de los educadores y de los pedagogos que se agrupaban en torno a la revista «L'Educatore Primario». Podríamos decir que se trata de todo un movimiento que, aun sin llevar adelante una acción programática-mente coordenada, estaba poniendo de relieve la importancia de la educación popular y subrayando la urgencia de una obra de formación que, antes de castigar y reprimir, debería evitar que los muchachos cometiesen el error.28 Sin embargo, P. Braido ha mostrado que, aparte algunas relevantes coincidencias, no existe una documentación que permita hablar de una directa dependencia entre don Bosco y aquellos autores o grupos, con algunos de los cuales man
Francisco de Sales, así como a otros apóstoles surgidos después del concilio de Trento (OE I). Son significativos los rasgos con que fueron caracterizados los dos santos: «Correva per le piazze, per le contrade raccogliendo specialmente i ragazzi i piú abbandonati, i quali radunava in qualche luogo, dove con lepidezze ed innocenti divertimenti li teneva lontani dalla corruzione del secolo, e li istruiva nelle veritá della fede» (Ibid., p. 473); de San Francisco de Sales: «Spinto dalla voce di Dío che lo chiamava a cose grandi; colle sole armi della dolcezza e carita si parte per Chiablese. Alla vista delle chiese abbattute, dei monasteri distrutti, delle croci rovesciate, tutto s'accende di zelo e comincia il suo apostolato» (Ibid., p. 479-480). En las Memorie dell'Oratorio, indicando las razones por que había decidido designar su obra con el nombre de San Francisco de Sales, precisaba que lo había hecho, entre otras cosas, para que este santo «ci ottenesse da Dio la grazia di - poterlo imitare nella sua straordinaria mansuetudine e nel guadagno delle anime» (MO 141).
26 G. Bosco, Il giovane provveduto per la pratica de' suoi doveri degli esercizi di cristiana pietá per la recita dell'Uffizio della Beata Vergine e de' principal:* vespri dell'anno coll'aggiunta di una scelta di laudi sacre ecc., Torino, Paravia 1847, ahora en: OE II, 183-532.
27 La obra en cuestión de Gobinet es Instruction de la jeunesse en la piété chrétienne..., publicada por primera vez en 1655, y destinada a convenirse, muy pronto, en un libro de espiritualidad juvenil muy difundido. De las varias traducciones italianas recordamos: P. GOBINET, Istruzione della Gioventú nella pietá cristiana, Tocino, Associazione prenso i librai Maspero e Sena 1831 (que constituía el vol. 23 de la «Scelta biblioteca economica d'opere di religione»). Sobre las relaciones entre el Giovane provveduto y el escrito de Gobinet, cf. P. STELLA, Valori spirituali nel «Giovane provveduto» di san Giovanni Bosco, Roma, Scuola Grafica Borgo Ragazzi Don Bosco 1960.
28 Cf. a este propósito: P. BRAMO, Stili di educazione popolare cristiana alíe soglie del 1848, en: Pedagogia fra tradizione e innovazione, Milano, Vita e pensiero, 1979, p. 383-404; BRAIDO, L'esperienza pedagogica preventiva, p. 310-313; G. CHIOSSO, L'Oratorio di don Bosco, en: BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 83-116.
tuvo relaciones." Obviamente, de este hecho no es licito concluir que él haya elaborado sus convicciones educativas a partir de su sola experiencia, alimentada a lo sumo con las tradiciones espirituales y ascéticas aludidas más arriba. Las analogías recordadas indican que don Bosco participaba, por lo menos, de un mismo clima cultural.
De todos modos, es cierto que, al final de los arios 40, el sacerdote piamontés se acercaba a una visión más serena.cle la juventud, aunque sin caer en cierto optimismo rousseauniano; acerca del cual, por el contrario, continuó manteniendo con firmeza sus reservas. Es fácil poner de relieve en Ii giovane provveduto que don Bosco estaba madurando aquella visión más serena, en estrecha relación con la perspectiva teológica fundada sobre un Dios que — en modo diverso del conocido a través de las doctrinas rigoristas del seminario —, asumía cada vez más la imagen de un padre bueno, deseoso de ayudar a los hijos a lograr la propia salvación. En el cuadro de tal concepción, don Bosco afirmaba así: «Convencidos, queridos hijitos, de que todos hemos sido creados para el paraíso, debemos dirigir todas nuestras acciones a este fin. A esto os debe mover especialmente el gran amor que Dios os tiene. Aunque Él ame a todos los hombres, como obra de sus manos, tiene, sin embargo, un amor especial para los jovencitos, en los cuales encuentra sus delicias: Delíciae meae esse cum filiis hominum. Por lo tanto sois la delicia y el amor de aquel Dios que os creó. Él os ama porque estáis todavía a tiempo para hacer muchas obras buenas; os ama porque estáis en una edad sencilla, humilde, inocente, y, en general, no habéis sido todavía presa infeliz del enemigo infernal»."
La base sobre la que don Bosco habría edificado su concepción preventiva estaba ya puesta. Si la juventud se presentaba no sólo como la parte de humanidad más amada por. Dios, sino también como el tiempo más precioso para ganarse el paraíso, los adultos tenían la delicada tarea de acercarse con caridad paterna y con razonable solicitud a los jóvenes para sostenerlos en su fragilidad y, con la ayuda de la gracia, hacer crecer en sus corazones el amor de la virtud y de la vida cristiana. Con otras palabras, la propuesta hacia la que don Bosco se estaba encaminando era una propuesta educativa que, aun sin desconocer la importancia del sostén de las estructruras sociales, buscaba, ante todo, consolidar las energías interiores de cada muchacho, de modo que fuese puesto, gradualmente, en la condición de discernir y querer el bien.
29 Éste no comparte, por tanto, la posición de quien, como A. Caviglia, ha llegado a sostener que don Bosco vendría a depender de las perspectivas pedagógicas de los hermanos de las Escuelas Cristianas y de los pedagogos que se agrupaban en torno a «L'Educatore Primario» (cf. BRAIDO, L'esperienza pedagogica preventiva, p. 310).
30 OE IL 190-191.
2. En el clima de las tensiones políticas y de la propaganda antirreligiosa
Mientras tanto, en el año 1846, el Oratorio había encontrado su lugar definitivo en Valdocco, zona periférica de la ciudad de Turín, y podía por tanto enriquecerse con nuevas actividades. En el invierno de dicho año, dándose cuenta de que los primeros rudimentos de lectura y escritura, que se impartían a los muchachos los días de fiesta, eran excesivamente irregulares y no podían producir frutos duraderos, don Bosco decidió organizar las escuelas nocturnas, con la enseñanza de la lectura y escritura, y, más tarde, de la aritmética y del dibujo.3' Al principio, el momento instructivo nació claramente en apoyo de la formación religiosa propiamente dicha; pero bastante pronto se cargó de un valor humano propio, porque permitía a los muchachos una mejor integración no sólo con la religión sino con la sociedad. Que el crecimiento espiritual debía concebirse enramado en el crecimiento de todo el hombre era, por otra parte, una convicción del mismo don Bosco, quien, desde el 47, había afirmado que, siguiendo el método que les había propuesto, los jóvenes, antes que «afortunados moradores del cielo», llegarían a ser «el consuelo de los [...] parientes, el honor de la patria, buenos ciudadanos en la tierra».32
Desde esta óptica se explica también la preocupación con la que él trataba de procurar a cada uno de sus muchachos un trabajo, de modo que, arrancados del ocio, tuviesen la posibilidad de llenar dignamente la vida y sentirse miembros activos de la sociedad civil. Don Bosco avanzaba, cada día más, hacia una concepción que conjugaba una intensa inspiración religiosa fundamental con una fuerte atención a los valores humanos. Es posible, sin duda, decir que, desde los comienzos, su proyecto tendía a dar a sus jóvenes todo lo que necesitasen: ante todo, los instrumentos para desarrrollar su vida de fe; pero, al mismo tiempo, ayuda material, trabajo, amistad, cuidado de su salud, consejos, momentos de diversión y de alegría.33 Naturalmente este «programma globale d'intervento» llegó a ser relativamente más realizable, cuando pudo contar con una morada que, si bien al principio era muy modesta, tenía de todos modos la ventaja de ofrecer un apoyo estable y seguro. Con la primavera de 1847, aprovechando la disponibilidad de la casa, don Bosco dio también alojamiento a algunos muchachos. Desde aquel momento Valdocco, junto al oratorio festivo y las escuelas nocturnas, disponía de un hospicio que permitiría a un cierto número de jóvenes ir durante el día a la ciudad, para trabajar en diversos talleres o para estudiar en casa de algunos profesores privados, y volver por la tarde al Oratorio, donde, gracias también a la activa y amable presencia de la madre de don Bosco, encontraban el calor de una verdadera familia.
31 Sobre la fecha (1846), indicada como el comienzo de las escuelas nocturnas, cf. el testimonio del mismo don Bosco en Cenni storici, en: BRAmo, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 72; pero, en las Memorie dell'Oratorio, había hablado del invierno de 1845-1846 (y Ceda había llegado hasta a adelantar la fecha del comienzo al año 1844) (cf. MO 150-151). Según Braido, las escuelas nocturnas de don Bosco comenzaron, muy probablemente, en el invierno de 1846-47 (Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 72).
" OE II, 187.
" Braido, al resaltar esta labor de sostén integral, habla de «programma globale d'intervento» (BRAmo, II progetto operativo, p. 9).
Para comprender la importancia que en la estrategia del sacerdote piamontés iba a adquirir progresivamente la fórmula del hospicio — y del colegio, como veremos —, es necesario no olvidar las vicisitudes políticas de los últimos años 40. P. Stella no excluye que, en los primeros meses de 1848, don Bosco se dejara tentar por cierta simpatía neogüelfa, en un momento en que «la mayoría del clero (y también de prelados que después se separaron de la causa nacional y se mostraron intransigentes) se adhirió al neogüelfismo y aplaudió la guerra de la independencia».34 Para apoyar esta no abstracta hipótesis, se pueden aducir no sólo el adjetivo «grande» atribuido por don Bosco a Gioberti en la nueva edición de su Storia ecclesiastica publicada en 1848,35 sino también algunas ideas que se pueden encontrar en el primer número del «Amico della Gioventá», un periódico político-religioso que el sacerdote piamontés comenzó a publicar a partir del mes de octubre de 1848.36En un artículo titulado Religione e liberta — que apareció anónimo, pero que, si no de don Bosco, fue publicado verosímilmente con su aprobación37 —, se sostenía la tesis, según la cual, la Iglesia, diversamente a lo que los adversarios querían hacer creer, no odiaba ni el progreso ni el sentimiento nacional: «En suma, cada día aparece más claro que catolicismo, progreso y nacionalidad son reconciliables entre sí más de lo que parece a primera vista; que los dos últimos encontraron ventajas en el primero, y que a él deben dirigirse todavía si quieren obtener su triun fo».38 Pero si nutrió alguna simpatía neogüelfa, la abandonó bien pronto, y comenzó a temer que la abolición de la censura (30 octubre 1847), la concesión del Estatuto (4 marzo 1848) y, sobre todo, la equiparación de los valdenses (17 febrero 1848) y de los hebreos (29 marzo 1848) a los demás ciudadanos en gozar de los derechos civiles39 fueran las señales premonitoras de algunas transformaciones políticas gravemente dañosas para la religión católica. Don Bosco tuvo la impresión de que, bajo el influjo de los enemigos del catolicismo, el Estado se estuviese alejando de la línea con la que hasta entonces había tate- lado premurosamente a la Iglesia, recibiendo en cambio de ella el más leal apoyo. La introducción de otra serie de reformas, a partir de la abolición en 1850 del foro eclesiástico, y la adopción de algunas medidas, como la expulSión en el mismo año 1850 de mons. Fransoni, arzobispo de Turín, debía transformar aquella impresión en amarga convicción.4° Desde aquel momento, don Bosco, más allá de sus declaraciones de ser ajeno a la política, vivió con la nostalgia de la organización político-social del Anden Régime: una nostalgia no sin consecuencias, si se tiene presente que don Bosco quedaría ligado tanto a la idea de una estrecha integración entre trono y altar, como a la visión de una sociedad organizada jerárquicamente.
" STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 78.
" Al introducir un elogio de Pío IX, don Bosco escribía: «I sovrani impararono da lui [da Pio IX] il yero modo di governare i popoli. La sola sua presenza forma la meraviglia di chi lo pub vedere. II gran Gioberti chisma il giorno che lo vide il piii bello di sua vita» (G. Bosco, Storia ecclesiastica per uso delle scuole utile ad ogni stato di persone, Torino, Tip. Speirani e Ferrero 1848, p. 182). En la edición siguiente, publicada por don Bosco en 1870, la referencia a Gioberti ya no apareció.
36 El periódico no tuvo mucho éxito y en el mes de mayo de 1849, después del fascículo
LXI, se fundió con «L'Istruttore del Popolo» (STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 78-79).
37 El artículo se puede consultar en el último volumen de las Opere edite, publicado recientemente: OE XXXVIII, 291-292.
" OE XXXVIII, 292. En el artículo se emitía, entre otros, un juicio lisonjero sobre la juventud: «In simile stato di cose, dedicad al bene della gioventú, abbiamo ideato di rivolgersi a questa bella eta delle speranze, invitandola a voler usare pienamente di sua liberta» (Ibid.). El juicio reflejaba lo que la Dirección de «L'Amico della Gioventú» escribía en el editorial del mismo número, titulado «Programma» (se puede ver en: OE XXXVIII, 289-290). Al hacer una llamada a los lectores, para que colaborasen en la obra que iba a emprender, la Dirección observaba en efecto: «[La gioventú] é la porzione piú favorita del genere umano, sopra cui si fondano le speranze della patria, il sostegno delle famiglie, l'onore della Religione e dello Stato» (Ibid.). En modo análogo se expresaba don Bosco en un Avviso sacro difundido por él en aquellos mismos meses: «La porzione dell'umana societá, su cui sono fondate le speranze del presente e dell'avvenire, la porzione degna dei piú attenti riguardi é, dubbio, la gioventù» (MB 111, 605).
Pero el motivo por el cual más se angustió, después del 48-49, fue la activa propaganda con la cual los valdenses, aprovechando los nuevos espacios de libertad, trataban de ampliar la propia presencia en medio de la gente. Piénsese en lo que don Bosco debió probar en 1851 cuando en el barrio de Porta Nuova, donde había dado vida a otro Oratorio titulado de «San Luigi», vio surgir el templo valdense. Los escritos compuestos por él en este período — de los Avvisi az' cattolici a Il cattolico istruito41 — reflejan la viva preocupación con la que el autor seguía el proselitismo actuado entonces por los valdenses
" Los valdenses obtuvieron su emancipación en virtud de las «Regie lettere patenti» del 17 de febrero 1828; los judíos en virtud del regio decreto del 29 de marzo 1848. Pero la equiparación de los ciudadanos no católicos iba a tener, no mucho más tarde, una ulterior y más solemne confirmación. En efecto, el 19 de junio de 1848 era emanada una ley cuyo artículo único establecía que la diferencia de culto ya no constituiría «eccezione al godimento dei cifrad civil e politici e all'ammissibilitá alle caniche civili e militad». Sobre la emancipación de los valdenses y de los judíos, cf. G. SPINI, Risorgimento e protestanti, Napoli 1956; S. FoA, Gli ebrei nel Risorgimento, Roma/Assisi 1978.
4' Para conocer el pensamiento de don Bosco sobre el 48, cf. lo que él iba escribir más tarde en: G. Bosco, La storia d'Italia raccontata alla gioventú da' suoi primi abitatori sino ai nostri giorni, Torino, Paravia 1855, ahora en: OE VII, 1-558 y en: MO 204ss.; sobre la reconstrucción de aquellos acontecimientos hecha por don Bosco, sobre todo en las páginas de la Storia d'Italia,
cf. F. TRANIELLO, Don Bosco e l'educazione giovanile: la «Storia d'Italia», en: TRANDELL0 (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 81-111.
" G. Bosco, La Chiesa cattolica-apostolica-romana é la sola vera Chiesa di Gesti Cristo. Avvisi ai cattolici, Torino, Tip. Speirani e Ferrero 1850, ahora en: OE IV, 121-143; G. Bosco, II cattolico istruito nella sua religione. Trattenimenti di un padre di famiglia co' suoi figliuoli secondo i bisogni del tempo, Torino, De Agostini 1853, ahora en: OE IV, 195-646.
en Piamonte. Don Bosco juzgaba al protestantismo no sólo como una herejía religiosa — que, según la apologética del Setecientos, consideraba más como fruto de inmoralidad, de las costumbres que de apostasía de la razón42 —, sino también como un fenómeno político que tendía a desquiciar toda legítima autoridad. Es sintomática, a este propósito, la presentación que él hacía de las consecuencias que, a su entender, producía el principio del libre examen: «El decir: haceos una religión a voluntad, es como decir: haced lo que queráis; robad, desobedeced, matad a vuestro rey, a los ministros, y a todo el que aparezca culpable a vuestros ojos, vosotros obraréis ciertamente bien, con tal de que creáis hacer buenas acciones».43 En el curso dé su campaña contra las «sectas», don Bosco tendía, por tanto, a identificar el protestantismo con la «revolución» y a presentar, por el contrario, el catolicismo como la religión que concurriría a instaurar la pacífica convivencia de todos."
En este contexto cobra nueva luz la importancia que en la praxis pedagógica del educador piamontés adquiría su hospicio. Este debería servir para contener los influjos negativos que, durante el día, habrían podido alcanzar a los jóvenes a través de las personas con que se encontraban, de las conversaciones que oían, de la prensa que corrían el peligro de tener entre manos. No carece de significado el que entonces don Bosco decidiese dirigir a los huéspedes un «brevísimo sermoncito por las noches después de las oraciones con el fin de exponer o confirmar alguna verdad que por ventura hubiese sido contradicha en el curso de la jornada»." Entre los años 1851 y 1853, Valdocco se enriquecía con la iglesia de San Francisco de Sales y con un nuevo edificio destinado a habitaciones: en 1853 los huéspedes de la casa eran cerca de unos veinte y comprendían, además de los artesanos y estudiantes, diversos clérigos que, al ser cerrado el seminario diocesano por la guerrra de independencia, don Bosco muy gustosamente había acogido en su casa, poniendo en marcha una nueva experiencia educativa." Como es fácil advertir, el Oratorio de don Bosco era ya una cosa bien diversa del simple encuentro dominical de los primeros años 40. Pero detrás de la evolución de las estructuras, había un cambio más profundo. Solicitado por el empuje de los acontecimientos de 1848, don Bosco empezó a revisar la concepción con la que, hasta entonces, había pensado que debía salvar para la sociedad a los muchachos abandonados de los que se venía ocupando. Es decir, tomaba cuerpo en él la idea de que eran los jóvenes — los jóvenes en general y no sólo los pobres y abandonados — los que tenían que ser puestos al abrigo de los influjos negativos de la realidad social. En esta óptica, el hospicio era solamente una etapa.
42 STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 47ss. 45 OE 590.
" STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 81ss. 45 MO 205.
46 Don Bosco se complacía diciendo que, después de 1848, el Oratorio se convirtió por casi veinte años en el seminario diocesano (MO 212).
En efecto, en 1853, pudiendo contar con un mayor número de locales, don Bosco creaba en Valdocco los primeros talleres (de zapateros y sastres) — a los que, a lo largo de unos diez años se habrían de añadir otros cuatro (de encuadernadores, carpinteros, tipógrafos y forjadores) —, y en 1855 instituía la tercera clase gimnasia! — que a la vuelta de cuatro años estaría integrada por las clases restantes hasta completar un curso gimnasia! completo. Después de estas medidas, el hospicio se transformaba en verdadero internado, en el que los muchachos tenían la posibilidad de dormir, comer y trabajar o estudiar. La progresiva transformación de Valdocco — que conservó de todos modos el Oratorio festivo —, se actuó también para dar una respuesta a algunas exigencias muy concretas como, por ejemplo, la necesidad de proporcionar a los huéspedes del Oratorio vestidos y calzado, o la oportunidad de acompañar el trabajo de escritor y de editor de don Bosco con un taller de encuadernación y con una tipografía.47 Pero en la base de esta evolución estaba, ante todo, la intención de proteger a los jóvenes de los peligros de una sociedad cuya obra, a los ojos de don Bosco, se hacía cada vez más perniciosa para la integridad de la vida moral y religiosa, en particular de aquellos en quienes no habían madurado todavía la fuerza de carácter y la solidez de convicciones.
Hacia la mitad de los años 50, don Bosco había esbozado ya las estructuras de las que se serviría definitivamente en su estrategia educativa. Y sería interesante estudiar detenidamente los documentos y reflexiones que elaboró en aquel período para encuadrar la praxis cotidiana. Pensamos, por ejemplo, en-el conjunto de reglamentos redactados a partir de 1852, en la Introduzione y el Cenno storico ya recordados, en la conversación con U. Rattazzi de 1854; aunque, en realidad, el contenido de tal conversación fuera publicado en el «Bollettino Salesiano» del 1882 y se le pudieran, por tanto, añadir valoraciones y juicios posteriores.48 Para los fines de nuestro discurso pueden bastar, quizás, algunas simples alusiones.
De estos y de otros documentos resulta confirmada, por de pronto, la idea positiva que mientras tanto don Bosco se había formado acerca de la juventud: «porción la más delicada y la más preciosa»,48 «no mala de por sí»,5° que se podía estropear «por inconsideración [...] no por malicia consumada»." En la citada Introduzione el sacerdote piamontés llegaba, por tanto, a sostener que, quitados algunos obstáculos — como «la negligencia de los padres» [o bien la falta de afecto, el abandono], «el ocio» y los «malos compañeros» sería «facilísima cosa» educar a los jóvenes e «insinuar en sus tiernos corazones los principios del orden, de las buenas costumbres, del respeto, de la religión.».52
47 Sobre las razones que indujeron a don Bosco a implantar, en Valdocco, los diversos talleres me permito remitir a: PAZZAGLIA, Apprendistato, p. 20ss.
48 El texto ha sido publicado recientemente por: A. FERREIRA DA SILVA, Conversazione con
Urbano Rattazzi, en: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 55-69.
49 BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 34.
50 BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 39.
51 BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 35.
52 BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 34-35.
La rápida definición que don Bosco, en el cuadro de su optimismo pedagógico, daba de la educación, merece ser señalada y confrontada con cuanto éj mismo observaba en 1854, en el curso de la conversación con Rattazzi. En esta circunstancia, contraponiendo los métodos «represivo» y «preventivo» según una terminología que, sin embargo, no podía todavía usar en el momento de su encuentro con el político —, don Bosco explicaba en qué consistía la acción preventiva: «Ante todo, aquí se procura infundir en el corazón de los jovencitos un santo temor de Dios; se les inspira amor a la virtud y horror al vicio, con la enseñanza del catecismo y con apropiadas instrucciones morales; se encaminan y se sostienen en la vía del bien con oportunos y benévolos avisos, y especialmente con las prácticas de piedad y de religión».53 Ciertamente esta defición de educación era más precisa que la que hemos observado en la Introduzione; pero tanto la una como la otra se inspiran en el mismo principio. Don Bosco partía de la persuasión de que, si era ciertamente importante encontrar lugares donde «reunir» a los jóvenes, la parte más positiva y constructiva del prevenir se realizaba al sembrar — «insinuare», «infondere» — en el ánimo de los jóvenes los principios naturales y sobrenaturales. En esta perspectiva, se logra también dar un contorno más preciso a aquel contexto de amplia libertad que, como se lee en el Cenno storico, él afirmaba que había introducido en el Oratorio a pesar de que, sobre todo a los comienzos, la cosa no le había dejado de procurar, de parte de los ambientes conservadores, la acusación de instruir a los jóvenes con «máximas sospechosas»: «esta última acusación se fundaba especialmente — escribe — en que yo permitía a mis jóvenes toda clase de recreación, con tal de que no fuese pecado o contraría a la urbanidad».54
3. El oratorio festivo y el colegio: dos sistemas educativos
Podríamos decir que, hacia la mitad de los años 50, don Bosco había llegado a definir, no sólo los «lugares», sino también los principios clave de lo que habría de ser ya su empeño educativo. Naturalmente, para conocer mejor en qué modo atendía a la realización de tal empeño, sería necesario iniciar un atento análisis de su obra, tanto más que, según él, una correcta estrategia educativa debería adaptarse a las exigencias especificas de cada situación. En realidad, a medida que procedía en la puesta en práctica de su proyecto, don Bosco seguía dos sistemas: el del Oratorio festivo, que respecto a los primeros encuentros dominicales algo improvisados había adquirido una mayor continuidad, llegando a ser de hecho, cotidiano; y el sistema del colegio, la nueva institución que, aunque ya funcionaba desde 1853 con los dos primeros talleres, se delineó de forma neta y precisa sólo después de la puesta en marcha del ciclo gimnasial completo. Pero para tener un cuadro más completo, sería oportuno que tuviésemos en cuenta una ulterior división dentro del sistema del colegio, puesto que don Bosco, a pesar de atenerse a los mismos principios, adoptó diversas líneas, según se tratase de artesanos, estudiantes o clérigos estudiantes; sobre todo, cuando instituidas todas las cinco clases gimnasia-les, debió salir del clima de sencillez seguido hasta entonces e introducir una reglamentación más exigente y puntual de cada una de las secciones. Siendo imposible, en este momento, hacer un examen pormenorizado de los varios itinerarios educativos que don Bosco fue recorriendo, nos limitaremos a hacer algunas reflexiones de carácter general en torno al sistema del Oratorio para externos y al del colegio.
53 Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 65. Y continuando a ilustrar a Ratazzi el carácter de la obra educativa inspirada en el criterio de una auténtica prevención, don Bosco añadía: «Oltre a ció, si circondano [i ragazzi], per quanto é possibile, di un'amorevole assistenza in ricreazione, nella scuola, sul lavoro; s'incoraggiano con parole di benevolpn?a, e non appena mostrarlo di dimenticare i proprii doveri, loro si ricordano ín bel modo e si richiamano a saní consigli. In una parola si usano tune le industrie, che suggerisce la caritá cristiana, affinché facciano il bene e fuggano il male per principio di una coscienza illuminata e sorretta dalla Religione» (Ibid., p. 65-66).
54 BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 45.
Por lo que se refiere a la concepción que, en medio de su actividad, había madurado sobre el Oratorio festivo, merece la pena examinar el primer Regolamento dell'Oratorio que, siguiendo la pauta de algunos reglamentos de oratorios milaneses, don Bosco comenzó a elaborar hacia 1852, precisamente con la intención de ordenar el aflujo de los jóvenes que frecuentaban Valdocco los domingos y los días laborables por la tarde. Estos jóvenes, después de la introducción del internado, se llamarían «externos».55 El Reglamento precisaba que el fin del Oratorio era «entretener a la juventud en los días de fiesta con agradable y honesta recreación después de haber asistido a las sagradas funciones en la iglesia».56 Al poner en guardia contra una interpretación seductiva de tal concepción, P. Braido ha escrito que don Bosco tenía en su mente no un simple «ricreatorío» o «ritrovo giovanile», sino una «scuola d'istruzione, di pratica religiosa e di ispirazione cristiana alla vita»57 El término escuela se debe tomar, obviamente, en sentido no literal, pues si es verdad que se preveían algunos momentos escolares propiamente dichos, la formación de los que frecuentaban el Oratorio debía tener lugar de modo informal y en consonancia con cuanto progresivamente era sugerido por las circunstancias y por la inventiva de los educadores. En suma, en lo que don Bosco pensaba era un alegre y sereno «ambiente» pedagógico que, haciendo fructificar las diversas oportunidades — escuela, juego, teatro, excursiones —, supiese ofrecer a los muchachos un sólido apoyo para su crecimiento moral, espiritual y religioso. La estructura que debería favorecer el logro de este objetivo era, más bien, articulada. En efecto, al lado del director («el superior principal, que es responsable de todo lo que ocurre en el oratorio»), el Reglamento ponía a un grupo de colaboradores más directos — desde el prefecto al director espiritual —, los cuales, por sus delicadas responsabilidades, no podían ser sino sacerdotes, y otro grupo de ayudantes — asistentes, sacristanes, monitores, catequistas, bibliotecarios —, algunos de los cuales serían escogidos de entre los jóvenes más capaces y ejemplares.
55, Este Regolamento fue publicado por Lemoyne en: MB III, 91-92.98-108. Según el biógrafo salesiano, la redacción del escrito se habría ya hecho, en gran parte, en 1847; pero es muy probable que, como sostiene P. Braido, tal redacción haya sido realizada en torno al año 1852 (cf. BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 36). El texto definitivo del Regolamento para los externos fue publicado en 1877: Regolamento dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales per esterni, Torino, Tipografia Salesiana 1877, ahora en: OE XXEX, 3 1-92.
56 MB DI, 91.
57 P. BRAMO, II sistema preventivo di don Bosco, Zürich, PAS Verlag 1964, p. 322. Sobre el oratorio festivo, véase lo escrito por BRAIDO, L'esperienza pedagogica preventiva, p. 160ss.
Don Bosco se había convencido de que para entrar en el Oratorio festivo se debía o ejercer un oficio o tener, al menos, la intención de ejercerlo: «Quien estuviese desocupado y desease trabajar puede dirigirse a los Protectores, y será ayudado por ellos».58 No debe sorprender que la actividad laboral revistiese tanta importancia a los ojos del sacerdote piamontés. Éste, fiel a una idea que le era muy querida, afirmaba en el Reglamento de los externos que el ocio y la desocupación generarían todos los vicios y harían inútil toda suerte de instrucción religiosa.59 Es evidente, sin embargo, que con las nuevas disposiciones el Oratorio tendía a caracterizarse con rasgos diversos respecto al de los orígenes. En efecto, mientras en los comienzos había sido ideado — como se ha visto — para socorrer, principal aunque no exclusivamente, a los muchachos salidos de la cárcel y abandonados a sí mismos, el Oratorio se convertía ahora en un servicio abierto a todos los jóvenes que, ocupados en alguna actividad, deseasen utilizar, positivamente, su tiempo libre. La transformación no era una cosa de poca importancia. Muy probablemente tal transformación se debía al hecho de que, al proponerse don Bosco la integración directa de sus muchachos en la vida de trabajo, el oratorio había acabado por ser cada vez más frecuentado por jóvenes artesanos; pero no se debe excluir que la nueva apertura derivase también de las reflexiones con las cuales, frente al cambiado contexto cultural, el sacerdote piamontés consideraba urgente ofrecer un apoyo no ya a una porción particular de la juventud, sino a los jóvenes en general, fuesen estudiantes o aprendices.6° Convendrá, sin embargo, añadir que, aun con esta perspectiva pedagógica más vasta, don Bosco siguió afirmando que era necesario tener una mirada de predilección para los más pobres.
58 MB 111, 92.
" MB 111, 92. Sobre la contraposición establecida por don Bosco entre vida activa y vida
ociosa, he tenido ocasión de ocuparme en el citado seminario de estudio de Venecia, con una comunicación: Il tema del lavoro nell'esperienza pedagogica, publicada en: NANNI (ed.), Don Bosco e la sua esperienza pedagogica, p. 113-131.
60 En el mismo Regolamento se afirmaba que se tenían presentes especialmente «i giovanetti,
Concebido ya en función de sectores juveniles cada vez más amplios el oratorio festivo, de cara a sus huéspedes, adoptaría un espíritu de gran comprensión. El Reglamento establecía que las puertas estuvieran abiertas aun a los más díscolos, siempre que no diesen escándalo y manifestasen la voluntad de observar una conducta mejor.6' Esta declarada tolerancia no debe hacer creer que don Bosco hiciese la hipótesis de una propuesta educativa fofa e im.. precisa. El elemento en torno al cual habría girado la obra del Oratorio era el religioso. Al esbozar la figura del director, el Reglamento decía: «Este debe ser como un padre en medio de sus propios hijos, e ingeniarse de todas las maneras posibles para insinuar en los jóvenes corazones el amor de Dios, el respecto a las cosas sagradas, la frecuencia de los Sacramentos, la filial devoción a María Santísima».62 El empeño educativo del director se debía considerar, obviamente, dirigido al Oratorio en su conjunto: todo debería concurrir, no sólo a promover el conocimiento de las verdades cristianas, sino también a favorecer su aplicación en la vida cotidiana. Para comprender en qué medida estaba enraizada en don Bosco la preocupación de ver a sus muchachos hacer propias aquellas verdades, es suficiente repasar la narración, publicada por él en 1855, La forza della buona educazione; a pesar de que la primera parte era, en realidad, la traducción casi literal de una obrita francesa.63 Don Bosco se complacía en resaltar que el joven protagonista, Pietro, que en la narración era presentado precisamente como alumno del Oratorio de Valdocco, había sido operai, i quali nei giorni festivi soprattutto vano esposti a grandi pericoli morali e corporali»; pero no se excluían «gli studenti, che nei giorni festivi o nei giorni di vacan?a vi volessero intervenire» (MB la, 91). Por otra parte, los estudiantes venían ya a Valdocco desde hacía tiempo, si bien con una finalidad especial. Es sabido que desde los comienzos, don Bosco había invitado a «giovani di buona condotta e giá istruiti» (MO 128), que, además de mantener el orden, le ayudasen a leer y cantar cantos sagrados.
61 MB III, 92.
62 MB Hl, 98.
63 G. Bosco, La forza della buona educazione. Curioso episodio contemporaneo, Torino, Paravia 1855, ahora en: OE VI, 275-386. En la presentación, don Bosco declaraba que había utilizado un escrito francés titulado: Un mari comme il y en a beaucoup, une femme comme il y en a peu. De esta obrita, publicada anónima, pero nacida, quizás, en los ambientes de los hermanos de las Escuelas Cristianas, P. Stella ha encontrado una edición de 1869 (Caen, Chénel Librairie 1869, 7' ed.), puesta, amablemente, a mi disposición. La comparación de Un mari con La forza della buona educazione permite establecer que los seis primeros capítulos de la segunda constituyen la traducción de toda la obrita francesa. Es probable que los capítulos restantes (aquellos en que se acompaña a Pietro, el joven protagonista, desde el día de la primera comunión hasta el servicio militar) sea obra de don Bosco. Hay que decir además que también en la parte simplemente traducida, se pueden encontrar algunas añadiduras o variantes, a veces no sólo marginales. Por ejemplo, a lo largo del dialogo en que la madre recomienda a Pietro referirle, todas las tardes, las conversaciones tenidas con los compañeros de trabajo, don Bosco añade una nota típica de su visión pedagógica: «Cosí — decía precisamente la madre al hijo — io potró sempre darti buoni consigli intorno a ció che devi fare e intorno a ció che devi fuggire» (OE VI, 282).
ejemplo de virtud cristiana asistiendo a la misa no sólo en los días de fiesta, ino también en los día laborables, acercándose regularmente a los sacramende la confesión y comunión, haciendo cotidianamente lectura espiritual (I/ tos giovane provveduto), evitando las malas compañías y huyendo del ocio.
Pero en la visión de don Bosco, el Oratorio debía hacer que los jóvenes, profundizando en la vida cristiana, llegasen a ser al mismo tiempo, hombres honestos: «Entrando un joven en este Oratorio — subrayaba el Reglamento debe convencerse de que éste es un lugar de religión, en el que se desea formar buenos cristianos y honestos ciudadanos».64 Esto significaba que se habría tratado de promover virtudes tales como el altruismo, la honradez, el sentido del deber, el respeto a las autoridades constituidas. Es significativo, también aquí, el modelo de joven que don Bosco ilustraba a través de las páginas de La forza della buona educazione: Pietro había honrado al padre y a la madre aceptando los sacrificios que le habían pedido; se había comportando en el trabajo de forma encomiable, conquistando tanto la estima del patrón — que había apreciado «la fidelidad, la puntualidad, la actividad» — como la simpatía de los compañeros, «que no podían tener asistente más paciente, más caritativo»; pero no menos leal y generoso se había mostrado para con la patria, que le había llamado al servicio militar.63
Si es bastante fácil delinear el perfil del Oratorio festivo que don Bosco acariciaba en los años 50, resulta mucho más difícil establecer si tal ideal logró ser traducido, y en qué medida, en la realidad de todos los días. Algunos testimonios de proveniencia salesiana no han dudado en reconocer que el Reglamento para los externos no fue nunca practicado integralmente, ni siquiera en Turín.66 Por desgracia no existe hasta hoy un estudio serio y riguroso que precise la situación del Oratorio festivo de Valdocco, durante la vida de don Bosco. Las actas de las reuniones o conferencias del personal de la casa turinesa no ofrecen elementos dignos de relieve, al menos para el período del que son disponibles.67 Sería simplista deducir de esta ausencia de referencias (aun
ILI, 92. Véase además la definición del Oratorio que daba don Bosco el 20 de diciembre de 1851, al presentar una gran lotería promovida por él: «una casa di domenicale adunanza, in cui potessero gli uni e gli altri ayer tutto l'agio di soddisfare al religiosi doveri, e ricevere ad un tempo una istruzione, un indirizzo, un consiglio per governare cristianamente e onestamente la vita» (E I, 49).
Pietro se había expresado en estos términos ante el padre que se angustiaba al ver al hijo marchar al servicio militar: «Non affannatevi, padre, siamo cittadini, dobbiamo servire la patria»
(OE VI, 343).
66 Cf. la comisión de estudio establecida para preparar el XI Capítulo general (cf. Annali IV, P. 7).
67 Sobre estas conferencias, cf. las correspondientes actas conservadas en: ASC: 0592 Deliberazioni del Capitolo dal 1866-1877; 38 Torino Oratorio S. Francesco di Sales Adunanze del capitolo della casa Ottobre 1877 - Genn. 1884. Como es fácil intuir, estas actividades se convierten en una documentación de importancia primaria, en la vida de la casa de Valdocco, y, más en general, en la historia de la Sociedad Salesiana. Sobre estos documentos está trabajando, desde hace tiempo, José Manuel Prellezo. Entre sus trabajos, cf. JM PRELLF70, Fonti Letterarie Della Circolare «Dei que sea en el ámbito de un orador como« orar en el oratorio ». Por los documentos examinados, hemos sacado la impresión de que, en efecto, después de los años 40-50, El oratorio festivo presentará algunos síntomas de crisis-.68 A este propósito, hay que observar que, después de los datos de Pío IX en 1853 de la intención de fundar una sociedad religiosa que garantice su continuidad en trabajo, don Bosco comenzó a viajar frecuentemente, encontrédo también en la necesidad de confiar las responsabilidades cotidianas de su obra a los colaboradores más vecinos, como don Rua o don Francesia: elementos, valores de valor, pero jóvenes - al comienzo coetáneos de los mismos Los jóvenes que tienen que ocuparse, el carisma del fondo, los problemas de la casa hasta el punto de no darse cuenta completamente de las profundas transformaciones socioculturales de Turín y, en general, del país. Es comprensible que el oratorio festivo de Valdocco, la institución más ligada a los dotes de «conquistador» de jóvenes, en cualquier época don Bosco, entrando en una fase de desaceleración. Una fase que estaba destinada, en realidad, un largo tiempo, y una gran cantidad de salud en los primeros años 80, después de que - en 1883 - el tercer capítulo general de la sociedad de ventas, una reflexión sobre los oratorios festivos, 69 y después de que castighi da infliggersi nelle case salesiane », en« Orientamenti Pedagogici »37 (1988) 625-642; la., Studio and riflessione pedagogica nella congregazione salesiana 1874-1941. Note per la storia, en RSS 7 (1988) 35-88. a durar mucho tiempo y la saldría sólo en los primeros años 80, después de que - en 1883 - el tercer Capítulo general de la Sociedad. Se trata de una reflexión sobre los oratorios festivos, 69 y después de la obra. », En« Orientamenti Pedagogici »37 (1988) 625-642; la., Studio and riflessione pedagogica nella congregazione salesiana 1874-1941. Note per la storia, en RSS 7 (1988) 35-88. a durar mucho tiempo y la saldría sólo en los primeros años 80, después de que - en 1883 - el tercer Capítulo general de la Sociedad. Se trata de una reflexión sobre los oratorios festivos, 69 y después de la obra. », En« Orientamenti Pedagogici »37 (1988) 625-642; la., Studio and riflessione pedagogica nella congregazione salesiana 1874-1941. Note per la storia, en RSS 7 (1988) 35-88.
68 Esta impresión la comparte también P. Stella, el cual es refieriéndose, en realidad, más a los oratorios festivos en general que al Valdocco en particular, escribe: «Gli oratori festivi, la stampa, i pensionati, le scuole agricole non mancano e sony presentí nell'opera legislativa dei Capitoli generali, in in pratica soprattutto g, li oratori festivi pare attraversino negli ultimi deci iii deiiuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuu .. s,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, este,,, Bosco, I, p., 124,.
69 El tercer Capítulo general, celebrado en Valsalice del 2 al 7 de septiembre de 1883, tratado de los oratorios festivos en el punto VII: «Impianto e sviluppo degli Oratori festivi prenso le case salesiane». AC 04 Capitolo generale III 1883 («Convocazione Proposte»). Sobre la base de las propuestas enviadas, el Capítulo abordó el problema en la sesión del 5 de septiembre. En las actas de estas sesiones hay una nota que confirma que, en los comienzos, el Oratorio de Valdocco descansa completamente sobre los hombros de don Bosco: «principios de don Bosco doveva fare di tutto: bisogna cercare o chierici o giov [an] etti fra 'Pié adatti e buoni che disimpegnino gli ufficii secondari. E perció fissarsi bese sul Regolamento spedale ». Don Bosco formula un canon en estos términos: «II Direttore della House particolare sceglierà d'accordo coll'Ispettore un sacerdote che abbia cura speciale dell'Oratorio festivo» (ASC 046, Capitolo generale III - 1883 Verbal :). Terminada la discusión, el Capítulo emanó varias directrices generales para los oratorios festivos; pero no habríamos podido estudiar exhaustivamente todos los puntos del orden del día, los trabajos del tercer Capítulo general, iban a ser completados por el Capítulo sucesivo (1886), y las deliberaciones sobre los oratorios festivos aparecieron, por tanto, en: Deliberazioni del Terzo e Quarto capitolo Generale della Pia Societa Salesiana tenuti en Valsalice nel settembre 1883-1886, S. Benigno Canavese, Tipografia Salesiana 1887, ahora en: OE XXXVI (el nuevo Reglamento de los oratorios festivos se encuentra en las p. 274-276). en 1884 - don Bosco se convirtió en la dirección del Oratorio de Valdocco en un inteligente y activo educador como don Pavia ".
Es conveniente, por otra parte, no olvidar que, a partir de los años 60, don Bosco y sus colaboradores ocupados prevalentemente en el intento de potenciar el colegio. Varios elementos sobre la atención particular, por el sacerdote piamontés a la segunda de sus instituciones. Hemos grabado en la mitad de los años 50, maduró en don Bosco, la idea de un instituto religioso compuesto de personas entregadas en la educación de la juventud: en 1859, sostenido por el estímulo de Pío IX, pedimos a algunos clérigos, que compartían Ya el proyecto, que es su adhesión formal a la Sociedad Salesiana. En este contexto, el colegio de Valdocco tiene una función especialmente importante: serviría, precisamente, para favorecer el reclutamiento de personas dispuestas a abrazar el especial apostolado educativo de don Bosco. Su servicio se ha convertido en algo mejor que en el internado, en la sección de estudiantes y artesanos, el consentimiento alimentario, la primera, las vocaciones sacerdotales y la segunda, los salesianos laicos. "Naturalmente, cuando la Sociedad salesiana. Fueron sólidas raíces y confortado por el reconocimiento en 1869. Se difundió con la rapidez y la amplitud que conocemos, el colegio de Valdocco ya no puedo cumplir con la forma adecuada de la función de vivero vocacional y, en aquel punto, fue Es necesario replantearse el problema en su globalidad y activar estructuras de formación específica.
La idea de la propuesta educativa de los colegios se debe a la constatación de que el estado persiste en los espacios de libertad de, hasta entonces, he gozado la Iglesia. Basta recordar que en 1855 - el año en que, no por casual coincidencia, don Bosco concebido en su sociedad de ventas - el gobierno había decretado la supresión de todas las congregaciones religiosas, ¿una excepción de las que perseguían fines educativos y asistenciales? Al final de los arios 50, también se encuentran dificultades y problemas en la iglesia en el campo de la escuela. La ley Casati de 1859 consintió a los privados para abrir escuelas propias en el sector de la instrucción secundaria,
70 Sobre don Giuseppe Pavia (1852-1915), cf. Un apostolo degli oratori festivi, Torino, Tipografia Salesiana 1919.
71 Como es sabido, la Sociedad querida por don Bosco estaba compuesta de sacerdotes, clérigos y coadjutores laicos. Para una visión de conjunto de la historia del coadjutor salesiano, cf. la documentción recogida por P. BRAMO, Religiosi nuovi per il mondo del lavoro, Roma, PAS 1961. Sobre las dificultades que don Bosco tuvo que superar en relación con la situación creada por la ley del 29 mayo 1855, cf. la minuciosa reconstrucción de los hechos en: STELLA, Don BoscI, p. 129ss.
72 Como la historiografía ha subrayado ampliamente, la ley Casati se atenía, pues, al criterio de una libertad vigilada. Entre las razones que movieron al legislador a seguir este camino, se pue
Don Bosco creía que «preservazione» e «immnnizzazione» eran ya las condiciones indispensables para una seria formación moral y religiosa de las nuevas generaciones." A esta luz se comprende el régimen de minuciosas reglas que, en los primeros años 60, introdujo en el colegio de Valdocco, tanto más que, como se ha observado, dicho colegio habría debido funcionar como pequeño seminario. Así como el oratorio festivo era una estructura «abierta» donde los muchachos entrarían y permanecerían con la sola condición de que tuviesen un trabajo y compartiesen los valores humanos y religiosos del ambiente, en la misma medida el colegio asumía el perfil de una institución «cerrada» respecto al mundo externo y controlada por precisas reglas referentes a la administración y a la permanencia. En el primer Regolamento del parlatorio, redactado en 1860 para Valdocco, se podían leer disposiciones como ésta: «1. No se permite a los jóvenes del Oratorio hablar con toda clase de personas sin el permiso explícito de los Superiores, o del Encargado. No pueden ser llamados al locutorio más de dos veces al mes, y solamente desde media hora antes de las dos de todos los días, excepto los festivos. 2. No se permiten nunca salidas especiales, ni con los parientes ni con otros [...] 7. No está permitido a los parientes entrar en los dormitorios de los jóvenes»." Pero igualmente rigurosa era la recomendación que don Bosco dirigía en 1863 a don Rua en una carta, destinada a convertirse (con el título de. Ricordi confidenziali ai direttorz) enden recordar: 1) la preocupación de evitar que un sistema de total autonomía pudiese ser usado, instrumentalmente, contra el Estado; 2) el deseo de que las escuelas creadas por libre iniciativa impartiesen una instrucción, al menos, digna. Sobre la ley Casaca y las reacciones provocadas por la misma, sobre todo en campo católico, me ocupé hace tiempo en: L. PAZZAGLIA, Educazione e scuola nel programma dell'Opera dei Congressi (1874-1904), en: Cultura e socktá in Italia nell'eta umbertina, Milano, Vita e Pensiero 1981 (especialmente p. 423ss).
74 Sobre el ideal de colegio acariciado por don Bosco, cf. las acotaciones de BRAMO, /I sistema preventivo, p. 330ss. (recogidas después en: L'esperienza pedagogica preventiva, p. 389ss.) y de STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 121ss.
75 MB VI, 597-598.
uno de los textos clásicos de la tradición pedagógica salesiana: «No aceptarás nunca alumnos expulsados de otros colegios, o que sepas que son de malas costumbres. Si, a pesar de la debida cautela, ocurriese que se acepta alguno de este género, señálale enseguida un compañero seguro que le asista y no le pierda nunca de vista. Si cometiese faltas obscenas, avísesele una vez, y si recae, sea enviado inmediatamente a su casa»." También el Regolamento per le case de 1877, que don Bosco y sus colaboradores fueron preparando a través de diversas redacciones," llamaría la atención sobre la necesidad de una atenta prudencia en las aceptaciones.
Pero no se debe pensar que en Valdocco y en los otros institutos que se iban fundando, el rigor sustituyese a la alegría con una visión sombría de las cosas. Don Bosco estaba convencido de que la. alegría era «una forma di vita» congénita no sólo a la índole de los muchachos, sino también al cristianismo que, en cuanto anuncio de verdad, no podía sino producir gozo interior." A su entender, los jóvenes internos deberían, por tanto, gozar no sólo de adecuados entretenirnientos recreativos, sino, más,Olfundamente, de un clima general de confiado optimismo. Don A. Caviglia escribió que «el servite Domino in laetitia podría llamarse el undécimo mandamiento de la casa de don Bosco»." Y no se crea que, al caracterizarse el colegio por el orden y la disciplina, el sacerdote piamontés tuviese la intención de renunciar al espíritu de familia que tanto le interesaba y que él ponía en estrecha relación con la amorosa paternidad que el director debería usar con cada uno de sus jóvenes. En la citada carta a don Rua — al que también recomendaba que no transigiese mínimamente en lo que se refería a la rectitud de vida de sus huéspedes —, advertía: «Procura más bien hacerte amar que hacerte temer. La caridad y la paciencia te acompañen constantemente al mandar, al corregir, y obra de tal suerte que todos saquen por tus hechos y palabras que lo que buscas es el bien de las almas. Cuando se trate de impedir el pecado, toléralo todo»." Es sabido que, según don Bosco, si se quiere ayudar a los muchachos a desarrollar las riquezas interiores puestas en ellos por la gracia de Dios, es necesario rodearlos de una caridad sensible, por la cual cada uno de ellos se sienta valorizado. Desde esta óptica, juzgaba que el colegio, lejos de irritar a los jóvenes con ejercicios militarescos mortificantes, debía crear en torno a los alumnos un ambiente de serena familiaridad: las relaciones de bondad y de confianza recíproca suavizan las inevitables tensiones entre superiores y discípulos, y permiten a estos últimos crecer plenamente.
76 Los Ricordi confidenziali ai direttori han sido publicados por F. Motto en: Bosco, Scritti
pedagogici, p. 71-86 (el pasaje citado se halla en la p. 82).
Regolamento per le case della Societá di San Francesco di Sales, Torino, Tip. Salesiana 1877, ahora en: OE XXIX, 97-196; en el capítulo relativo a los criterios a seguir en la admisión de los muchachos, el Regolamento precisaba: «Parimenti si baderá a non ammettere dei giovani od altri individua, che per la loro cattiva condotta e massime perverse potessero riusdre d'inciampo a' propri compagni, pera si esigerá da ciascuno un certificato di condona dal proprio parroco» (p. 156-157).
78 BRAMO, L'esperienza pedagogica preventiva, p. 370.
79 A. CAVIGLIA, II Magone Michele (vol. V de las Opere e scritti editi ed inediti di don Bosco), Todito, SEI 1965, p. 149.
88 Bosco, Ricordi confidenziali, p. 79.
Casi no es necesario subrayar que, para don Bosco, la validez de un colegio se medía por la capacidad que tenía de promover, ante todo, la formación moral y religiosa. Ciertamente él evitaba cuidadosamente el mortificar las actividades referidas a la formación propiamente humana y profesional. Es más, don Bosco, animado por una visión cristiana profundamente empapada de humanismo, consideraba esencial, por ejemplo, que sus pobres artesanos adquiriesen la práctica de un oficio, pues de lo contrario, sin poder proveer digna.. mente a su vida, no podrían tampoco elevarse hacia los valores espirituales y religiosos. Aun así, la convicción de que el problema último era el de llegar a ser «fortunati abitatori del cielo» lo llevaba a considerar que la principal razón de ser del colegio consistía en inculcar a los jóvenes el temor de Dios y en colaborar con la gracia. Naturalmente, en el caso del colegio de estudiantes destinados por don Bosco para seminario, el fundamento religioso llegaba a ser más radical y la espiritualidad propuesta no se alejaba mucho de una normal preparación para el sacerdocio. A tal propósito basta leer las biografías que don Bosco dedicó a D. Savio (1859), a M. Magone (1861) y a F. Besucco (1864), tres jóvenes de relevantes cualidades morales y religiosas, que habían pasado aquellos años por Valdocco.81 Sus vidas hacían ver que la piedad fundamental de la que ellos se habían alimentado — de la oración a la frecuencia de los sacramentos, del cumplimiento de los deberes del propio estado a la devoción a María — era la de un internado de orientación seminarística.
Para comprender la idea que tenía don Bosco de un colegio católico, puede ser quizás útil la narración Valentino o la vocazione impedita, publicada por él en 1866." En el escrito se comparaban los dos colegios que el joven Valentino había conocido, frecuentando, en primer lugar, un instituto católico al que había sido mandado por el padre, descontento de la precedente experiencia, y donde el muchacho había descubierto que tenía vocación religiosa. Son sintomáticas las diferencias con las que don Bosco contraponía las dos casas. Éstas se distinguían en primer lugar por el enfoque fundamental: el instituto laico reservaba a las prácticas religiosas un puesto completamente marginal
8' G. BOSCO, Vita del giovanetto Savio Domenico allievo dell'Oratorio di San Francesco di Sales, Torino, Paravia 1859 (ahora en: OE XI, 151-292); G. Bosco, Cenno biografico sul giovanetto Magone Michele allievo dell'Oratorio di San Francesco di Sales, Torino, Paravia, 1861 (en: OE XIII, 155-250); G. BOSCO, Il pastorello delle Alpi ovvero vita del giovane Besucco Francesco d'Argentera, Torino, Paravia 1864 (en: OE XV, 243-434).
12 G. Bosco, Valentino o la vocazione impedita, Torino, Tip. dell'Oratorio di San Francesco di Sales 1866 (ahora en: OE XVII, 179-242). Cf. G. Bosco, Valentino o la vocazione impedita. Introduzione e testo critico a cura di M. Pulingathil, Roma, LAS 1987 (las citas que siguen han sido tomadas de esta edición).
(«no se hacía ni meditación, ni lectura espiritual; y las oraciones se recitaban en común, pero una- sola vez al día, estando de pie y muy deprisa»); el católico, en cambio, asumía la religión como propio principio inspirador («la religión [es] enseñada, recomendada y practicada de forma excepcional»). Pero, como el responsable de la edición crítica de la novela ha subrayado, los dos colegios se diferenciaban también desde el punto de vista metodológico.83 En efecto, mientras el primero parecía que se fundaba exclusivamente en la disciplina — al menos por los rasgos con que se describía al director —, el segundo se orientaba según una concepción pedagógica abierta — alegría, estudio, piedad — y podía, además, contar con la presencia discreta pero continua de un director constantemente preocupado del progreso moral y espiritual de sus muchachos-hijos."
4. Entre las exigencias de reglamentación y nuevos problemas educativos
Después que en 1869 la Sociedad salesiana tuvo el reconocimiento pontificio, don Bosco estuvo muy absorbido por preocupaciones de tipo jurídico-organizativo, porque debía redactar y hacer aprobar las Constituciones (18721874) y porque comenzando la Sociedad en 1875 a implantarse fuera de Italia y hasta a lanzarse en la empresa misionera, era necesario seguir su desarrollo, evitando que el rápido y amplio crecimiento resultara en menoscabo de una imprescindible unidad de orientación. De esta forma fue inducido a reflexionar sobre el sentido de su obra y sobre la especificidad característica." Las Memorie dell'Oratorio, redactadas por don Bosco en los primeros años 70, nacieron precisamente en el cuadro de tales reflexiones, y fueron elaboradas por el autor con el claro intento de dejar a sus propios colaboradores una especie de memoria viva de sus orígenes. En este contexto, el sacerdote piamontés hizo también la redacción definitiva de los Reglamentos para el Oratorio festivo y para las casas, que, como ya hemos recordado, fueron publicados en 1877.
83 Bosco, Valentino, p. 42-43.
84 A propósito del primero de los dos directores, se decía: « [Valentino] aveva un direttore affabile si, ma deciso nel comandare, severo nel pretendere, rigoroso in ogni ramo di disciplina» (Valentino, p. 58). El sacerdote que dirigía el colegio católico era presentado, por el contrario, como persona afectuosa, aunque no melosa, capaz de adentrarse en las heridas más secretas de los jóvenes interlocutores, inteligentemente preocupada del destino de las almas: «Da quel giorno la vita di lui [Valentino] fu di vera soddisfazione al suo direttore che non perdette piti di vista il figliuolo spirituale che aveva acquistato» (Ibid. p. 71).
a' Sobre la especial atención con la que don Bosco y sus colaboradores fueron inducidos, en aquellos años, a profundizar el sentido de su propuesta pedagógica, cf. PRELLEZO, Studio e riflessione pedagogica, p. Il sistema preventivo riletto dai primi salesiani, en «Orientamenti Pedagogici» 36 (1989) 40-61.
De forma totalmente ocasional tuvo origen, en cambio, Il sistema preventivo. En este momento nosotros no seguiremos su génesis, ni haremos un examen pormenorizado de sus contenidos, porque, en último término, tendríamos que repetir cosas que P. Stella y P. Braido han dicho ya eficazmente, resaltando — entre otras cosas — asonancias, convergencias y conexiones de la obrita con los escritos de autores como el hermano Agathon, el abate Blanchard, el canónigo Auclisio, el lazarista Monaci, el barnabita Teppa, mons. Dupanloup." Pero es útil subrayar que, a pesar de haber nacido como simple desarrollo de la conferencia dada por don Bosco el 12 de marzo de 1877 en Niza con ocasión de la inauguración del Patronage Saint Pierre, el pequeño tratado adquirió muy pronto, dentro y fuera de la Sociedad salesiana, una relevancia que ni siquiera el autor había imaginado.87 El hecho tiene su explicación: téngase presente que don Bosco, reordenando durante aquellos meses — junto con sus colaboradores — los Reglamentos, decidió introducir la conferencia de Niza en el Regolamento per le case (1877). De este modo, la obrita asumió, a los ojos de los salesianos, el significado de «ley fundamental», y bastante rápidamente fue utilizada como metro de juicio para valorar la conformidad de las varias casas — en actividad o en vías de institución — con los principios y el espíritu de la Sociedad salesiana.88 Es necesario añadir, sin embargo, que Il sistema preventivo tenía el valor objetivo de ilustrar de forma sumaria pero eficaz algunos de los criterios inspiradores de una experiencia de más de treinta años. En efecto, los tres principios — razón, religión, amabilidad —, sobre los que, más allá de la terminología represivo-preventiva completamente nueva en don Bosco, se llamaba la atención, constituían los contenidos y la metodología en la que se había inspirado, al realizar una obra que de la recuperación de los muchachos abandonados le había llevado, progresivamente, a ocuparse de la formación de los estudiantes y hasta de futuros sacerdotes. No hay, pues, que extrañarse de que, dentro de la Sociedad salesiana, el breve escrito se revistiese de tanta importancia y que don Bosco y sus colaboradores no sólo se persuadiesen de tener en las manos un sistema educativo propio, sino que comenzasen a considerarlo susceptible de ser aplicado más allá de sus ambientes educativos.89
La distancia con la cual hoy es posible examinar el opúsculo, permite ver mejor también su límites. P. Stella ha subrayado ya que dicho opúsculo tendía a supervalorar la antítesis preventivo-represivo con la consecuencia de descuidar una parte no indiferente de la problemática educativa; corría el riesgo de método de don Bosco comenzó a recibir, precisamente entonces, de estudios dedicados específicamente a él (cf. BRALDO, L'esperienza pedagogica di don Bosco, p. 32ss.).
De STELLA, véase Don Bosco II, p. 441-474; de BRAMO, L'esperienza pedagogica preventiva, p. 313-319, y sobre todo las amplias notas a G. Bosco, Il sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventü, Introduzione e testi critici a cura di P. Braido, Roma, LAS 1985.
87 OE XXIX, 99-109.
88 BRAIDO, L'esperienza pedagogica di don Bosco, p. 28ss.
89 Fueron reforzados en esta persuasión, además, por los juicios favorables que el hacer creer que todo el problema consistía en evitar que los muchachos cometiesen errores; estaba demasiado condicionado por la fórmula del colegio y por la situación que llevaba consigo como, por ejemplo, la asistencia «visible» y «continua» de los jóvenes por parte de los educadores9° Con palabras un poco expeditivas, se podría decir que, más allá de sus indiscutibles méritos, Il sistema preventivo no reflejaba el abanico completo de las varias estructuras y actividades a las que el sacerdote piamontés había dado vida, ni la riqueza de motivaciones religiosas y pedagógicas implicadas. Lo que ocurre es que las formulaciones teóricas de don Bosco no lograban expresar justamente el concreto proyecto histórico, que con grande dinamismo y sentido de la realidad, él actuó gradualmente, tratando de adaptar sus ideales de sacerdote y educador a las diversas categorías de jóvenes que encontró a lo largo del camino.
Poi. lo demás, en el curso de la última década de su vida, don Bosco debía mostrar que se movía en un horizonte más amplio respecto al cuadro de referencia de la obrita de 1877. Sus inquietudes por las condiciones de la juventud continuaban creciendo. Sobre su estado de ánimo actuaban como de costumbre las vicisitudes políticas y especialmente el recrudecerse de la tensión en las relaciones entre Estado e Iglesia, las cuales con la conquista de Roma habían entrado en una fase crítica. Don Bosco temía que iba a deshilacharse el mismo tejido social, en gran medida por efecto de la acción disgregadora de la enseñanza pública. Precisamente poco después de la brecha de Porta Pia, el 29 de septiembre 1870, el ministro de Instrucción pública, C. Correnti, había hecho pública una circular con la que, alterando las disposiciones de la ley Casati, establecía que en las escuelas elementales la instrucción religiosa debía ser garantizada no a todos, sino a los que la hubiesen pedído.91 En las Memorie dell'Oratorio, don Bosco ponía un acento nostálgico en la situación que él había conocido como estudiante gimnasial en Chieri, que es difícil no poner en relación con el disgusto que le causaba el ver a los gobiernos del Estado italiano ensañándose con la presencia de la religión en la escuela: «Está bien que os recuerde aquí que en aquellos tiempos la religión formaba parte fundamental de la educación. Un profesor que, aun bromeando, hubiese pronunciado una palabra obscena o irreligiosa, era inmediatamente depuesto del cargo. Si se hacía así con los profesores, ¡imaginad qué severidad se usaba con los alumnos indisciplinados o escandalosos! ».92
" STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 462ss.
U La disposición fue confirmada por la Circular del 12 de julio de 1871, la cual precisaba que era competencia de los ayuntamientos el hacer impartir la instrucción religiosa por los maestros o por otras personas declaradas idóneas para ello. Sobre las dos circulares de Correnti y, más en general, sobre la política perseguida por Correnti como responsable de la Instrucción Pública, cf. B. PISA, Cesare Correnti e il dibattito sulla laicitá dell'insegnamento, en «Rassegna Storica del Risorgimento» 62 (1975) 212-229, y las referencias en mi trabajo, Educazione e scuola nel programma dell'Opera dei Congressi, p. 426-427.
MO 54.
Pero mucho más profundas debieron de ser las preocupaciones de don Bosco en 1877 cuando, poco después de la llamada revolución parlamentaria, el gobierno de la Izquierda guiado por Depretis promulgaba, por iniciativa del ministro de Instrucción pública, Coppino, dos leyes que daban un ulterior empujón a la secularización de la escuela: la ley del 23 de junio, que disponía la abolición de los directores espirituales en los gimnasios, en los bachilleratos y en los institutos técnicos, y la ley del 15 de julio que no reconocía la religión entre las materias constitutivas de la instrucción elemental, avalando de esta manera el régimen introducido por Corren-ti." Don Bosco se confirmaba, una vez más, en la idea de que no sólo estaba en peligro el joven pobre y abandonado, sino todo muchacho que, junto a la fragilidad de la edad, debía ahora pagar un fuerte escote a una sociedad que iba marginando los valores religiosos.
Los viajes, que desde hacía algún tiempo llevaba a cabo en Europa visitando las casas salesianas, le hacían ver que la condición de los jóvenes en difi.. cultad, en el sentido precisado aquí, era una condición muy difundida, pues los problemas de los muchachos de Turín, Génova y Roma se presentaban no muy diversos de aquellos de sus coetáneos que vivían en París, Marsella o Barcelona. Don Bosco tenía la impresión de que la sociedad de los varios países europeos estaba, aunque fuera por motivos e itinerarios diversos, alejándose rápidamente de la religión como elemento unificador de la vida personal y colectiva, y pensaba que todos los muchachos — sobre todo los de las grandes aglomeraciones urbanas donde los tradicionales controles sociales desaparecían más fácilmente que en los ambientes rurales — estaban, aunque en forma diversa, igualmente expuestos al riesgo de crecer no sólo fuera de las verdades cristianas, sino también alejados de todo sano criterio moral. En este momento, para el sacerdote píamontés, el problema educativo comenzó a unirse cada vez más al de la regeneración de la sociedad y, en el caso de las misiones, al de la civilización de los pueblos. Don Bosco, en la medida en que tomaba conciencia de las graves dificultades con que se encontraba la juventud, en esa misma medida se convencía de que, una vez socorridos y ayudados los jóvenes en el plano religioso además del humano, se habrían puesto también las premisas para una renovación de la misma sociedad. A este propósito, es sugerente la experiencia misionera salesiana sobre la que el fundador llamaba la atención en la carta dirigida al card. Franchi el 13 diciembre 1877." Llegados a América latina, los misioneros salesianos habían creído oportuno no situarse en medio de los llamados «salvajes», sino en los confines de los pueblos civilizados, fundando allí iglesias, escuelas, hospicios para instruir a «aquellos indios que la religión o la necesidad hubiesen movido a buscar asilo entre los cristianos».
93 Sobre las iniciativas legislativas de Coppino y, más en general, sobre la política escolar de la Izquierda, cf. A. TALAMANC.A, Liberta della scuola e liberta nella scuola, Padova, Cedam 1975, p. 202ss.; M. BENDISCIOLI, La Sinistra storica e la scuola, en «Studium» 73 (1977) 447-466; PAZZA GLIA, Educazione e scuola nel programma dell'Opera dei Congressi, p. 438ss.
" EJE, 256-261.
" La razón de esta opción era la de hacer que los indios, integrados de este modo en la civilización cristiana, llegasen a ser, a su vez, educadores y evangelizadores de sus tribus: «contraer relaciones con los padres por medio de los hijos, con el fin de que los salvajes llegaran a ser evangelizadores de los mismos salvajes ».96
Se podría decir que don Bosco creía que se debía pensar en un criterio análogo para proceder a la regeneración de la sociedad. El camino que permitiría volver a colocar en el centro de la vida colectiva los valores morales y religiosos consistía en volver a acercar a tales valores a las nuevas generaciones. Pero entonces cobra un sentido más preciso la misma línea con la cual don Bosco, poco después de las vicisitudes del 48, y también en la última década de su vida, declaró que quería estar alejado de la política. En realidad (como él mismo tendría, al fin, que admitir), su empeño, sobre todo en esa última fase de la vida, se cargó de inflexiones civiles y latamente políticas, al menos allí donde trataba de hacer hincapié en la educación como instrumento fundamental de transformación social. El 31 de mayo de 1883 escribía a los Cooperadores de la ciudad de Turín: «¿Queréis que os sugiera un trabajo relativamente fácil, muy ventajoso y fecundo de los más amplios resultados? Pues bien, trabajad en torno a la buena educación de la juventud, especialmente de aquella más pobre y abandonada, que es la más numerosa, y vosotros lograréis razonablemente dar gloria a Dios, procurar el bien de la Religión, salvar muchas almas y cooperar eficazmente a la reforma, al bienestar de la sociedad civil; pues la razón, la Religión, la historia y la experiencia demuestran que la sociedad religiosa y civil será buena o mala, sergún sea buena o mala la juventud que ahora nos rodea»." El discurso mostraba lo que don Bosco tenía en su mente para la transformación social: una obra que, precisamente a través de la educación, debía poner a todos los jóvenes, especialmente a los pobres y abandonados, en condiciones de atender dignamente a su vida; pero cuyo objetivo último era el de promover la máxima difusión de los valores ético-religiosos, respetando a las autoridades públicas y las estructuras sociopolíticas constituidas.
Naturalmente con vistas a esta obra dirigida, en perspectiva misionera, a llevar «la parola della vita eterna» a pueblos enteros; y, en la perspectiva de la regeneración de las sociedades tradicionalemente cristianas, era necesario poder contar con energías e instrumentos adecuados para reproducir y para consolidar los valores ético-religiosos perdidos o debilitados. La conciencia de la amplitud del empeño llevaba a don Bosco a fundar una organización de Cooperadores con el fin de que, colaborando con las finalidades de la Sociedad salesiana, recogiesen a los muchachos de la calle y tratasen de transformarlos en buenos cristianos y honestos ciudadanos. Don Bosco, sin embargo, no se pararía aquí y, en vista de la realización de su proyecto, habría de buscar la ayuda de círculos de personas cada vez más amplios. Consideraciones de oportunidad y de conciencia de la insuficiencia de su obra, hacían comprender a don Bosco que, lejos de encerrarse en las propias instituciones, convenía dirigir sus pasos hacia un esfuerzo unido de iniciativas que, más allá de sus características especificas, estuviesen coligadas por la misma preocupación cari. tativo — educativa: «no entendemos — precisaba en un manifiesto de 1877 a los Cooperadores — que éste sea el único medio de hacer el bien en medio de la sociedad civil; al contrario, nosotros aprobamos y ensalzamos altamente a todas las instituciones, uniones, asociaciones públicas o privadas que tienden a beneficiar a la humanidad» 98 Pero, a cierto punto, su ansia educativa le llevó a cultivar la idea de un movimiento de Cooperadores en el cual hasta tendría que reconocerse la cristiandad entera.99
9, E III, 257. E III, 257.
" BS 7 (1883) 7, 104.
Por lo que se refiere a los instrumentos, en esta última fase, don Bosco hacía ver que ya no estaba ligado de forma prevalente, y mucho menos exclusiva, a la experiencia del colegio. Daba la impresión de querer hacer fructificar todas las oportunidades formativas que, gradualmente, había proyectado y actuado. La cosa se explica, ciertamente, con el hecho de que, encontrándose la Sociedad salesiana empeñada en varios frentes para responder a múltiples necesidades educativas, no existía una fórmula que, por principio, debiera prevalecer sobre las otras: en ciertos casos podía estar bien el colegio; en otros, el oratorio o la escuela nocturna. Pero a uno se le ocurre pensar que, durante estos últimos años, don Bosco tendía a revisar también algunas perspectivas, más generales, como, por ejemplo, la visión con la cual — coincidiendo con el momento de la «colegialización» — había terminado por concebir la relación educativa sobre la falsilla de una asistencia físicamente cercana y continua, y que, debiendo mantener con los mismos jóvenes dirigidos por él relaciones más bien discontinuas — a causa de los numerosos viajes fuera de Turín —, valorizase también, ahora, un tipo de «presencia amorosa y preventiva» más matizada, aunque igualmente partícipe.m)
Pero, sobre todo, se hacía cada vez más profunda la persuasión de que la tarea educativa consistía en hacer de cada muchacho un hombre maduro P. Braido diría un «uomo tradizionale rinnovato »—, de modo que, de «destinatario del proyecto» llegase a ser, al fin, el «protagonista-operador» de la reconstrucción de la sociedad cristiana.'" Respecto a este tema, son interesantes las múltiples conferencias que don Bosco fue dando a los Cooperadores y que el «Bollettino Salesiano» registraba puntualmente: «La limosna — decía en un encuentro de 1881 — se extiende al cuerpo y al alma, a la sociedad y a la religión, al tiempo y a la eternidad. [...] Se extiende a la sociedad doméstica y porque los citados muchachos, si son aptos para un taller, con el tiempo, se harán capaces para proveer un honesto sustento a su propia familia, y con su industria y actividad proporcionarán un no pequeño beneficio a la sociedad; si además se dedican al estudio de las ciencias y de las letras, se harán útiles a la sociedad con las obras del ingenio, o con este o aquel empleo civil. y después, tanto los unos como los otros, estando no sólo instruidos, sino — lo que es más importante —, sabiamente educados, serán siempre una garantía de moralidad y de buen orden entre el pueblo».'" La insistencia con la cual don Bosco daba tanto relieve a la limosna nacía, ciertamente, de la preocupación de subrayar la amplia gama de efectos benéficos que la caridad tiene ya sobre la tierra antes que en el cielo; pero, al mismo tiempo, hacía transparentar la intención profunda con la que él se ocupaba de la obra que sus benefactores le permitían realizar: aquella obra servía para promover el crecimiento humano-religioso, no sólo de cada persona particular, sino también de la sociedad en todas sus expresiones.
98 BS 3 (1877) 8, 2.
" BRAIDO, Il progetto operativo di don Bosco, p. 33-34.
m° Podría ser útil, quizás, leer desde esta óptica toda la producción literaria (libros, discursos, cartas) del último don Bosco.
BitAIDO, Il progetto operativo di don Bosco, p. 24; MILANESI, Sistema preventivo, p. 163-164.
102 BS 5 (1881) 12, 5.
LA PEDAGOGÍA DE SAN JUAN BOSCO EN SU SIGLO Guy AVANZINI -
Todo acontece como si San Juan Bosco fuese .el objeto de una representación paradójica: por una parte, en efecto, se le conoce y celebra por todas partes como un gran educador, es decir, un profesional de calidad excepcional, cuyo ejemplo se presenta suficientemente fecundo como para dinamizar e inspirar aún hoy a los institutos religiosos y a la familia espiritual que proceden de él.
Por otra parte, sin embargo, se duda en reconocerlo como un verdadero «pedagogo», en otorgarle un concepto de educación que le haga merecedor de situarse con todo derecho entre los de su siglo. Se le pinta y se le mira demasiado exclusivamente como sujeto de un carisma propio, que deriva de la gracia y de su santidad. No se atiende al modo con que, más allá de su persona, sus ideas se sitúan en la historia de las ideas y su problemática en las de su tiempo, valorando mal la novedad que él aporta.
Es esta imagen contrapuesta y, sin duda poco acertada, la que interesa intentar corregir. Después de haber precisado las razones y las condiciones de este intento, nos esforzaremos en determinar bien lo que, en relación con las corrientes dominantes de su época, especifica tanto la función que él asigna a la educación y los atributos que exige para que se dé, como el conocimiento del que esta actividad constituye el objeto.'
1. Las razones de una exclusión
Si, a pesar de algunos progresos recientes, se da en Francia una gran pobreza en la investigación sobre la historia de la pedagogía, en el caso de San Juan Bosco se trata de una verdadera exclusión. Todas las obras clásicas coinciden en que no dicen nada de él.
No es erróneo imputar este silencio al laicismo dominante que, en muchas publicaciones francesas, oculta parcialmente y a veces ampliamente, la visión de la historia de la pedagogía. Pero, a pesar de que sea parcialmente inevitable, esta interpretación no es del todo completa. De hecho, si muchos salesianos italianos se han dedicado a ello minuciosamente, los mismos salesianos franceses, excepción hecha de don Desramaut, parece que han estado menos atentos a este aspecto de la obra del Fundador, o bien han adoptado un estilo más hagiográfico y edificante que histórico y científico.
Para una presentación más amplia de este argumento, cf. G. AVANZJNI (ed.), Education et pédagogie chez don Bosco. Colloque interuniversitAire, Lyon 4-7 april 1988, Paris, Fleurus 1989, p.55-93:
Esta abstención depende también, no hay duda, del hecho de que su pensamiento es de difícil acceso y no se puede identificar con facilidad. No se presenta a la manera clásica. Su formulación fragmentaria y la ausencia de una obra de síntesis no ayudan a percibir su unidad. No alcanza a situarse a la altura de las corrientes universitarias o de los discursos políticos de su tiempo sobre la educación. Sus historiadores se preguntan, por consiguiente, sobre la misma legitimidad de una formalización demasiado rígida y sobre el carácter que hay que dar, en este campo, a sus textos: curiosamente don Anffray se pregunta si se trata de verdad de un «sistema» — término usado por el mismo don Bosco —, de una «doctrina», de un «método». ¿Sería entonces un «gran educador», dado que no es un «pedagogo»?
Todo esto exige el esfuerzo de caracterizar mejor la aportación de don Bosco a su siglo, de comprender si su especificidad logra explicar la marginación de que es víctima, las divergencias que se advierten entre sus intérpretes y el retraso que caracteriza su estudio por los prejuicios apuntados.
2. Una opción educativa
La primera pregunta que hay que hacerse se refiere a las razones que movieron a este sacerdote italiano del siglo XIX a educar y a querer educar, en vez de a otras actividades pastorales. ¿Cómo justifica esta opción? En otros términos, ¿qué función atribuye a la educación? ¿Qué espera obtener como finalidad?
Su percepción, limitada pero intensa, de las consecuencias que la situación social en los Estados Sardos, en Piamonte, en Liguria, tiene sobre la juventud de su tiempo y de las medidas que exige, podría conducirlo a dos estrategias divergentes: en la primera, la renovación y el desarrollo de la educación suponen el mejor, si no el único, medio; todo progreso duradero de la sociedad pasa por el progreso de las personas y de él depende. Caldeada por numerosos filósofos, esta estrategia estuvo ya en el origen de la fundación de varias órdenes o congregaciones dedicadas a los jóvenes, en el surco de la tradición tridentina. En la segunda, un cambio en la educación no puede ser el primer medio, porque es el poder político el que impone a la educación sus objetivos y no viceversa. El poder político confisca la educación y la mueve según sus propios fines. De aquí la inutilidad de los intentos de autorrenovación de la educación. Precisamente este último concepto es el que domina en el siglo XIX, sobre todo en su segunda mitad. Anima a los que militan para instaurar la democracia: de ella, piensan, depende la adopción de una legislación escolar progresista, capaz, a su vez, de reforzar su posición. Y así, en Italia, los liberales no esperan un desarrollo de la instrucción sin una previa evolución política y hasta constitucional, como no esperan inducir ésta a partir de aquélla.
Podríamos suponer a un don Bosco partidario de intervenciones de orden político, tanto más que, bajo el reinado de Carlo Alberto, éstas se presentan posibles. Y, en cambio, no es así. No sólo no las aconseja, sino que las desaconseja firmemente, condena repetidamente las actividades que se inspiran en ellas, prohíbe a sus religiosos tomar parte en ellas, y en varias ocasiones manifiesta que estas prohibiciones deberían figurar en las Constituciones de su Instituto. No admite más que las iniciativas de orden social y educativo.
Este rechazo es plenamente coherente con el conjunto de su pensamiento. Es más, parece que su pensamiento lo exige. Éste no depende, como podría parecer a simple vista, del factor coyuntural que es la cuestión romana. Está motivado por la reserva que le produce la mentalidad de los militantes políticos. Mientras recomendaba vivamente reformas sociales, don Bosco tiene horror al espíritu de protesta y de polémica. Teme que las ideas democráticas, a pesar de su confianza inicial en algún movimiento cristiano respecto de ellas, lleven a consecuencias nocivas y alcancen, con efecto perverso, a favorecer más bien el liberalismo, el socialismo y el anticlericalismo. Sin embargo, y más todavía, la valoración de lo político supone a sus ojos el peligro de una supervaloración de lo temporal; lo esencial no es este mundo, sino el otro. En este sentido, un énfasis abusivo sobre la felicidad terrena y el planteamiento material de la vida serían un error, porque actuarían en detrimento del único fin verdaderamente válido, la conquista de la eternidad. La alienación verdadera es de orden espiritual y no económico. La supervaloración de lo político podría inducir a situar el fin último aquí abajo, mientras que consiste en ganarse
el cielo.
Excluida de este modo la militancia política, don Bosco se adhiere fervorosamente a la corriente que privilegia la educación: sólo ésta permite hacer conocer, amar e interiorizar las ideas que lo merecen, según una sana jerarquía de valores. Por consiguiente, asigna a la educación una doble finalidad, de las que la primera es de orden rigurosamente espiritual: enseñar la Verdad en materia de Fe y Moral, para ayudar al hombre a construir su salvación, mientras que la segunda es la de «formare onesti cittadini», dotados de una cualificación profesional que, sobre todo tratándose de cualificación artesanal, permite su inserción social. Un sujeto que posee una profesión está, en efecto, menos expuesto que uno en paro a las tentaciones y a desviaciones.
Una doctrina así le aleja de la pedagogía de su tiempo, aun la católica. También esta última quiere que la educación tienda a -la salvación, pero de hecho hay una divergencia acerca del papel que se atribuye al planteamiento de la vida terrena, y por tanto a la acción temporal y, a fortiori, a los compromisos o medias medidas que algunos, supervalorando los objetivos demasiado humanos, parecen admitir. Don Bosco teme que el compromiso que se aplica en la edificación de la ciudad terrena atenúe, relativice y hasta margine el compromiso que sólo merece la ciudad de Dios.
Esta voluntad sería, con todo, todavía vana si el sujeto mismo no estuviese en condiciones de beneficiarse de ella. Se la debe acompañar, pues, implícita o explícitamente, con el postulado de que es educable, es decir, maleable y perfectible. En la idea de don Bosco, el sujeto goza de una fuerza extraordinaria, que contrasta vigorosamente con las imágenes corrientes de su época. Y tanto más exige que se le explicite cuanto más aparece a primera vista paradójico, quimérico: los que él quiere elevar y salvar son marginados, desadaptados, delincuentes, corrompidos, a veces pervertidos, es decir, los que la sociología y la psicología de la época consideran como «irrecuperables», incurables. A despecho de todo eso, pues, que le tenía que haber disuadido de creer en su recuperación, don Bosco se obstina en afirmarlo posible y rechaza todo fatalismo, sobre cualquier doctrina, opinión o experiencia que pretenda justificarlo.
Esta confianza en el otro no es más que un aspecto de la confianza en el Dios que confía a cada uno, aunque de manera diferenciada, talentos. Los talentos que cada uno debe aprender a descubrir para que pueda usarlos y de los que necesita que le ayuden a hacerlo. Una confianza que no tiene nada de rousseauniano. No es confianza en la bondad de la «naturaleza», idea de la que desconfía fuertemente, sino en la del Creador, del que las criaturas son imágenes auténticas. Por consiguiente, su «espiritualidad», como la ha analizado muy bien don Desramaut, no es sólo un aspecto singular o local de su pensamiento, sino el centro fundador de su doctrina sobre la educabilidad. Él rechaza, pues, las representaciones fixistas o fatalistas alimentadas por la imaginación común en su tiempo y por las teorizaciones anteriores a la psicología dinámica, dispuestas a afirmar la intangibilidad del capital intelectual como justificativo de la igualdad de las posibilidades, el estatuto «natural» de las cualidades y sobre todo de los defectos de cada uno y, hasta el carácter «constitucional» de las perversiones de algunos y la situación hereditaria de sus «taras» para justificar, con estos estereotipos, rigor y represión.
3. Originalidad de la opción educativa
Para conseguir estos fines don Bosco no se fía ni enseguida ni incondicionalmente de la escuela. Aunque todavía hay que realizar una exploración sistemática de su postura sobre este punto, en el estado actual de la investigación podemos considerarla fundamentalmente ambivalente. Convencido de que el progreso del conocimiento lleva consigo el de la conducta, desea que todos puedan frecuentar la escuela y recibir una formación general y, al mismo tiempo profesional, pedida tanto por su estructuración intelectual como por la evolución social. Por eso funda instituciones, colegios de modo especial, traza el perfil de una verdadera y real enseñanza técnica, piensa en la alfabetización de los adolescentes analfabetos, escribe un manual de aritmética y, más ampliamente, mantiene una actividad editorial muy intensa y gestiona la distribución de numerosas publicaciones.
Debe, sin embargo, constatar que la escolarización no está todavía generalizada, pero que, en todo caso, la dejan a las puertas de la adolescencia muchos que se han beneficiado de ella, exponiéndose a los peligros que se derivan de la falta de algún elemento protector. Entre la infancia y la edad adulta, el momento del matrimonio, hay que proveerles de uno, para que superen con éxito esa laguna peligrosa. Además, admitiendo que se generalice y se prolongue y en la medida en que esto suceda, ¿no se debería temer que, por una dinámica imparable, la escuela vaya siendo cada vez menos un lugar en que se enseñe la fe y la moral cristiana? ¿No se le pedirá cada vez más fines temporales, que sirva a intereses individualistas y a promover el espíritu de crítica cuando no hasta el laicismo? ¿No da demasiada importancia al estudio de la civilización greco-latina, vehículo de una ideología pagana del hombre?
Él disocia, pues, fe en la educación y confianza en la escuela. Si comparte con muchos otros el deseo de difundir la cultura, no piensa en los mismos destinatarios y es sensible a la insuficiencia coyuntural y a la ambigüedad esencial de esa exigencia. Esquematizando un poco más de lo que nos es permitido, podríamos decir que su proyecto es educar adolescentes desadaptados del ambiente urbano, mientras que las pedagogías dominantes se preocupan más bien de instruir a muchachos «normales» del ambiente rural y de las cases medias.
Él se siente entonces llamado a hacer surgir nuevas instituciones, capaces de tener en cuenta tanto su concepto sobre los fines como la imagen de sus sujetos. Para eso trabajó tanto durante su vida: para fundar esas instituciones. Y como el cometido emprendido supera las posibilidades de una sola persona, tanto más cuanto que el servicio que desea debe prolongarse después de él, hace falta también dar a quien lo asuma un estatuto capaz de garantizarles continuidad y estabilidad. De aquí el deseo de asociar a los cooperadores salesianos y más si es posible: fundar un Instituto.
Estas iniciativas parecen exigir observaciones entre sí contradictorias. En primer lugar, estas iniciativas aparecen radicalmente originales, en la medida en que en aquella época interés y pasiones se centran enteramente en la escuela primaria. Una mirada más atenta podría ver además una manifestación más del interés que muchos sacerdotes y religiosos de la época tienen sobre el fenómeno de la urbanización y la proletarizadón y la miseria moral de adolescentes desadaptados o en camino de estarlo. Todas estas iniciativas son todavía deplorablemente poco conocidas. Quedan por integrar en la historia de la educación y por estudiar según problemáticas de orden educacional. Pero son numerosas. Hace falta, no obstante, subrayar la originalidad del método: en esto don Bosco es fundamentalmente innovador. Sin duda que él se guarda mucho de presentarse como «inventor» del «sistema preventivo» que contrapone al «sistema represivo». Tanto por modestia como por desarmar la desconfianza hostil que una afirmación demasiado brutal de su originalidad pudiera suscitar. En su «prudencia», busca patronos: San Alfonso de Ligorio, San Felipe Neri, San Francisco de Sales, mons. Dupanloup, etc. Pero de hecho, aquí su originalidad es total y, más allá de los detalles, depende de la valoración de un afecto «expresado de modo comprensible», sin miedos, un afecto no fingido, simulado o afectado, sino sentido.
Don Bosco introduce aquí una verdadera rotura; no tiene miedo de la amistad; asume sus riesgos; quiere que se demuestre y no sea simulada; no la aconseja sólo a los que tienen, raras veces, un carisma especial, a algún adulto selecto; descubre un modelo difícil, por las posibles desviaciones que pueden aparecer, pero bueno, más aún, el único verdaderamente bueno, y lo recomienda obstinadamente y con firmeza a sus religiosos.
Muchos de los que reconocen el papel preventivo de la educación la hacen depender de una reglamentación punitiva y esto corresponde a una fuerte corriente dentro de la pedagogía cristiana. Otros no recurren a ello, pero sólo porque no creen en la seducción del mal o hasta sacralizan todas las inclinaciones del niño; es la tentación de un cierto optimismo naturalista de tipo rousseauniano. Por su parte, don Bosco quiere unir función preventiva de la educación y método igualmente preventivo. Don Vecchi lo afirma de modo excelente: «Hablar de educación como prevención viene antes que hablar de prevención en la educación».
4. Don Bosco «pedagogo»
Tenemos que ir más adelante todavía, reconociendo a don Bosco un concepto nuevo del tipo de saber del que la educación puede ser o llegar a ser objeto. Según nos parece, propuso verdaderamente una «pedagogía», es decir, una reflexión organizada sobre la educación; es, por tanto, un «pedagogo» en el sentido más pleno y exigente del término, y no sólo un «educador».
Ante todo, hace falta reconocer en él una «teoría» o, por lo menos, una aproximación teórica: al distinguir entre sistema represivo y sistema preventivo, entiende exponer — de modo universalmente válido en su forma limite modalidades de regulación de las exigencias educativas a través del tiempo y el espacio. Traza un esquema explicativo alrededor del cual se podría construir una interpretación global de la historia.
Sin embargo, no se contenta con describir; no es ésta su principal preocupación. Quiere prescribir: finalidades, normas, principios, un ideal. Quiere justificar el recurso al sistema preventivo desvelando sus razones. Nos encontramos, si no ante una doctrina, sí ante una aproximación de orden doctrinal.
En función de estas normas, y de modo consecuente, organiza un método, enunciando, no sin detalle, el procedimiento de aplicación. No indica sólo el porqué, sino también cómo utilizarlo; se asegura de que se siga de verdad en las casas de su Congregación, llama la atención firmemente sobre su oportunidad y advierte a los que lo olvidan. No lo presenta como empírico, sino que lo conecta explícitamente con sus principios.
Por último, al deliberar sobre dos parámetros del acto educativo (finalidad y figura del sujeto), al inventar las instituciones y los métodos que le parecen exigir éstas, al hacer surgir de entre todas estas variables de naturaleza heterogénea una coherencia interior; una solidaridad intercondicionada e interagente, crea un «sistema». Y la acepción moderna que ha recibido esta acepción gracias a la aproximación sistemática no pone en absoluto en tela de juicio, al contrario, confirma la legitimidad de esta denominación que él mismo le dio.
Es verdad que su esquema es radicalmente diferente del que estaba en vigencia y trataba de prevalecer en su tiempo. No podemos reconocer en él ni un vocabulario normalizado, ni un tratamiento universitario, ní anotaciones de orden metodológico sobre el procedimiento seguido, ni consideraciones de orden epistemológico sobre la validez del conocimiento adquirido. Extraño por eso mismo a la tradición académica, a sus expectativas y sus exigencias, su esquema no se presta a un crédito de este tipo. Además, valorando la relación interpersonal, percibida como condición de toda eficacia, no participa del deseo, creciente entonces entre los «pedagogos», de elaborar métodos intrínsecamente buenos, es decir, una didáctica válida por sí misma, y cuya eficacia sería, en paralelo con competencia técnica, independiente de la calidad relacional de los que la utilizan. Queda así, pues, extraño al vasto movimiento que, bajo el influjo conjunto de la extensión de las ciencias de la naturaleza y de la filosofía de Comte, surge a lo largo del siglo XIX y crece incesantemente en la perspectiva de establecer aquella «ciencia de la educación» que en Francia y en Italia se convierte en objeto de enseñanzas universitarias específicas. Sin mencionarla, pero no sin conocerla, queda insensible ante la visión objetivista y hasta científica y ante la concepción experimentalista de la ciencia que se van imponiendo poco a poco en aquel tiempo. No alimenta el propósito muy bien ilustrado, por ejemplo, por la epistemología de Alfred Binet — de extender a la pedagogía la utilización de los procesos que Claude Bernard había aplicado con éxito a la biología. Sin asociarse, pues, a la construcción de la nueva disciplina soñada por sus contemporáneos y posibles interlocutores, extraña a sus problemas y a la dinámica de sus trabajos, corría el peligro de no ser reconocido por ellos. Todo esto explica suficientemente el desconocimiento que tuvieron de él y que sus sucesores siguieron teniendo y tienen todavía.
Sin embargo, el método que hasta ayer provocó su desconocimiento bien podría ser hoy la razón de su modernidad. Podrá sorprender, pero lo que lo alejó de los teóricos de su tiempo es precisamente lo que lo hace aparecer a los del nuestro. ¿No es, en efecto, posible y obligado, aun forzando un poco los términos, descubrir en su esquema pedagógico los mismos rasgos que para H. Desroche definen la «investigación-acción» ?¿No es tal vez licito descubrir un esbozo de ello en el deseo de hacer pasar la acción a objeto de estudio para iluminar su sentido, hacer crecer su eficacia y transformarla en material para una ciencia? ¿No adoptó, qni7á, don Bosco, a su modo, la «metodología de la distanciación», es decir y en resumen, el procedimiento hoy más ensalzado — y tal vez el más oportuno — de la investigación pedagógica? Según nuestro parecer, todo esto sitúa y confirma su actualidad y debe otorgarle en pedagogía un puesto eminente.
Ch. Delorme distingue entre «modelos generalizables» y «modelos comunicables», es decir, «suficientemente teorizados como para que se puedan proponer en otros lugares de formación, adaptados a su contexto particular, pero también intercambiados y confrontados con otras propuestas también ellas modelizadas». Don Bosco es un autor típico de un modelo «comunicable». Es fácil verlo: Don Bosco se diferencia de su siglo en puntos decisivos. Se aleja, sobre todo, por el papel que atribuye a la educación y por las finalidades a las que quiere llegar a través de ella, como también por su percepción de la educabilidad. Difiere, pues, por su ambivalencia a propósito de la escuela y por su voluntad de promover otro tipo de institución que, por consiguiente, considera más apta para el trabajo social que hay que hacer con adolescentes en peligro y, en sentido más amplio, con los jóvenes en su conjunto. Se distingue, sobre todo, por un método que, por la opción refleja de la que es objeto en función deliberada de los objetivos que deben alcanzarse, autoriza a hablar de «sistema» preventivo. Se distancia, por último, al dar implícitamente al nuevo saber que produce sobre la educación un estatuto irreducible tanto a un empirismo improvisador como a una cienriflcidad objetivista.
Esta especificidad multidireccional explica, sin duda, la marginación que ha debido sufrir, pero no constituye ni el índice de un retraso, ni la señal de una debilidad, ni el efecto de una laguna. Deriva de la lucidez anticipadora de miras a la que se debe la acogida hoy ya mundial que la fidelidad inventiva de su familia espiritual le ha sabido adquirir. Fidelidad que don Desramaut muestra en marcha, sobre todo en el Oratorio Saint Fierre en Niza o en el orfanato Jesús Adolescente de Nazaret. Son precisamente estas miradas las que justifican y exigen que este educador, incomprendido y desconocido por el siglo XIX, introducido por fin en el campo de la investigación universitaria, sea, junto a los más grandes, descubierto y reconocido como un pedagogo del siglo XX.
DON BOSCO Y EL ORATORIO (1841-1855) Giorgio CHIOSSO
El Oratorio es la primera obra educativa que promueve don Bosco, primero en colaboración con otros sacerdotes y, después, como principal animador en Turín, en los años 40, como respuesta práctica a exigencias religiosas y educativas inmediatas y concretas. El objetivo primario del Oratorio fue cuidarse de los jóvenes, sobre todo de los «abandonados y en peligro», con el fin de salvar sus almas y hacerlos crecer como ciudadanos honrados. El Oratorio es, con su característico y polivalente entretejido de actividades, el resultado de una progresiva sedimentación de experiencias y de intentos y, no menos, el éxito de la asimilación personal por parte de don Bosco de iniciativas ya llevadas a efecto, y al mismo tiempo que él, y de actividades educativo-populares vivas en muchos ambientes turineses de aquellos años. Esta aportación pretende ofrecer algún punto de estudio en orden a la fase de constitución del Oratorio entendido como «reunión festiva» para los jóvenes, que se puede considerar ya superada al comenzar el decenio 1850-1860.
1. Oratorios y educación popular en Turín
Los comienzos del Oratorio, antes de su establecimiento oficial en diciembre de 1844 en el Rifugio de la marquesa de Barolo (donde había comenzado don Bosco a colaborar con el teólogo Borel) fueron sumamente sencillos y austeros: no mucho más que una instrucción religiosa esencial, acompañada por las prácticas del buen cristiano y algún complemento recreativo, todo ello animado por la disponibilidad de don Bosco para establecer con los jóvenes que se le acercaban una relación educativa amistosa.1 Las catequesis a los jóvenes que por diversas razones no iban a las escuelas de doctrina en las parroquias, eran desde hacía tiempo una de las actividades pastorales a las que se orientaba a los jóvenes sacerdotes del Convitto que dirigía el teólogo Guala con don Cafasso. Esta costumbre, unida a la impresión que le causó a don Bosco la gran ciudad, supuso una experiencia notable en su vida de joven sacerdote, comprometido en una respuesta personal a la vocación religiosa. Cuando, una vez completados los estudios, se trasladó al Rzfugio, llevó consigo al grupo de jóvenes que giraban a su alrededor, señal de que su experiencia se había consolidado ya superando la práctica normal del Convitto.
«Per venire a qualche prova cominciarono a farsi appositi catechismi nelle carceri di questa capitale e poco dopo nella sacrestia della atiesa di S. Francesco d'Assisi; e quindi si diede principio alle radunanze festive. Ivi erano invitati quelli che uscivano dalle carceri e quelli che luogo la settimana si andavano qua e lá sulle piazze, nelle vie e anche nelle officine raccogliendo. Racconti morali e religiosi, canti di laude sacre, piccoli regali, alcuni trastulli erano gil amminicoli che si usavano per trattenerli ne' giorni festivi» (G. Bosco, Cenni storici, en: P. BRAIDO, Don Bosco per i giovani: l'«Oratorio». Una «Congregazione degli Oratori». Documenti, Roma, LAS 1988, p. 58). Cf. también: G. Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo, p. 84-86.
La hospitalidad de la marquesa de Barolo supuso tal vez la primera ocasión para dar al Oratorio naciente un mínimo de organización y ampliar sus actividades. Es probable que, por ejemplo, don Bosco y el teólogo Borel enriqueciesen con juegos y multiplicasen las iniciativas para atraer a los jóvenes, pero los hechos difíciles que se dieron entre el verano de 1845 y la primavera de 1846 no favorecieron una continuidad sistemática.
Sin embargo, la memoria del arsenal memorial salesiano (en una amplia medida dependiente de los recuerdos de don Bosco y comprensiblemente orientado a describir en términos románticos, lejanos) es difícil de corregir. Primer Oratorio, especialmente entre 1844 y 1846. La misma carta, también importante, enviada en marzo de 1846 al marqués Michele Benso di Cavour, vicario de la ciudad de Turín, por don Bosco, para informarle el mantenimiento de las actividades en la próxima fecha, Animadas y guiadas por él junto con el teólogo Borel en la casa Pinardi, ofrece escasa ayuda. En el escrito, don Bosco, al tanto de las experiencias anteriores, 'acentuaba evidentemente la perspectiva catequística de las reuniones de los jóvenes'
Alguna precisión ulterior nos viene de un breve artículo aparecido algunas
Se trata de las protestas que, en el otoño de 1845, después de la primera autorización, se impidieron al Oratorio «itinerante» el uso de la iglesia de «S. Martino dei Molazzi ». Acerca de este episodio y las vicisitudes de la primavera y el verano de aquel año, cf. la reconstrucción de F. Morro, L '«oratorio» de don Bosco presso il cimitero di S. Pietro, en RSS 7 (1986) 199-220.
3 «Lo que se conoce como Catecismo y estilo de vida no está relacionado con lo que se conoce como lo que se dice y se dice que no hay intervención en la carta de la República, sino también si se trata de prendendoli alle buone con parole, promesse, regali e simili. El compromiso y la conducta fueron precisamente a lo largo del año: 1 ° Amore al lavoro; 2 °) Frequenza dei santi sacramenti; 3 °) Rispetto ad ogni superioritá; 4 °) Fuga dei cattivi compagni »(Una letra" storica "del 1846 selle origini dell'Oratorio [Don Bosco al Marqués Benso di Cavour, vicario di Cittá a Torino], en: BRAIDO, Don Bosco per i giovani, p. 169170 ).
«No hay comentarios en esta página web, sino también en inglés, en el texto, por ejemplo, en la guía de la escuela, en el libro de referencia, en el libro de texto y en el sentido de la conducta. 11 Me refiero a lo que se refiere a la calidad de la vida y la calidad de la vida y la mujer y la mujer y la religión y la educación, la parte magistral de la ley en el lugar de publicación. posti nei luoghi di punizione »(Bosco, Lettera del 1846, p. 170).
semanas más tarde (junio de 1846), en las «Letras de la familia», un periódico educativo popular dirigido por Lorenzo Valerio. La nota dedicada a las «clases y diversiones para los jóvenes los domingos» citaba como ejemplos encoiniables (aun sin nombrarlos expresamente) el caso de los oratorios de don Cocchi y de don Bosco. «Also in our Turín - escribían las" Cartas "- muchos muchachos y respuestas se han traducido en una pequeña sociedad de jóvenes sacerdotes. Tomar en alquiler dos pequeñas casas con jardín contiguo; una de ellas está cerca de Rzfugio de la marquesa de Barolo, más allá de Porta Palazzo, y la otra está situada hacia el Po y si me equivoco, en el nuevo barrio llamado de Vanchiglia. A estas dos casas acuden en gran cantidad los días de fiesta los verdaderos pobres, Los verdaderos pillos de turín y producen el amor y la alegría con lo que hacen ». El articulista anónimo no dejó de decir quiénes eran los «veri birichini» de Turín: vendedores de cerillas, billetes de lotería, aprendices, peones, criados, «en una palabra, toda clase de oficios y de industria» 5 y de que las diversas actividades que se realizan y los dos oratorios: «En primer lugar algunos fervorosos sacerdotes les dan una breve instrucción religiosa, se cantan salmos o cantos devotos, después se da la clase de educación, moral y por último se facilitan medios de comunicación diversión (en la del Po hay también ejercicio de gimnasia) ya veces se da también algo de merienda ».6
El breve escrito de la «Letture di Famiglia» - especialmente si se tiene en cuenta el contexto en la que salía publicado - en un documento interesante en la historia de los oratorios turineses, porque nos consiente la redacción de la mitad de 1846 tanto el oratorio de don Cocchi (que había dirigido el llamado Ángel Custodio desde 1840) como de don Bosco y el teólogo Borel (que en abril se había dado en Valdocco) aparecían ante la opinión pública más atenta a los problemas de los ambientes populares, no Sólo como simples lugares de instrucción religiosa, sino también como estructuras de educación popular.
Don Bosco recuerda que el oratorio de los primeros tiempos fue un composte de scalpellini, muratori, stuccatori, selciatori, quadratori y di altri che venivano di lontani paesi »(MO 86). Se puede consultar las observaciones que, sobre estas categorías de trabajadores, hace P. STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 104.
6 Scuole e sollazzi domen: kali pei poveri, en «Letture di Famiglia» 25 (1846) 196. Para colocar en la justa la publicación de la breve alusión a los oratorios, es necesario que la revista «Letture» se haya publicado en Un número precedente un artículo sobre las «escuelas de trapo» de Londres (Scuole di cenciosi in Londra 21 [1846] 161-162), lamentando que no ha sido puesto en marcha, en Turín, ninguna iniciativa análoga. El artículo, gracias al director de la revista, Lorenzo Valerio, se preguntaba, en efecto, si «la obra de la escuela, el destino es" escuelas de harapos ", ella es nelle capitali italiane, avuto riguardo alfa popolazione, pió o mero, che no en Londra, numerosa? Noi nol sappiamo: cerno non manca, e chi frecuente? venta de ricovero che la pietá torinese apriva nel rigidissimo inverno del 1845, ha potuto scorgere i volti squallidi, selvaggi e talora feroci, dei giovani e dei fanciulli cenciosi farsi a poco a poco pió mansueti [...]. No se ve, se le dice la venta de los invernales, quei fanciulli tornavano alle abitudini, agli errori di prima [...]. »Se trata de una especie de sociedad invernal no fosa, se escuole simili a quelle sovradescritte esistessero a Torino, forse quei fanciulli non sarebbero ora clamad a una vita d'infamia».
Era sintomático que fuese precisamente el periódico dirigido por el dinámico director de la industria de seda de Aglié la que se ocupase de los oratorios. No sólo aquellos meses y aquellos años, sino desde tiempos de las «Letture Popolari», se había hecho portavoz de las más variadas iniciativas de educación popular. Pero algún tiempo antes había dado acogida a un amplio ensayo de Caí() Ignazio Giulio en el que, bajo el pseudónimo de Luca Ligorio, había sostenido la tesis de que para intervenir de modo eficaz en favor de los «niños abandonados por las calles», para sustraerlos a la «suciedad del cuerpo» y a la «más repugnante del alma» no bastaba la escuela, sino que hacía falta actuar también por medio de los «entretenimientos populares». Giulio pasaba lista a un buen número y los presentaba como «instrumentos validísimos para enderezar las tendencias feas»: el juego, la gimnasia, la enseñanza de la música vocal, el ejercicio del dibujo, el teatro de marionetas, los museos de historia natural y la exposición de máquinas industriales se presentaban así como tantas otras ocasiones capaces de animar con buenos sentimientos las clases populares y, sobre todo, a los muchachos dejados demasiado frecuentemente a su aire.'
El interés de don Cocchi, de don Bosco y de los otros sacerdotes que con ellos compartían el propósito de dedicarse a la juventud y sobre todo la novedad de su acercamiento, al menos por lo que se refería a la realidad de la capital, aparecía a los ojos de los filántropos liberales de las «Letture» como un episodio que merecía ser subrayado aunque la inspiración fundamental que animaba a los jóvenes sacerdotes entraba en la categoría de la caridad y la beneficencia. Tanto los unos como los otros, con diversos grados de conciencia, pertenecían al fervor general educativo-popular que animaba al Píamonte carlosalbertino a comienzos del decenio 1840-50, consecuencia igualmente, como se sabe, del complejo progreso de la vida económica que se tradujo, por un lado, en un creciente desarrollo de la vida ciudadana y, por otro, en una mejora general de la vida, pero con un no pequeño costo humano pagado por los estratos más débiles de la sociedad de aquel tiempo.
El acentuado interés de la sociedad piamontesa hacia los problemas de la educación del pueblo reflejaba preocupaciones y exigencias que entraban en todo ello, aunque el cuadro conceptual en que se daba era, en su conjunto, el de «instruir al pueblo» y «hacer pasar a las mentes del pueblo las ideas justas de las cosas», y no «tomar del pueblo sus mismas ideas, pocas, simples, indefinidas, exclusivas, imperfectas», según lo que escribía precisamente en aquellas semanas Rosmini en las páginas de «L'Educatore Primario ».8 En los ambientes
7 L. LIGORIO GIULI0], Dei trattenimenti popolari, en «Letture di Famiglia» 2 (1843)
9-11.
8 A. ROSMINI, Della vera popolaritá, en «L'Educatore Primario» 10 (1846) 148-150.
de la burguesía y de la nobleza liberalizante la «popularidad» iba unida a exigencias de orden social, primera e importante manifestación de la conciencia que se venía difundiendo en los ambientes más elevados respecto a las nuevas relaciones entre las clases, y la promoción de la escuela se entretejía con el deseo de una nueva cultura y de nuevos hábitos capaces de dar a los grupos que empezaban a aparecer caracteres que los reforzasen como potenciales clases dirigentes.
La tradición caritativa de los Cottolengo, de los Barolo y de las numerosas iniciativas sostenidas por el celo cristiano se proponían en primer lugar de modo tangible el valor de la caridad y del amor por el prójimo, uniéndolos en el plano educativo con el propósito de eliminar los procesos de descristiani7ación que se advertían como el paso previo al desorden moral y la revolución política. En los jóvenes sacerdotes, nacidos entre 1810 y 1820 y formados casi todos en la escuela del Convitto, que se comprometieron con los oratorios, la idea de pueblo iba estrechamente unida a la de «conversión» en el sentido que esta expresión había adquirido durante la Restauración, es decir, como respuesta religiosa explícita a los esfuerzos de los ilustrados y revolucionarios por crear un mundo sin Dios. El objetivo más urgente era el de acercar a las masas populares a las prácticas de los sacramentos y a las grandes devociones. Su modelo sacerdotal iba poco a poco alejándose del de cura-juez, atento principalmente a lo que bastaba para absolver de modo válido, al de cura-padre y pastor, capaz de incrementar en los fieles la vida de gracía: un sacerdote, - pues, cercano a la mentalidad, a las exigencias del pueblo que, aun sin indulgencias, era capaz de entenderlo y de hablar su propio lenguaje.
Los oratorios de don Cocchi y de don Bosco se desarrollaron precisamente en el cruce entre exigencias pastorales (la conversión del pueblo a través de esa nueva figura de sacerdote) y las necesidades educativo-populares (ayudar a la juventud sola, abandonada y sin guía y, por tanto, potencialmente en peligro y peligrosa a que mejorase para sí misma y para la sociedad). Educar religiosa y socialmente a los jóvenes significaba crear algunas premisas importantes para el desarrollo gradual y ordenado de la sociedad piamontesa. Como sabemos, la primera preocupación fue la de la catequesis y las prácticas religiosas. Don Cocchi se aventuró en el barrio de mala fama del Moschino, primera sede del oratorio del Ángel Custodio, con el fin de impartir instrucción religiosa a una categoría de muchachos que evitaba cumplir con este deber9 y no muy diferente, según hemos visto, del itinerario que emprendió don Bosco. Pero la atención religiosa se encontró muy pronto con necesidades humanas y educativas más complejas, de las que la primera e inmediata era evitar que los jóvenes se encontrasen solos los días festivos, fuente de «muchos vicios»: muchos jóvenes «que eran buenos, se hacían muy pronto peligrosos para sí y peligrosos
9 «Vi era nella parrocchia della SS. AnnunziAta una regione, ora scomparsa del tutto, detta il Moschino, scaglionata sulla riva sínistra del Po, dove in luridi abituri si annidava guamo vi era aflora in Torino di pió mí5erabile e pericoloso Era la nostra gentile popolazione. Colá, nel bel mezzo di quella gente, il Cocchi portó le sue tende, e fin dal 1840 aprl per quei ragazzi un Oratorio, che intitoló all'Angelo Custode [-I di la l'anno seguente, nel 1841, l'Oratorio venne trasportato in Vanchiglia pió verso fi centro, sotto una tettoia dell'orto dell'avvocato Bronsino, nel cui rustico cortile si eresse una cappella e si impiantó Il teatrino e la ginnastica, che era aflora per Tocino un'istituzione del unto nuova. Cola egli ricoverava tutti i ragazzi, che nei giorni festivi inter para los demás».10
Las responsabilidades de los sacerdotes se multiplicaron por ello y si don Cocchi recurrió a la gimnasia para entretener e interesar a los jóvenes, orientando según intentos educativos la fuerza física y el amor al desafío, don Bosco y el teólogo Borel se arreglaron con diversos tipos de juegos, con excursiones, con la lectura y un poco de instrucción. El estímulo de Cafasso, la benevolencia del arzobispo, la reflexión personal ayudaron a don Bosco a superar numerosas dificultades y también algunas incomprensiones de algunos ambientes. Sobre todo le permitieron llegar a algunas convicciones importantes, las experiencias que poco a poco iba teniendo y madurando en su estrecho contacto con los jóvenes: por ejemplo, el valor pedagógico del juego y de la fiesta, tan radicados en la mentalidad popular y en el gusto de los jóvenes. El juego y la fiesta eran momentos privilegiados para crear sentido de unión, familiaridad, amistad, y para facilitar la comunicación de valores humanos y religiosos. Igualmente importante fue el recurso (como ya hacía don Cocchí en Vanchiglia) a la colaboración de jóvenes bien formados y en condiciones de presentar, más allá de la importante ayuda prestada en la catequesis y en la animación del tiempo libre, un modelo pedagógico significativo para muchachos acostumbrados a ambientes y modos de vida muy diferentes!'
Otras dos importantes intuiciones se pueden considerar adquiridas ya por don Bosco en el momento en que el Oratorio se establece por fin en Valdocco. La primera se refiere a la estructura flexible con la que plantea el oratorio: ni parroquial (como en el fondo era la experiencia de don Cocchi), ni interparroqnial; sino obra de mediación entre Iglesia, sociedad urbana y estratos populares juveniles. La segunda se refiere a la interacción dinámica entre formación religiosa y desarrollo humano, entre catequesis y educación.
venivano al catechismo in quena parrocchia, e dopo aver falto adempiere loro i doveri di nostra santa Religione procurava ad essi i mezzi di ricrearsi onestamente» (E. REFFO, Don Cocchi e i suoi
artigianelli, Torillo, Tip. S. Giuseppe degli Artigianelli 1896, p. 9-10; cito de la reimpresión de 1957).
«Frequentando le carceri di Torillo ho voluto scorgere che gli sgraziati che trovansi condotti in quel luogo di punizione, per la maggior parte sono poveri giovani che vengano di lontano in cittá o pel bisogno di cercarsi lavoro o alienad da qualche discolo. I quali soprattutto ne' giorni festivi abbandonati a se stessi spendono in giuochi o ghiottonerie i pochi soldi guadagnati nella settimana. Il che é sorgente di molti vizi; e que' giovani che etano buoni, diventano ben tosto pericolanti per sé e pericolosi per gli altri. Né le carceri producono sopra costoro alcen miglioramento perciocché cola dimorando apprendono phi raffinate maniere per far male, e perciò uscendo diventano peggiori» (Bosco, Cenno storico, en: BRAMO, Don Bosco per i giovani, p. 35-36). " MO 85.
El plan de don Bosco se configura así ya delineado en lo esencial, aunque en el plano operativo se den seguidamente muchos cambios: la religión puesta como «fundarnentum» de la educación, la importancia dada a la relación personal educador-educando, el relieve atribuido al desarrollo de las facultades humanas para un pleno y autosrificiente ingreso en la vida adulta (instrucción, trabajo, respeto a las leyes), y, por último, el reconocimiento del ambiente como ámbito inmediato de educación y, especialmente, el ambiente popular con sus recursos potencialmente educativos.
2. El Oratorio en Valdocco: 1846-1850
Con el traslado a la casa Pinardi, el Oratorio de don Bosco pasa de la fase, por decirlo así, experimental a una organización cada día más compleja, en la que él asume una responsabilidad cada vez mayor. Sostenido por el apoyo de mons. Fransoni, en noviembre de 1846 don Bosco se trasladó con su madre a Valdocco, como para sellar la estrecha relación que pretendía establecer entre su vida y sus obras. En los meses anteriores, el Oratorio había pasado por un período, de asentamiento con algunas dificultades (complicadas también por una seria enfermedad de don Bosco), resueltas con la ayuda de Cafasso, de Borel y gracias a la disponibilidad de un grupo de sacerdotes, como el teólogo Vola, el teólogo Carp ano y don Trivero. Esta colaboración entre sacerdotes jóvenes (algunos de los cuales ayudaba también a don Cocchi) era el signo de una nueva sensibilidad pastoral y de una percepción concreta de los problemas sociales por parte del clero más dispuesto a aceptar los cambios que se daban en la sociedad subalpina.
La estabilidad del Oratorio en Valdocco consintió un planteamiento más amplio y, sobre todo, una participación sistemática de jóvenes (que enseguida llegaron, seguramente, a unos doscientos o trescientos),12 lo que supuso un cierto cambio en la fisonomía de los que acudían. Según los datos recogidos sobre este particular, se ha podido precisar que hasta 1850 (el contenido de
Éstas son las cifras de los jóvenes que frecuentaban las reuniones festivas de San Francisco de Asís y después las del Oratorio de San Francisco de Sales: unos 20 en 1842 (cifra en la que coinciden tanto el Cenno storico como las Memorie dell' Oratorio); cerca de 80, al terminar la experiencia en la iglesia de San Francisco de Asís (Cenno storico, Memorie dell'Oratorio y carta a la «Mendicitá Istruita» del 1850). Pero las coincidencias terminan aquí. A propósito del período, otoño 1845 («San Martino al Molazzi») y primavera 1846 (prado Filippi), se va de un mínimo de 250 (número indicado en la carta del 1846 a Benso de Cavour) a los 300 sugeridos por el Cenno storico y a los 300-400 de las Memorie dell'Oratorio. Para los primeros tiempos de Valdocco, se pasa de los «trecento e pié ragazzi» de las Memorie biografiche (III, 133) a los 600-700 de la carta a la «Mendidtá Istruita» ya citada. Teniendo en cuenta la notable flexibilidad del Oratorio, sujeto a obvios altibajos, y faltando cualquier tipo de indicación del criterio con el cual se anotaban las presencias, resulta difícil cuantificar la real consistencia de la población oratoriana en los primerísimos tiempos.
Valdocco empezó a variar algo de nuevo cuando aumentó el internado desde la mitad del decenio 1850-1860 en adelante) la población oratoriana estaba distribuida en tres categorías principales de jóvenes, cuya edad estaba en general comprendida entre los 10-12 años y los 18-20: peones temporeros, muchachos de la «clase baja del pueblo» y estudiantes que don Bosco y los demás sacerdotes conocían durante las actividades religiosas escolares. Después había un cierto número de seglares, jóvenes o adultos, que seguían ayudando como en los primeros tiempos."
El aumento del número de los muchachos y el carácter más variado de la población del Oratorio respecto a la que se reunía en el Convitto o en el Rifugio tuvieron consecuencias importantes. Don Bosco se encontró frente a la exigencia, percibida más en términos de experiencia que como conclusión de una reflexión teórica, de poner a punto un método educativo y organizativo, no sólo capaz de aglutinar en justo equilibrio participación y disciplina, espontaneidad y orden, sino sobre todo en disposición de poner en juego todas las energías y las iniciativas útiles para suscitar el interés de los jóvenes y para responder a necesidades objetivas de los cetos populares a los que pertenecían los jóvenes oratorianos en su mayor parte. En el esfuerzo de dar una respuesta eficaz a este conjunto de problemas, el Oratorio de Valdocco entre 1846 y 1850 se consolida en el aspecto de las estructuras," adquiere prestigio progresivo en la opinión pública y entre la gente" y adquiere en sus rasgos fundamentales su fisonomía característica. Los años, pues, de las esperanzas neogüelfas y del Estatuto, de la primera guerra de la independencia y de la amarga desilusión de 1849, del entusiasmo de Pío IX y del giro anticlerical que se siguió discurren junto al gradual pero constante fortalecimiento de la primera obra de don Bosco.
13 «Definid i principali uf:fui colle speciali loro attribuzioni, D. Bosco li affidó a quelli tra giovani, che per buona condotta ed assennatezza gli parvero piel abili a disimpegnarli, creandoli, per cosi dice, suoi uffiziali o aiutanti di campo. Siccome egli soleva lasciarli responsabili dell'impiego loro affidato, limitando l'opera sua ad invigilare che ciascuno facesse il proprio dovere, cosi ognuno si dava grande sollecitudine per conoscere ed eseguire la parte sua nel miglior modo che dato gli fosse [...]. Il Direttore poi soleva ogni settimana raccogliere a sé d'intorno i suoi uffiziali, e da esperto generale li animava con fervorose parole a rimanere fedeli e saldi al loro posto, suggerendo le cose da farsi o da fuggirsi per lavorare con buona riuscita. Talora dava loro qualche premiuzzo, una divota immagine, un libretto e simili, terminando sempre coll'additare loro la bella corona, che li attendeva in Cielo» (G. BoNErn, Cinque lustri di storia dell'Oratorio salesiano fondato dal sac. Giovanni Bosco, Torino, 1892, p. 129).
" Cf. P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica e sociale (1815-1879), Roma, LAS 1980, p. 75-77.
Sobre el eco que tuvo el Oratorio en la prensa turinesa de 1848-49, pueden verse los apuntes de G. TUNINETTI, L'immagine di don Bosco nella stampa torinese (e italiana) del suo tempo, en: F. TRANIELL0 (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, Torino, SEI 1987, p. 210-212. Don Bosco pone en relación el ulterior incremento del Oratorio con la apertura de las escuelas: «Quanto piel era grande la sollecitudine a promuovere l'istruzione scolasdca, tanto piel cresceva il numero degli allievi» (MO 135, y casi con las mismas palabras en: BONETTI, Cinque lustri, p. 152). Sobre la fecha precisa de la introducción de las escuelas nocturnas en el Oratorio falta una indicación precisa. Braido ha expresado recientemente la convicción que «sia realistico e probabile» pensar que tal introducción tuvo lugar en el primer invierno pasado en Valdocco, es decir, en el de 1846-47 (BRAIDO, Don Bosco per i giovani 68). La insistencia con la cual don Bosco recuerda las escuelas nocturnas de la casa Moretta (invierno 1845-1846) podría significar que, antes de la introducción de verdaderas y propias escuelas, fueran impartidas lecciones a individuos y a grupos deseosos de adquirir el dominio de la lectura, escritura y cálculo.
El problema de la puesta a punto de un Reglamento le preocupó durante mucho tiempo por la urgencia de regular la tumultuosa vida del Oratorio, llegando, por fin, a una primera redacción16 a partir de experiencias y modelos ya contrastados," pero sobre todo llevó a maduración una serie de intuiciones anteriores como el funcionamiento, cada día más ordenado y regular, de las clases nocturnas y festivas, la valoración de la música (canto y banda), del teatro y de la declamación, concebidas como instrumentos de educación humana y religiosa, el perfeccionamiento de la función pedagógica del patio. Enriquecido así el Oratorio — aunque primariamente se tomaba como «agradable y honesta diversión, después de haber asistido a las funciones sagradas de iglesia» — manifestaba ricas posibilidades, favorecidas sin duda por el asentamiento estable de que ya se podía gozar en Valdocco.
Don Bosco empezó, por tanto, a pensar cada vez más en el Oratorio como en un lugar y una forma educativa útil para la juventud en general y, sobre todo, para la de los ambientes populares. El criterio de la «juventud pobre y abandonada» que le había conducido en la primera fase de su iniciativa fue sometido por ello a una primera revisión. A pesar del uso frecuente de esta fórmula para calificar al Oratorio, don Bosco empezó a dirigirse, no sólo a algunos individuos o categorías de individuos colectivamente «en peligro», sino más globalmente a aquellos amplios estratos de población juvenil de proveniencia popular que, en contacto precoz con la dureza de los puestos de trabajo y la brutalidad de las diversiones de aquel tiempo, se encontraban expuestos (aunque no estuviesen solos ni abandonados) a peligros de orden físico y moral.
La mayor circulación de ideas y de opiniones, favorecida además por la libertad de prensa después de la concesión del Estatuto, que difundió en Turín una cierta mentalidad anticlerical, sobre todo después de 1848, y el activismo de los protestantes fueron probablemente algunas de las razones que impulsaron a don Bosco a multiplicar los esfuerzos para hacer del Oratorio un lugar de educación popular y de asociacionismo cristiano, extendiendo sus actividades también a Porta Nuova (Oratorio de San Luis abierto en 1847) y después al del Ángel Custodio (1849). Este proyecto de expansión se apoyaba en la convicción de que el Oratorio era la respuesta más eficaz para la pastoral juvenil de aquel tiempo, en una fase histórica en la que la libre circulación de nuevos modelos educativos subrayaba cada vez más nítidamente los límites de la iniciativa parroquial.
16 «Lo scopo dell'oratorio festivo é di trattenere la gioventer ne' giorni di festa con piacevole e onesta ricreazione dopo dí ayer assistito alle sacre funzioni della Chiesa» (MB IN, 91).
«Erasi falto spedire molti regolamenti di Oratoril festivi piel o mero antichi, fondati da uomini zeland nella gloria di Dio, i quali fiorirono in varie cittá d'Italia. Voleva esaminare de) che abrí aveva giá imparato dall'esperienza. Noi fra le sue cante trovammo ancora: Le regole dell'Oratorio di S. Luigi eretto in Milano nel 1842 nella contrada di S. Cristina e Le regole per i figliuoli dell'Oratorio sotto il patronato della Sacra Famiglia» (MB IQ, 87). Sobre las relaciones de don Bosco con los oratorio milaneses y lombardos, cf. P. BRAIDO, Il sistema preventivo di don Bosco, Torno, PAS 1955, 87-92. Sobre la génesis y función de los reglamentos en las comunidades de don Bosco, véase cuanto observa el mismo P. Braido en: Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo, p. 355-359.
Respondiendo a problemas y exigencias que se presentaban de día en día, el Oratorio tomó los caracteres de escuela abierta a todos sin plazos fijos, orientada a implicar de modo útil y moralmente honesto las horas que se habrían podido perder en el ocio de los días festivos, lugar de instrucción y práctica religiosa y de recreo, de estudio y de distensión. Una sencilla pedagogía popular, basada en la necesidad de crear el clima de la familia, en la acogida, en el despliegue y la valoración de las habilidades de cada uno, en el valor educativo de la fiesta y de la alegría (todo ello sostenido a su vez por el supremo principio cristiano de la caridad), consolidó al Oratorio naciente, haciéndolo salir de la categoría de la asistencia.
Los contemporáneos que nos hablan de don Bosco hacia 1850, lo ven no sólo como al sacerdote que se ocupa de los jóvenes, sino como un educador del pueblo. Casimiro Danna, en el «Giornale della Societá d'Istruzione e d'Educazione», mientras lo define «padre y hermano, maestro y predicador» atendiendo a los aspectos religiosos de su actividad, indica con vigor la polivalencia educativa del Oratorio en el que se enseñan, además de la historia sagrada y eclesiástica y el catecismo, «los principios fundamentales de aritmética, el sistema métrico decimal y a los que no saben, también leer y escribir. Todo esto para su educación moral y civil».'s Casalis, por su parte, menos entusiasta de don Bosco, subraya «el provecho que obtienen los jóvenes que frecuentan (los) oratorios» como la «educación de sus costumbres», el «cultivo de la inteligencia y del corazón», de modo que «en poco tiempo adquieren un carácter afectuoso y civilizado y se entregan al trabajo y se hacen buenos cristianos y óptimos ciudadanos».19
Por su carácter de respuesta pragmática a las necesidades de los jóvenes, el Oratorio supuso para don Bosco un estímulo para ulteriores iniciativas y experiencias. Muy pronto se presentó, también en Valdocco, la necesidad de ofrecer acogida a muchachos solos y sin recursos: igual que había comenzado a hacer ya don Cocchi, don Bosco dio vida a una pequeña comunidad juvenil (el «ospizio»). Casi como una consecuencia natural del interés demostrado a los que eran más pobres (de afecto y de bienes materiales), don Bosco empezó
18 C. DANNA, Cronichetta, en «Giornale della Societá d'Istruzione e d'Educazione» 1 (1850) 459.
19 G. CASALIS, Dizionario geografico-storico-commerciale degli Stati di S.M. il Re di Sardegna, vol. XIX, Torino 1851, p. 718.
también a preocuparse por encontrar una ocupación a sus muchachos y especialmente a los que había recogido en su hospicio." Según la práctica en marcha en la Mendicitá Istruita (institución asistencial y educativa con la que don Bosco tenía relaciones frecuentes), empezó a confiar a artesanos capaces y honrados a los jóvenes oratorianos, firmando contratos de aprendizaje, como garante en lugar de los padres.
Reconociendo, por último, la importancia de las escuelas, abrió en Valdocco y en el Oratorio de Porta Nuova una escuela elemental diurna, siguió atendiendo las clases nocturnas, pero sobre todo comenzó a admitir como internos a muchachos (de ordinario de familias modestas) que; dotados de buenas cualidades y moralmente sanos, dieran garantías de éxito en los estudios. Como se sabe, de este modo don Bosco extendía el área de las intervenciones educativas del Oratorio tradicionalmente entendido, orientándose hacia la creación de un verdadero colegio en Valdocco. El grupo de los estudiantes creció poco a poco junto al de los artesanos, primero asistiendo a las escuelas de la ciudad y después a clases preparadas a propósito en Valdocco (segunda mitad de los años 50). También los jóvenes artesanos tuvieron cabida al pasar de los años en los talleres del Oratorio, el primero de los cuales se abrió en noviembre de 1853.21
No es éste el lugar para indagar las razones que indujeron a don Bosco a transformar Valdocco en colegio, pero esta decisión, junto a algunas otras iniciativas (la construcción de la iglesia de San Francisco de Sales, la renovación de los edificios, la edición de las «Letture Cattoliche», los primeros pasos concretos hacia la Sociedad salesiana) fueron otras tantas piezas del mosaico de amplio contorno de las que el Oratorio propiamente dicho fue sólo una de esas piezas.
3. Los oratorios salesianos después de 1850
«Fra i giovani che frequentano questi oratori se ne trovaron di quelli talmente poveri e abbandonati che per loro riusciva quasi inutile ogni sollecitudine senza un sito dove possano essere provveduti di alloggio, vitto e vestito. A questo bisogno si studió di provvedere colla casa annessa e delta anche Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales. Ivi in principio si prese a pigione una piccola casa nel 1847 e si cominciarono a raccogliere alcuni de' piú poveri. In quel tempo essi anda-vano a lavorare per la cittá restituendosi alla casa dell'Oratorio per mangiare e dormire» (Bosco, Cenni storici, p. 79-71). «La quotidiana esperienza faceva toccare con mano a D. Bosco che per giovare stabilmente ad alcuni giovinetti non bastavano -le scuole e le radunanze festive, ma era d'uopo di un caritatevole Ospizio» (BONETA, Cinque lustri, p. 143-144).
21 STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 175-199; L. PAZZAGLIA, Apprendistato e istruzione degli artigiani a Valdocco, en: TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 20-39.
La leadership de don Bosco en el campo de los oratorios fue oficialmente reconocida por el arzobispo Fransoni con un decreto del, 31 de marzo de 1852, en el que le nombraba «director-jefe espiritual» del Oratorio de San Francisco de Sales y superior del de San Luis Gonzaga y del Ángel Custodio, Entre los dos animadores de los oratorios de Turín, don Cocchi y don Bosco, la elección recayó, pues, en el fundador de Valdocco. Fi primero se había situado en la práctica «fuera de juego» por sus abiertas simpatías liberales y por la imprudencia con que había llevado a un grupo de jóvenes hacia Novara con ocasión del choque fatal del 23 de marzo de 1849, aunque su generosa actividad se puso de nuevo al servicio de los jóvenes huérfanos y abandonados en octubre de aquel mismo año de 1849, con la propuesta de una asociación de sacerdotes y seglares, cuya primera realización fue el «Collegio degli Afligía. nelli».
Los sucesos políticos de 1848-49 habían acentuado las dos «almas» del movimiento de los oratorios y un grupo de personalidades con autoridad en-el clero turinés (el mismo Cafasso, el padre Durando, el canónigo Gastaldi y él abate Peyron) elaboró un plan para unificar las fuerzas e imprimir una orien- - tación unitaria a las diversas iniciativas. Como bien se sabe, se proyectó la creación de una federación, que debería asumir cometidos de dirección y de vigilancia sobre las actividades ya en marcha y sobre las que se pudiesen emprender en el futuro. Don Bosco reaccionó con mucha energía ante esta propuesta, oponiéndose al proyecto y negando su adhesión. Aducía como motivo principal la diversidad de las orientaciones educativas de Valdocco y el Ángel Custodio: según su criterio, en Vanchiglia se hacía mucha política, era insuficiente la instrucción religiosa y las diversiones se tomaban demasiado alegremente como fines en sí mismas 22
Nos falta, por desgracia, sobre las divergencias reales entre los oratorios de don Bosco y el de don Cocchi, el testimonio directo del grupo de este último y por eso es difícil establecer, sólo a través de fuentes salesianas, si el planteamiento educativo de Vanchiglia tenía verdaderamente, y hasta qué punto, los límites que le achacaba don Bosco. El análisis de la única síntesis disponible, la biografía de don Cocchi redactada por don Reffo,23 confirma la existencia de dos estilos educativos, aun con la existencia de algunos rasgos comunes, como el planteamiento familiar del intento educativo, la aceptación de la importancia educativa del recreo, lo esencial de la dimensión religiosa, la menuda filosofía del «sapersi accontentare». Don Cocchi atribuía, por ejemplo, gran importancia «a reforzar el temple de sus alumnos y darles una educación varonil y robusta para el cuerpo», trataba «de captar con oportunidad las ocasiones para insinuarse en el corazón de los jóvenes, descubrir sus pasiones y corregir sus costumbres torcidas», pero «su reserva era tan grande, que nunca quiso ser confesor de sus alumnos»; manifestaba un interés menos intenso por la instrucción y al tener que encontrar un método aceptable para llevar la colonia agrícola de Moncucco (abierta en 1853), no dudó en recurrir al del pastor protestante Fellenberg que había visto directamente aplicado durante un viaje a Suiza. Además, era casi proverbial su tolerancia educativa, en un corazón bueno y generoso que, sin embargo, no parecía estuviese sostenida por una visión pedagógica que animaba el principio educativo de la amabilidad de don Bosco.
22 Cf. MB 111, 453-454.
23 Cf. REFFO, Don Cocchi e i suoi artigianelli.
Sin minusvalorar las diferencias de carácter político que situaron en posturas distintas a don Cocchi y don Bosco (que, a su vez, reflejaban tendencias moduladas diversamente en el clero piamontés), hay elementos que justifican en términos educativos la presencia de dos estilos, tal vez más diferentes que antagónicos, a los que hay que referirse en última instancia cuando hablamos de las diversas experiencias de Vanchiglia y Valdocco. Si además se tiene en cuenta que don Bosco, después de 1850, acentuó los aspectos «protectores» de su pedagogía, se podrán comprender las razones de desconfianzas persistentes también después, cuando, por ejemplo, seguirán distinguiéndose muy bien los oratorios don Bosco y el de «San Martino» promovido por el infatigable don Cocchi en 1851, dirigido durante muchos años por don Ponte (que había estado antes con don Bosco) y animado por un grupo de sacerdotes y laicos ligados a la obra de los «Artigianelli».
Después de 1850, los horizontes de don Bosco van mucho más allá de las experiencias de los primeros oratorios: el decenio 1850-1860 es la etapa en la que se pone en marcha o se realiza la mayor parte de sus iniciativas y consolida la fama de hombre extraordinario. Es el decenio de Savio, Magone y Besucco y del encuentro con los primeros colaboradores válidos y estables. Es el período más feliz de sus actividades como escritor y polemista. La fase de constitución de su Oratorio se puede considerar ya cerrada y el interés primordial se dirige cada vez más frecuentemente y más intensamente a los jóvenes del internado, aunque en las numerosas peticiones de ayuda, la presentación de los oratorios en funcionamento en la capital resulta insistente.' La razón se explica rápidamente: los oratorios eran, ante los ojos de todos, iniciativas bien consolidadas, de modo que suponían una garantía para el empleo de otros posibles subsidios. A don Bosco le gustaba, además, seguir apareciendo como el sacerdote y el educador de los jóvenes pobres y abandonados, lo que era verdad, aunque en términos y modos diferentes respecto de los del pasado.
Véanse, por ejemplo, la carta a la «Mendidtá Istruita» de 1850 y las cartas circulares para las loterías de 1857 y de 1862, en las cuales la solicitud de ayuda o la invitación a participar a una lotería benéfica están precedidas de la descripción de los oratorios festivos y de los resultados logrados por ellos en favor de la juventud «povera e abbandonata». Quizás la descripción más sobria es la de 1850: «Col mezzo di piacevole ricreazione allettata da alcuni divertimenti, con catechismi, istruzioni e canto parecchi divennero morigerati, amanti del lavoro e della religione. Ci sono anche le scuole di canto tutte le sere e le scuole domenicali per qu
La expresión «Oratorio» asume cada vez más aquellos «varios sentidos» que don Bosco mismo precisará pocos años más tarde, cuando hable de F. Besucco y de su llegada a Valdocco: «Si se considera como reunión festiva se entiende un lugar destinado a recreo con entretenimientos agradables para los jóvenes, una vez satisfechos sus deberes religiosos. [...] Se llaman también oratorios diarios a las escuelas de día y de noche que se hacen a lo largo de la semana para los jóvenes que, por falta de medios o porque van mal vestidos, no pueden frecuentar las escuelas de la ciudad. Tomada, por fin, la palabra Oratorio en sentido más extenso, se entiende la casa de Valdocco de Turín conocida bajo el nombre de oratorio de San Francisco de Sales. Los jóvenes pueden ingresar en ella como artesanos o como estudiantes».25
Circunscribiendo nuestro análisis al significado inicial de Oratorio, es decir, como «oratorio festivo», no se puede dejar de señalar que don Bosco, precisamente en el momento en que esa actividad no constituye ya su principal preocupación, nos deja el documento tal vez más interesante sobre su función educativo-popular. Se trata, como todos saben, de la novelita La forza della buona educazione, publicada en 1855. El protagonista es, en efecto, un joven oratoriano, Pietro, tomado como modelo por todos los jóvenes que llenaban en su tiempo libre los patios de Valdocco y del Ángel Custodio e iban a las clases de catequesis: un caso, pues, diferente de lo que serán M. Magone y F. Besucco, que pertenecen ya a la historia de Valdocco como internado 26 El relato se sitúa en la periferia de Turín, en una de las muchas familias que vivían en las casitas baratas de Borgo Dora o de Vanchiglia. Y Pietro es el hijo mayor de un carpintero y de una buena madre de familia. Precisamente es la madre la que le hace crecer como buen cristiano y cuida de él aunque después, un poco precozmente, tiene que dedicarse al trabajo.
Pietro encuentra en el Oratorio y en las diversas actividades que se hacen en él, un importante punto de apoyo para su vida de fe y de buen muchacho. En el Oratorio asiste a la catequesis y se prepara a la primera comunión. Con su buen comportamiento se atrae la simpatía de sus superiores, logra alejar a su padre de sus visitas demasiado frecuentes a la taberna y a dar buen ejemplo a sus amigos, evitando que caigan en pecado. Llamado al servicio militar, cumple con este deber como honrado ciudadano y, destinado al cuerpo expedicionario que va a Crimea, no se aparta, aun estando tan apartado de su casa y del Oratorio, de las reglas de buena educación recibidas: amar al Señor, huir de las ocasiones de pecado, rezar, cumplir los deberes de su estado. La novela acaba con el ascenso de Pietro a sargento y el previsible regreso a casa.27
25 G. Bosco, II pastorello delle Alpi ovvero vita del giovane Besucco Francesco, Torino, Tip. dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales 1864, p. 70-71.
26 Junto a D. Savio, M. Magone y F. Besucco se encuentran entre los más célebres alumnos de don Bosco (cf. Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo, p. 175).
27 G. Bosco, La forza della buona educazione. Curioso episodio contemporaneo, Torino, Tip. Paravia 1855.
A través de esa floja trama, don Bosco se propone de modo evidente, delinear los caracteres del buen oratoriano externo: Pietro vive, en efecto, una experiencia juvenil normal en familia (dentro de la cual se subraya el papel fundamental de la madre), de trabajo y de tiempo libre, pero sabiendo y queriendo interiorizar las buenas enseñanzas (la fuerza de la buena educación), vive de modo alegre la propia vida cristiana aun cuando está lejos de la familia y de las circunstancias habituales. De la novela brotan algunas indicaciones interesantes: el lazo familia-oratorio como premisa para una buena educación, el contagio del bien y del buen ejemplo (Pietro es, en efecto, el motivo del arrepentimiento del padre y ayuda y apoyo para que los amigos cumplan con su deber), un modelo de santidad «sencilla» que se basa en cumplir los deberes cotidianos, en la obediencia, en la oración, en la caridad que crece mediante el ejercicio del bien, en la mortificación (no extraordinaria, sino la que se da en la vida ordinaria) y la castidad.
El escrito de 1855 constituye, en cierto sentido, la coronación de la reflexión de don Bosco sobre el Oratorio en su dimensión original de «reunión festiva» abierta a todos, aunque en los otros treinta años, el fundador de Valdocco iba a volver muchas veces sobre el tema. Pero los primeros años de los 50 señalan, sin duda, un giro significativo en la historia del Oratorio, pasando de incunable y de primera y central realización de la experiencia religioso-educativa de don Bosco a un aspecto especial dentro de una estrategia más compleja de desarrollo y de reforzamiento de la obra salesiana. Sobre la marcha de los oratorios se reflejan opciones y prioridades diferentes que apuntan, al menos, en una primera fase, a la asunción de responsabilidades que van en dirección diversa de la valoración del patrimonio de ideas y experiencias maduradas en este sector. Así, al menos hasta el decenio 1870-1880 (como ha sido documentado autorizadamente),28 el Oratorio vive una fase de estabilidad inicial: el esfuerzo de los salesianos se multiplica en la provincia, en la que faltan las condiciones para la apertura de obras del tipo de los oratorios juveniles turineses y responden, en cambio, preferentemente, a las necesidades de tipo escolar, especialmente como consecuencia de la entrada en vigor de la ley Casati de 1859.
Es, además, sintomático, en otra situación, el estancamiento de los oratorios en Turín mismo. En 1860 eran seis, uno más solamente de los que funcionaban al principio del decenio: los tres de don Bosco, el de San Martino, el Oratorio femenino de Borgo San Donato, fundado en 1850 por el teólogo Gaspare Saccarelli y el Oratorio de San José en «Borgo San Salvario» abierto en 1859 por algunos seglares y después regido por los salesianos en 1863. Este número siguió sustancialmente igual aun en el decenio siguiente, a pesar de un cierto crecimiento de la población juvenil estable en la capital después de 1850. Las dificultades se acentuaron más tarde, entre 1860 y 1870. Después de la unidad, se dieron algunos hechos concomitantes que podrían explicar esa falta de crecimiento: la disminución de la migración estacional, la existencia de otras ofertas de asociación para los jóvenes más adultos, como, por ejemplo, las sociedades obreras, el englobamiento de los oratorios de Vanchiglia (que pasó en 1867 a la nueva parroquia de «Santa Giulia») y de Porta Nova al centro de barrios residenciales con su final como oratorio de periferia. En 1869 Baricco daba algunos datos sobre la población de los oratorios, referida al año anterior, indicando una cifra ligeramente superior a los dos mil." Es difícil compararla con los datos muy dispares entre sí, dados vez por vez por don Bosco,3° pero parece razonable la tesis según la cual la asistencia a los oratorios se estabilizó entre los años 50 y 70, sufriendo, tal vez, también alguna disminución como consecuencia de las crisis que azotaron a Turín, como el traslado de la capital en 1864.3'
Sobre el desarrollo de las iniciativas salesianas entre 1860 y 1870, cf. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 123-157.
Después de esa fecha, y especialmente durante los años últimos de la vida de don Bosco, los oratorios registraron una cierta recuperación, a la que aludimos al final de esta nota. En 1875 don Bosco se quejaba de que no hubiese oratorios más que en Turín y en Sampierdarena32 y en aquella ocasión pronunció la conocidísima frase de que «si se quiere hacer un bien radical a la población de una ciudad hay que abrir un oratorio». Efectivamente, hacia los arios 80 se manifiesta un nuevo interés y mayor atención hacia los oratorios, que
29 P. BARICCO, Torino descritta, vol. II, Tocino 1869, p. 719. Según los datos de Baricco, la población oratoriana turinesa estaba constituida de 800 jóvenes en Valdocco, 450 en San Luigi,
400 en San Giuseppe (San Salvario), 100 en Santa Giulia y 300 en San Martino (chicos y chicas en patios distintos).
'° Como hemos visto, hablando de los primeros tiempos del Oratorio, las cifras indicadas por don Bosco se deben tomar siempre con gran prudencia. Entre 1850 y 1862, los oratorios habrían pasado de un millar de participantes, en los tres oratorios juntos, a varios millares, en cada uno de ellos: una escalation poco convincente y, de otra parte, poco compatible con las estructuras de que disponía don Bosco. Indico algunos datos, tomados en parte de P. STELLA (Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 173), y en parte de algunas invitaciones para las loterías, recogidos por BRALDO (Don Bosco per i giovani, p. 24-26): 1850, 1000 jóvenes en los tres oratorios; 1852, más de 2.000 en Valdocco; 1855, entre 1.500 y 2.000 en el conjunto de los tres oratorios; 1857, más de 3.000; 1862, «talvolta ascendono a piú migliaia in uno solo di questi oratori».
31 Stella concluye así el examen de las cifras: «In conclusione, ammesso il fluttuare dei giovani nei mesi estivi e in quelli piú rigidi dell'inverno, ammesso il diradarsi in círcostanze straordinarie come ll colera del 1854, é da ritenere che nel ventennio 1850-1870 sia avvenuta una certa stabíli7zazione numerica dei giovani negli oratori diretti da don Bosco» (Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 174). La población de Turín había pasado en aquellos veinte años de los 136.849 habitantes de 1848 a los 194.480 del 1868 y a los 212.644 del 1871 (cf. la elaboración de C. BERMOND, Torino da capitate politica a centro manufatturiero, Tocino 1983, p. 122-138).
32 Los salesianos se establecieron en Sampierdarena en 1872, después de una breve permanencia en Marassi: la casa se convirtió pronto en «l'opera salesiana piú emblematica della Liguría»: el oratorio para los jóvenes del barrio y el hospicio para la juventud pobre reprodujeron «le esperienze primordiali di don Bosco», representando «le finalitá essenziali preferite» (STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 153).
vuelven a adquirir un carácter prioritario en las opciones de los salesianos junto a una orientación hacia la periferia urbana, que se fue acentuando en el último cuarto del siglo. En los nuevos barrios populares que surgían junto a instalaciones industriales, se daban condiciones de vida y exigencias educativo-sociales que evocaban el contexto en el que se habían desarrollado Valdocco y los demás oratorios subalpinos.
Mientras tanto, en 1877, se publicó el documento más explícito sobre los oratorios, es decir, el Regolamento, aunque ya se había elaborado y aplicado años antes. Díez arios más tarde se decidió que en toda casa salesiana hubiese un Oratorio festivo: «Todo Director debe procurar con solicitud la aperturadarle pujanza si ya está fundado». Se trataba de la clara voluntad de que el Oratorio se plantease de nuevo como momento sustancial en la ya compleja iniciativa religioso-educativa de los salesianos, primer paso del florecimiento subsiguiente de oratorios que se daría en Italia (no sólo gracias a los salesianos, pero sí con su aportación significativa) entre el último decenio del siglo XIX y el primero del nuevo siglo en el cuadro de una presencia social y educativa renovada en los católicos italianos.33
" P. STELLA, I salesiani e il movimento cattolico in Italia fino alfa prima guerra mondiale, en RSS 2 (1983) 223-251.
DON BOSCO Y LA ESCUELA HUMANISTA Bruno BELLERATE
He escrito ya en otra circunstancial que, según mi parecer, el tema de la escuela en don Bosco no se había estudiado todavía a fondo. Tampoco yo tengo la pretensión de hacerlo con esta comunicación que, unida a otras de este mismo Congreso, o publicadas mientras tanto, espero que pueda ofrecer alguna aportación al menos a nivel de sugerencia. Hay que decir igualmente que no es fácil encontrar materiales útiles a este propósito ni siquiera en el Archivo Salesíano Central. Como consuelo, en parte, si no como justificación, vale también el principio de que «la historia se hace con documentos, pero los documentos no son la historia»?
Los estudios en esta temática pueden ser de diversos tipos, pero los que existen se podrían catalogar en dos grupos fundamentales: uno con preocupación pedagógico-educativa y otro con preocupación histórico-pedagógica. Como ejemplo, recuerdo, entre los primeros, las páginas de don Pietro Ricaldone, cuarto sucesor de don Bosco, a quien le interesaba la orientación práctica de la Congregación salesiana.3 Y entre los segundos, en cuyo cauce querría situarme, los estudios de Pietro Braido y de Pietro Stella: aquél, con más valor pedagógico, y éste, con más valor histórico.4 Con todo, sigue siendo verdadero el problema de la escuela en don Bosco en general. Y en su tiempo se concedió poca atención entre los salesianos a este tema respecto a otros argumentos, y esto porque no suponía un punto especialmente significativo ni de su actividad ni, menos todavía, de su pensamiento.
B. BELLERATE, Don Bosco e la scuola educativa salesiana, en «Salesianum» 50 (1988) 75.
2 Se puede ver, a este propósito, la literatura sobre la metodología histórica, en particular: H.I. MARROU, De la connaissance historique, Paris, Éditions du Seuil 1954 (sobre todo, los capítulos 3. 4 y la conclusión).
Cf. P. RICALDONE, Don Bosco educatore, Colle Don Bosco (Asti), Libreria Dottrina Cristiana 1952, vol. 1, p. 504-609, vol. 2, p. 109-188.
Sus publicaciones, en este campo, son más bien numerosas; pero, por lo que se refiere al tema específico de la escuela, se pueden señalar, sobre todo: P. BRAmo, Il sistema preventivo di Don Bosco, 2. ed., Zürich, PAS-Verlag (ahora: Roma, LAS) 1964, p. 360-376; P.BRAIDO, L'esperienza pedagogica preventiva nel sec. XIX - Don Bosco, en: ID. (ed.), Esperienze di pedagogia cristiana nella storia, vol. II: Sec. XVII-XIX, Roma, LAS 1981, p. 389-399; STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 121- 127; ID., Don Bosco nella storia economica e sociale (1815-1870), Roma, LAS 1980, p. 123-157.231243.278-284.
El limitarse a considerar la escuela de humanidades, es decir, la escuela secundaria superior (y, según mi criterio, bajo el perfil prioritario de contenidos y metodología), da lugar a ulteriores interrogantes y agudiza las dificultades, tanto por la escasez de los materiales (más abundantes, en cambio, para el aspecto jurídico-institucional) como por la identificación de un sentido que se le pueda atribuir razonablemente a don Bosco mismo.
1. Consideraciones histórico-contextuales
Un primer elemento, no determinante pero con toda probabilidad influyente, se refiere a la historia personal del Santo, centrada, por una parte, en la convicción de la llamada divina al sacerdocio, con todas las condiciones y exigencias que esto suponía; y, por otra, en las dificultades económicas que en principio le podían impedir la realización de su «sueño». De hecho, con la ayuda de sus bienhechores, «Giovannino» se convierte en don Bosco y, a lo largo del camino, tiene que dedicarse a los estudios humanísticos y clásicos, en los que encuentra también satisfacción, hasta el punto de que don Rua, su sucesor, escribirá: «Don Bosco no despreciaba a los clásicos profanos; los había estudiado, sabía de memoria larguísimos párrafos y los comentaba magistralmente. Al hablar con buenos profesores demostraba algunas veces tanta erudición, que quedaban admirados y se sentían obligados a decir que nunca hubieran pensado que don Bosco tuviese un conocimiento tan profundo de la literatura latina»? Fue, pues, una experiencia que no olvidó y que supo valorar a su tiempo, precisamente cuando comience la escuela secundaria en el Oratorio, primero sólo a nivel de «ginnasio» o «latinidad» inferior (1855-1856) con las clases de gramática, y después también superior (1859-1860).
No es menos significativa la situación escolar-educativa en el Piamonte hasta la ley Casati. Dos puntos merecen una especial atención de nuestra parte.
Por un lado, el reconocimiento a la escuela de un fuerte compromiso educativo, orientado sobre todo hacia la instrucción y la práctica religiosa, como garantía de humanidad y, en paralelo, de sumisión a la autoridad constituida, según los cánones de la época, cimentados en la alianza entre trono y altar. En este sentido se situaba la legislación saboyana del siglo XVIII aún en vigor, con algunos retoques del P. Taparelli d'Azeglio en 1822, bajo el reinado de Carlo Felice. Con ellos no se habían introducido propiamente innovaciones en las orientaciones, bien radicadas en el seno del absolutismo monárquico de entonces y de un espíritu moralista-pietista casi inquisitorial, sino más bien normas detalladas que, manteniendo aquella connotación de la escuela (de la que, por otra parte, disfrutaban pocos), acentuaba su monopolio o, cuando menos, una vigilancia centralizada, aunque diárquica, es decir, por parte del Estado y del clero?
' Lettere circolari di don Michele Rua al salesiani, Tocino, Tip. S.A.I.D. «Buona Stampa» 1910, p. 37 (carta n. 4 del 27.12.1889).
En 1848, instituido el Ministerio de Instrucción pública, su primer titular, Carlo Boncompagni, dictaminó una nueva ley que rompió, en total ventaja del Estado según el espíritu de los movimientos revolucionarios de aquel tiempo, la colateralidad tradicional y, por consiguiente, provocó fuertes pero comprensibles reacciones en el ámbito eclesiástico. Sin embargo, en ella no se prestaba mucha atención a los contenidos educativos dejando a la religión todo su peso, sino a los aspectos de organización e inspección. Revocó, no obstante, los privilegios por los que, por ejemplo, la Iglesia gozaba de derechos propios y tenía la posibilidad de intervenir, reduciendo, entre otras cosas, las oportunidades de crear nuevas escuelas, sin las debidas autorizaciones estatales y títulos para la enseñanza debidamente solicitados, aun cuando se tratase de disciplinas eclesiásticas. Los estudios secundarios se reorganizaron en tres cursos de «gramática» (que correspondían la latinidad inferior de antes), dos de «retórica» (con la reducción de un año respecto a los de «gramática», «humanidades» y «retórica» anteriores) y dos de filosofía (como antes). Se introdujo la experimentación de escuelas y de institutos técnicos.'
Por otra parte, con la ley siguiente (22.6.1857) del ministro Lanza (art. 7) y después con la ley Casati (13.11.1859, art. 246-247), se rompió el monopolio estatal, con una revisión más profunda de toda la materia escolar. Se reconocían en ellas, en efecto, derechos y espacios específicos tanto a la familia como a las autoridades municipales, con mayores posibilidades de intervención también para la iniciativa privada.8 La escuela fue reorganizada por completo y, por lo que toca a nuestro tema, la orientación clásico-humanística quedó reestructurada en el «ginnasio», con cinco años de duración en total, y en el «liceo» con otros tres años, uno más respecto a la ley Boncompagni. Se le unió, además, de modo definitivo, la instrucción técnica.
Esta nueva situación, en la que se iba manifestando poco a poco una creciente necesidad de instrucción, favoreció que se multiplicasen las instituciones
escolares, tanto laicas, deseadas por los ayuntamientos que creían con ello adquirir mayor prestigio, como religiosas, debido a la proliferación de congregaciones de hombres y mujeres, dedicadas especialmente a la educación de la juventud.9 Sín embargo, las condiciones cambiaron significativamente y a peor sobre todo con la llegada al gobierno de la izquierda (1877), como se puede apreciar en las discusiones y deliberaciones del segundo Capítulo general de los salesianos (1880).
6 Cf. V. SINISTRERO, La legge Boncompagni del 4 ottobre 1848 e la liberta della scuola,
SEI 1948, p. 6-7, y A. GAMBARO, La pedagogia del Risorgimento, in Nuove questioni di Stork della pedagogia, vol. Da Comenio al Risorgimento italiano, Brescia, La Scuola 1977, p. 590-591.
7 Cf. el citado ensayo de SINISTRERO, La legge Boncompagni, en el que se recogen las principales críticas hechas al documento, sobre todo por parte de los católicos, además del texto de la ley misma; y el trabajo de GAMBARO (599-603), que subraya los cambios institucionales.
La literatura sobre la ley Casati, o a partir de la misma, es más bien amplia. Aquí recuerdo sólo: G. CANESTRI - G. RICUPERATI, La scuola in Italia dalla legge Casati a oggi, «Documenti della storia», 18, Tocino, Loescher 1976; el ensayo de GAMBARO, La pedagogia 608-612 y de G. TA-LAMO, La scuola dalla legge Casati alla inchiesta del 1864, Milano, Giuffré 1960; pero también el interesante opúsculo de G. ALLIEVO, La legge Casati e Pinsegnamento privato secondario, Torino, Tipografia Salesiana 1879.
Éste es el ambiente y el terreno en el que se encuentra don Bosco en relación con la apertura y difusión de la escuela humanística en sus «casas», como prefería llamarlas.
2. Motivaciones y principios generales
La primera obra y la más típica del Santo fue el Oratorio, al que se unió después el internado (1847), impuesto por las condiciones de vida en que se encontraban los jóvenes que buscaban trabajo o lo realizaban ya. Después de 1848, especialmente tras la clausura de los seminarios de Turín y de Chieri en 1849, don Bosco, que quiere por una parte acoger a los seminaristas de la diócesis y por otra, tener colaboradores para su actividad catequístico-educativa, abrió su casa también a los estudiantes, que iban, no obstante, a escuelas privadas externas.' El 7 de abril de 1880, en su relación al Ministerio de Instrucción pública, el Provveditore de estudios de Turín reconoce que Valdocco era un «vivero, del que el sacerdote Bosco, fundador de una orden religiosa, obtiene sus seguidores», pero, al mismo tiempo añade que «dos tercios al menos de los alumnos [..1 vuelven a la sociedad»." A aquellos mismos años se refiere Tina importante declaración de don Rua: «Don Bosco, desde los primeros tiempos del Oratorio, mostró siempre vivo deseo de que se estudiasen también los clásicos cristianos». Y un poco más adelante insiste: «Desde 1850, durante varios años, él mismo, en vacaciones, nos explicaba varios pasajes de estos Autores de la Iglesia, especialmente las cartas de San Jerónimo, y manifestaba siempre un vivo deseo de que se estudiasen».'5
Algún año más tarde, el Santo, que escribió sobre ello también bastante después, se dio cuenta del hecho de que: «Había, sin embargo, una gran dificultad. Como no teníamos todavía en casa los talleres, nuestros alumnos tenían que ir a trabajar y a clase a Turín, con gran menoscabo de la moralidad, porque los compañeros que encontraban, las conversaciones que oían y lo que veían, hacían inútil lo que se hacía con ellos y se les decía en el Oratorio. [...] Lo que sucedía con los artesanos había que lamentarlo igualmente de los estudiantes. [...] Eran escuelas óptimas, pero el ir y volver suponían muchos peligros. El año 1856 fueron definitivamente establecidas escuelas y talleres en la casa del Oratorio con lógica ventaja» (MO, 205-206). Fue el comienzo de nuevos compromisos que, por otra parte, completaron el abanico de stn, intereses educativos en Italia, fuera, naturalmente, de sus posteriores establecimientos en el extranjero.
Cf. el ya citado vol. II de BRAIDO (ed.), Esperienze di pedagogia cristiana nella storia.
1° Sobre estas vicisitudes, cf. especialmente: MO 199ss, MB y también: Annali I,p. llss.
" MB XIV, 756.
12 Lettere circolari, p. 36-37.
Para justificar la decisión de abrirse, primero, a los estudiantes y, después, de crear escuelas propias, no disponemos de una documentación amplia. Las pocas afirmaciones al respecto, como la que hemos reproducido antes.' pueden despertar muchas dudas sobre todo si se advierte la difusión de lo. colegios salesianos, a partir de los años 60, que respondían a otras necesidades muy diferentes.
Hay que buscar las motivaciones que indujeron a don Bosco a dedicarse progresivamente a los estudiantes, con una bajada de atención paralela hacia los artesanos, (impulsada un poco más tarde)," más que en declaraciones explícitas, en su personalidad y en las situaciones históricas. Su personalidad, por un lado, era muy sensible a las «necesidades de los tiempos», a las exigencias que se iban manifestando en el ambiente y que implicaban a los jóvene,;. Especialmente, al requerimiento de mayor instrucción, con la que parecía que se podían obtener mejores condiciones de vida en el futuro. Y la educación, a su parecer, tenía que mirar con atención ese futuro. Por otra parte, el impulso hacia la acción casi incoercible del Santo, desde luego dirigido a la «salvación de las almas» y a una obediencia confiada a los designios divinos, aun respetando necesidades y prioridades, no le consentía quedarse mirando frente al florecimiento de nuevas instituciones. De hecho, como él mismo hace notar varias veces, el dato de que muchos chicos, intelectualmente bien dotados, no pudiesen ejercitar esa capacidad que Díos les había dado, no le dejaba tranquilo.1-9 Además, esa misma expectativa de mejor instrucción iba cundiendo en las familias y en la sociedad, en la que daba sus primeros pasos la industrialización. Más aún: como se ha dicho, se habían ido multiplicando las posibilidades de inserción con la gestión de escuelas propias, apoyándose en los obispos, que tenían necesidad de ayuda para la reorganización de sus seminarios, y de los ayuntamientos, que no disponían con frecuencia de personas en condición de dirigirlas.
Don Bosco siguió ambas pistas, abriendo pequeños seminarios: como tal se podía considerar el internado para estudiantes del Oratorio de Turín y así fue la obra de Mirabello (1863), después de la experiencia de Giaveno (1860); y verdaderos colegios, como los de Lanzo (1864), Alassio y Cherasco (1869).
' E I, 377-378; III, 471 y 486.
14 En las actas de la 8' conferencia del II Capítulo general del 7.9.1880, se lee: «Si ripete in-tanto ció che giá tante altre volte si disse in altre circostanze e doé ció che ci tiene su e deve essere nostro scopo speciale dover essere i collegi od ospizi di artigianelli, gli Oratori festivi e riguardo a scuole solo [después tachado] quelle del popolo e per poveri giovani abbandonati» (ASC 046 Capitolo Generale fi 1880 [micr. 1.858 B10]).
Véanse: Regolamento per le case della Societá di S. Francesco di Sales, P. II, c. 2. a. 7; E
248.
Esta «colegialización» obedecía, a mi parecer, más que al movimiento europeo de revaloración de los internados, en sintonía con el proceso de restauración, a la emergencia política italiana, que veía a los «católicos» a la caza de espacios autonómicos ante el Estado, en los limites que consentían las leyes, y de la libertad de enseñanza y de educación.16 El Santo estaba especialmente atento a defender el planteamiento propio de la educación, de modo que no dejó escaparse la ocasión que le ofrecían los tiempos y cuando se le bloqueó el camino de las escuelas de «ginnasio» (1879), se batió con todas sus fuerzas para defenderlas.
En realidad, don Bosco había utilizado la actividad escolar como un instrumento ulterior y eficaz de educación y, por tanto, en su perspectiva, de cristianización, aunque al principio tuviese un motivo importante su necesidad de colaboradores y, a partir de los años 60, frente a los obispos y a los mismos salesianos, diese mucho relieve al cuidado de las vocaciones.''
Bajo esta luz, pues, también la escuela humanística entraba en su planteamiento educativo, obedeciendo a los mismos principios escolares fundamentales, como ya ha hecho notar P. Braido,18 calificándola, ante todo, como «escuela cristiana». En ella debía tener un lugar privilegiado la instrucción religiosa y la educación moral, como «preparación a la vida»; pero es que, además, se debía actuar a la luz del «temor de Dios», en la fidelidad a los propios deberes y, por tanto, al «trabajo», de modo que se incidiese sobre la marcha de la misma vida civil, como «honrados ciudadanos», además de «buenos cristianos» como don Bosco solía remachar. El Regolamento per le case della Societá di S. Francesco di Sales, elaborado en varias etapas desde los años 50, subraya esos mismos principios.
Es convicción común hoy entre los estudiosos de la «pedagogía» de don Bosco, que el sistema preventivo, nacido más de la práctica que de lecturas o reflexiones de carácter teórico e impuesto como estilo educativo específico, tuvo que sufrir notables modificaciones precisamente con la «colegialización»," que había exigido estructuras y relaciones diferentes de las que regían en el Oratorio de Valdocco.
16 Cf., sobre este punto, las densas páginas de S'TELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 121-127; pero que evoca también un probable influjo europeo.
17 Puede verse, especialmente, el ya citado pasaje del Epistolario I 248; además: el art. 5 del
c. I de las Costituzioni della Pia Societá di S. Francesco di Sales: «Mezzi per coltivare le vocazioni alío Stato Ecclesiastico», introducido en las Deliberazioni del secondo Capitolo generale della Pia Societá Salesiana, tenuto in Lanzo Torinese nel setiembre 1880, Torillo, Tipografía Salesiana 1882, Distinz. III, c. 4, pp. 56-59; MB XII, 27; XVII, 616.
" BRAIDO, II sistema preventivo, p. 360-366; y para las repercusiones sobre la sociedad: ID., II progetto operativo di Don Bosco e l'utopia della societá cristiana, «Quaderni di "Salesianum"», 6, Roma, LAS 1982.
19 Cf. BRAIDO, II progetto operativo, p. 5 y p. 15-21; STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 462-466.
Esto se deduce, no tanto del opúsculo con aquel título, preparado y publicado en 1877, cuanto del análisis de la actividad y de las enseñanzas de don Bosco. A pesar de esto, algunos rasgos típicos del «sistema» se encuentran también en el terreno de la escuela, tanto en la práctica como en las orienta-dones que sobre ella se dan. Entre los más significativos, hay que señalar, en clave más bien metodológíco-educativa, la centralidad del ambiente, cuyo eje es la familiaridad, orientado a la promoción de una moralidad y religiosidad auténticas, genuinas; 2° la corresponsabilidad que, por una parte, quería tener en cuenta las diferencias de carácter y de edad y, por otro, jugaba con la implicación de los mismos muchachos; por último, la atención a cada uno, que en el plano didáctico se expresa como individualización. A este respecto, creo significativo señalar que, con los años, se intensificó la indicación de atender a los muchachos en dificultad, a los últimos, sin que esto supusiese desatender a los demás: «De ordinario los maestros tienden a complacerse con los alumnos que sobresalen por estudio e inteligencia y explican atendiendo sólo a esos [...]. Yo, en cambio, soy de parecer totalmente contrario. Creo que todo maestro debe atender a los más torpes de la clase; preguntarles con más frecuencia que a los demás, detenerse más por ellos en las explicaciones y repetir, repetir, hasta que entiendan, acoplar los deberes y lecciones a su capacidad. Si el maestro tiene un método contrario a esto, no da clase a los alumnos, sino a alguno de los alumnos. Para ocupar convenientemente a los alumnos de inteligencia más despierta, dénseles deberes y lecciones extraordinarios, premiándolos con puntos de aplicación. Más que descuidar a los más retrasados, dispénseseles de cosas accesorías; pero las materias principales adáptense totalmente a ellos»?'
Análogas afirmaciones, repetidas varias veces por don Bosco, se encontraban también en los pedagogos más perspicaces de la época y no sólo extranjeros aunque es siempre difícil decir si y hasta qué punto se puede demostrar su posible influencia, teniendo en cuenta que el Santo tenía la experiencia personal y repetida de trabajar con muchachos con dificultades en la escuela.'
20 A este propósito, se puede consultar: BELLERATE, Don Bosco e la scuola, p. 88-93. Pero no hay que olvidar el hecho de que, ya en 1880, don Bosco se da cuenta de que son las escuelas las que más fácilmente caen en el frente de la «cantó e dolcezza», especialmente con los últimos. En la 2' conferencia del II Capítulo general decía: «Un'altra cosa che bisognerá studiamo insieme di promuovere si é lo spirito di cantó e di dolcezza di S. Francesco di Sales. Esso va diminuendo specialmente nelle scuole. Alcuni giovani non sono ben visti e non ben trattati dai maestri: altri sono abbandonati nella scuola, non curad, lasciati per tempo e tempo senza essere interrogati, senza che loro si correggano lavori ecc.: altri poi sono mandad fuori dalla scuola [...]» (ASC 04 Capitolo generale H 1880 [micr. 1857 C9].
21 MB XI, 218. En este sentido existían en Valdocco los «ripetitori», de quienes don Durando ha transmitido los nombres, para los años 1869-1872, en su agenda personal (ASC, 272. Durando).
Cf. por ejemplo: MO 51.78.94.101. En cuanto a los pedagogos, J.F. Herbart había hecho ya propuestas análogas, y, por ejemplo, en «L'Educatore primario», que don Bosco conocía, se pueden, probablemente, encontrar exhortaciones del mismo tipo.
3. Problemas escolares específicos
Indicados los objetivos fundamentales que don Bosco se proponía alcanzar con la escuela y las modalidades educativas a las que debía obedecer, resulta muy lejos de su pensamiento la idea de una posible «neutralidad» de aquella institución, no por su función instrumental, sino por su uso, que tenía que orientarse necesariamente a un tipo cualificado de formación humana. Por eso, la «escuela cristiana» se ha ido delineando, a sus ojos, como el remedio principal para la «única causa verdadera» de la «aberración» que estaba extendiéndose al difundirse la obligación y la frecuencia escolar: la «educación pagana que se da generalmente en las escuelas».23
La puesta en marcha de la actividad escolar en el Oratorio había respondido, sin embargo, a otras motivaciones, como se ha visto. Y sólo más tarde tomó cuerpo la convicción que absorbió progresivamente la atención y el empeño del Santo. Efectivamente, aquella iniciativa suponía inevitablemente una serie de complicaciones burocráticas: desde la obtención de los permisos necesarios, condicionados por la situación legal de los maestros y la practicidad de los locales; el planteamiento educativo, al que se ha hecho alusión y que más tarde entrará en crisis hasta en el Oratorio (1882-1884);24 los destinatarios, que poco a poco se fueron diversificando; hasta los subsidios didácticos que, a su vez, no se podían considerar neutrales.
El problema más grave que debió afrontar don Bosco, desde el principio, fue el de los maestros. Empezó, en 1855-56, con el clérigo G.B. Francesia, de 17 arios, que había sido antes interno en el Oratorio y al que él mismo había impuesto el hábito. Después, con G. Ramello y F. Blanch, «patentato» y que se había ofrecido a trabajar gratuitamente. Y, poco a poco, con otros colaboradores suyos que, sin embargo, carecían, las más de las veces, del título exigido o «patente» de enseñanza. De aquí la preocupación y la densa correspondencia del Santo con las autoridades competentes, a partir del 4 de diciembre de 1862, para obtener excepciones y reconocimientos, y que duró toda la década de los años 60 y volvió después de la clausura del «ginnasio» de Valsalice, con tonos, acentos y promesas de diverso género, que ponen en evidencia la astucia y sabiduría de quien, sabiéndose en situación deficiente, juega todas las cartas que tiene para conseguir sus objetivos, sin desanimarse por las dificultades, las amenazas y los abusos a los que se vio sometido. Basta recordar las frecuentes y a veces fastidiosas inspecciones de que fue objeto la escuela del Oratorio.25
" Cf. F. CERRUTI, Le idee di D. Bosco sull'educazione e sull'insegnamento e la missione attuale della scuola - Lettere due, San Benigno Canavese, Tipografía e Libreria Salesiana 1886, p. 88: se - transcribe un coloquio del Santo con el abogado Michel.
24 Véase: J.M. PRELLFZO, Studio e rillessione pedagogica nella Congregazione Salesiana 18741941 - Note per la storia, en RSS 7 (1988) 36-47.
" Cf. E I, especialmente, de la carta 219 a la 685, passim; MB v-VII y XVI; Annali I, passim.
Presionado por esa urgencia, don Bosco no dudó en enviar a sus clérigos a la Universidad, primero en calidad de oyentes y después, cuando se le exigía por el Ministerio regularizar situaciones, como matriculados normales, llegando, aunque con retraso, a disponer de maestros titulados en número suficiente. Sin embargo, las dificultades volvían a aparecer enseguida, impidiéndole con frecuencia aceptar invitaciones para nuevas fundaciones. Es más, uno de los motivos de volver a cierta preferencia por los «artigianelli», según don Bosco, fue precisamente el hecho de que «al mismo tiempo se pueden sostener con menos personal y, esto es lo mejor, que por ahora el personal no necesita titulación y a nosotros nos faltan tanto títulos de diplomados como de licenciados».
Y añade: «En estos hospicios, además, con los artesanos podemos, poco a poco, poner también escuelas y entonces no hay tanto peligro de que las autoridades escolares vean lo que se hace y si los maestros están titulados o no».26
En cambio, no había tenido dificultad en aceptar desde el principio los programas propuestos por el Estado, aun sin renunciar a introducir alguna exigencia especial, como el estudio de los autores clásicos cristianos, a los que quiso que se dedicase una hora de dase a la semana.' Después, mientras insistirá en aceptar los programas y la autoridad del gobierno, decidirá reservar los estudios universitarios a los sacerdotes q «al menos» a los iniciados en las órdenes sagradas.28
En cuanto a los destinatarios, inicialmente eran muchachos con esperanza, al menos, de vocación eclesiástica, si no salesiana. Tanto es así que, mientras antes había enviado a sus estudiantes también a las clases del canónigo Anfossi, del vecino Cottolengo, en un segundo momento recibió él mismo a los aspirantes del canónigo en Valdocco. Sólo más tarde se abrió esta escuela a otros externos, pero privilegiando siempre a posibles candidatos al sacerdocio. En cambio, en otros centros, el Santo fue reduciendo poco a poco las mallas de su red, para recoger toda clase de «peces», con tal de hacerles alcanzar la meta de la salvación. La «colegialización» ensancha de este modo el horizonte, desde la juventud «pobre y abandonada» a «cualquier otra clase de personas», aunque la «Congregación» «prefiere ocuparse de la clase media y de la clase pobre como quienes tienen mayor necesidad de ayuda y de asistencia».29 Un caso especial fue la aceptación del colegio de Valsalice (1872) destinado a los retoños de «familias patricias y pudientes» de la clase alta de Turín, por indicación y presión de la curia y del arzobispo, y aceptando tatobién «a algunos (aunque pocos) jovencitos pobres».
26 Verbali del Capitolo generale II (micr. 1.858B11): muy probablemente esta postura refleja la disquisición jurídica en curso, en orden a la abrogación del decreto de clausura del colegio («ginnasio») de Valdocco.
27 Cf. Regolamento per le Case, P. I., c. VI, a. 14. Pero, curiosamente, en los únicos Programmi d'insegnamento per le scuole elementari, ginnasiali e liceali que he logrado encontrar (ASC 35) para el «Armo Scolastico 1888-1889» (Torino, Tipografía Salesiana 1888); no aparece tal hora, sino sólo «S. Girolamo (De viris illustribus)» en el tercer curso gimnasia'.
Cf. Verbali del I Capítulo general de 1877, respectivamente, 4' conf., p. 128 de la edición crítica (preparada por M. VERHULST, I verbali del I Capitolo Generale Salesiano [1877], Universitá Pontificia Salesiana 1980) y p. 292s. sobre el respeto de los programas y de la autoridad; y el 7° art. sobre los «Studi tra i confratelli Salesiani» del mismo Capítulo: Verbali, p. 99 y además p. 109- 110 (edición crítica).
La apertura de las escuelas a muchachos de la «clase media» hizo reaparecer, también por la escasez de vocaciones eclesiásticas, la preocupación por ellas a partir de los años 60, como se ha dicho; don Bosco vuelve a insistir para que se cuide y se prefiera a los que dan esperanza de vocación, codificando en las Constituciones de la Sociedad salesiana este compromiso." Naturalmente, dentro del problema de las vocaciones, ocupaban un puesto privilegiado los que podían llegar a ser salesianos. En un primer momento, en Valdocco, no estaban separados de los otros estudiantes en los cursos del «girinosio», mientras que para los cursos de liceo y filosofía frecuentaban como externos, las clases del seminario, colaborando también a satisfacer las exigencias de asistencia y de enseñanza en el mismo Oratorio. Sólo mucho más tarde, en los últimos años de la vida del Santo, se pensó en llevarles después del Noviciado a una institución a propósito, San Benigno Canavese, primero, y a los «estudiantados» después, como decidió el segundo Capítulo general?'
Por lo que se refiere a los salesianos, no hay que olvidar, de modo especial, las exigencias especificas de carácter pedagógico orientadas a su preparación en el plano educativo, además de formación eclesiástica: se insiste en ello tanto en los reglamentos como en los Capítulos generales.32
4. La instrumentación didáctico-educativa
Subrayada la finalidad religiosa fundamental, siempre presente en el pensamiento y en la acción del Santo, señalo aún tres elementos especialmente significativos del escenario escolar-formativo promovido por él: el recurso a modelos, válidos, según él, para todo tipo de intervención pedagógica, la coloquialidad y la preparación de textos y manuales adaptados, en este caso, a la escuela humanística. Terminaré este punto con iina palabra sobre el latín.
29 Ibidem c.I, a. único.
30 Cf. BRAIDO, Il sistema preventivo, p. 353-359. Véase también RICALDONE, Don Bosco educatore II 452-493, teniendo en cuenta el diverso enfoque e interés de este escrito. Además: Costituzioni della c. I, a. 5; y las páginas ya citadas de las Deliberazioni del secondo Capitolo.
31 Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 150-160. Además los ya citados volúmenes de los Annali y, sobre todo, de las MB. Véase además: Deliberazioni del secondo Capitolo, p. 69-71. Se tenga presente que el principal motivo aducido para cerrar el gimnasio de Valdocco era que enseñaban maestros sin título, en lugar de los maestros titulados que habían sido comunicados a la autoridad civil.
32 CE especialmente el trabajo ya citado de PRELLEZO, Studio e nflessione pedagogica, páginas recordadas. Me parece importante recordar también los consejos dados a don Bertello, profesor de filosofía, respondiendo a sus quejas sobre el poco empeño en el estudio de los clérigos salesianos; en tales consejos se repiten indicaciones dadas a todos los enseñantes (E II, 471).
El tema de los modelos, o con el significado práctico actual de esquemas estructurales los que hay que atenerse en las propias intervenciones, sino el sentido o de figuras emblemáticas que reproducir, o que no hay que imitar y que han caracterizado durante siglos a la educación cristiana (así como el papel tradicionalmente atribuido al «ejemplo»), o también sólo en el sentido de ideales a cuyo logro se ha invitado, está muy presente en los escritos y en las normas dadas por don Bosco. Para ello no sólo recordaba la ocasión de celebraciones esperiRles (fiesta de la Inmaculada Concepción, de San José, de San Luis...) que había que aprovechar en las clases con breves referencias, sino que se había comprometido, con una laudable sensibilidad pedagógica, en proponer a sus jóvenes modelos de entre sus compañeros desaparecidos poco antes, aunque lejanos de ser canonizados. Así, Domingo Savio, ahora santo, Francisco Besucco, Miguel Magone.33
Por coloquialidad, en este contexto, entiendo una doble exigencia subrayada por el Santo ante sus maestros. Ante todo, la insistencia en que explicasen y lo hiciesen de un modo fácil, comprensible para todos, de acuerdo con aquella atención a los últimos de la que ya se ha hablado. Este tipo de enseñanza no tiene en cuenta el brillo del maestro, que se debe poner al nivel de los alumnos, como en cualquier diálogo humano, pero de modo que interpele al alumno. En la misma línea está su insistencia sobre las preguntas en clase, aunque vistas principalmente como verificación: «Y soy también del parecer de que se pregunte mucho, mucho y, si es posible, no se deje pasar ningún día sin preguntar a todos. De esto se sacarían ventajas incalculables. Oigo, en cambio, que algún profesor entra en clase, pregunta a uno o dos y, después, sin más, explica su lección.-Este método no lo querría ni siquiera en la Universidad. Preguntar, preguntar mucho, preguntar muchísimo: cuanto más se haga hablar a los alumnos tanto más aumentará el provecho».34 No se trata, de todos modos, de una fiscalización, sino que ese modo de actuar tiene que situarse en el horizonte de la amorevolezza, típica de su planteamiento educativo. Gracias a ella uno se hace «pequeño con los pequeños», de modo que, como hace escribir desde Roma en 1884, los muchachos «si son amados en lo que les gusta participando "en sus aficiones infantiles, aprendan a ver el amor en las cosas que naturalmente les gustan poco: como la disciplina, el estudio, la mortificación de sí mismos; y aprendan a hacer estas cosas con amor»."
Indicaciones más detalladas sobre la metodología didáctica y, todavía más, sobre los objetivos que se deben obtener, se leen en las dos cartas de don Cerruti a don Rua cuyo título es: Le idee di D. Bosco sull'educazione e sull'inse
" Véanse las respectivas biografías, preparadas por él mismo. Además: MB VI, 244-245 y 390; Regolamento per le case, P. I, c. VI, a. 13.
34 MB XI, 218. Cf. también: Regolamento per le case, P. I, c. VI, a. 5. Sobre este tipo de indicaciones, se insiste de vez en cuando en las conferencias a los salesianos de Valdocco (por ejemplo en la 4° del 82.1881: ASC 38).
33 Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 294. Cf. MB V, 917; VI, 320-321; VIII, 750; IX, 69-70.
gnamento, ya citadas. Su valor estriba en que fueron escritas cuando todavía vivía el Santo que, muy probablemente, al menos fue informado de ellas, y porque don Rua las recibe como tales explícitamente,36 de modo que se apoya en ellas en su circular, aunque, a su vez, llame la atención sobre otras sugerencias didácticas, y porque el autor había sido alumno y maestro en el Oratorio de Valdocco. La insistencia mayor, no obstante,--se-....claáquí también sobre la «cristianita» de la escuela y la elección de los escritores latir so que dan a aquélla una buena aportación.
Por último, en lo que se refiere a los manuales, don Bosco, descontada una selección cuidadosa previa, exigía, en primer lugar, el respeto: «Querría, además, que las explicaciones se ajustasen al texto, explicando bien sus palabras. Irse por regiones elevadas parece dar palos al aire [...]. Y que no se critiquen los textos. Hace falta poco para desacreditarlos ante los jóvenes; cuando éstos hayan perdido su estima, no los estudian ya. Se puede añadir lo que falta, dictándolo; pero críticas, no, nunca».37 Sin embargo, se sentía el problema, y en los dos primeros Capítulos generales se dieron normas, más bien detalladas, con pequeños reajustes en el segundo de ellos: «1. Por regla general, los libros de texto deben estar escritos o revisados por nuestros socios o por personas conocidas por su honestidad y religión. 2. Cuando las autoridades escolares mandasen algún libro, puede introducirse sin dificultad en nuestras escuelas; pero si en ese libro hubiese máximas contrarias a la religión o a la moral, no se ponga nunca en manos de los alumnos. En ese caso, provéase dictando en clase o haciendo imprimir o multicopiar dicho libro, omitiendo o rectificando las partes, los períodos y las expresiones que se juzgasen peligrosas o sin más inoportunas. Esto es cometido del Consejero escolar del Capítulo superior».38
Hoy, indudablemente, estas indicaciones pueden sonar a excesiva prudencia, pero no lo eran en aquellos tiempos, sea porque era costumbre común, al menos entre los religiosos, «purgar» a los clásicos, según la práctica de San Carlos Borromeo para sus seminaristas;39 sea porque no existían otras fuentes fáciles de encontrar libres de «contaminación» moral, como se atribuía a dichos autores; o, por último, porque los textos tenían precios no muy asequibles. En aquel clima, que el Santo había respirado desde hacia tiempo y que había fomentado, tanto con sus publicaciones como con sus intervenciones, se puede comprender mejor y valorar el tardío desahogo con el abogado Michel de Marsella en 1885: «He combatido toda mi vida contra esa perversa educación (pagana), que arruina la mente y el corazón de la juventud en sus años más bellos; fue siempre mi ideal reformarla sobre bases sinceramente cristianas.
36 Lettere Circolari 38: «In quello voi troverete le precise idee di Don Bosco su questo argumento; io le volli rileggere ultimarnente con attenzione, e dovetti constatare che realmente vi erano con tutta fedeltá esposte quelle idee, che phi e pl.' volte aveva io stesso udite ripetere e inculcare dal labbro del nostro caro padre». Véase, en la p. 43, otros consejos didácticos.
MB XI, 218: MB XIV, 838.
38 Deliberazioni del secondo Capitolo, c. IV, p. 73. Cf. Deliberazioni del Capitolo Generale della Pia Societa Salesiana, tenuto in Lanzo-Torinese nel settembre 1877, Torino, Tipografia e Libreria Salesiana 1878, c. Da, p. 18.
" Lo afirma don Cerruti en su opúsculo (p. 9).
Con este fin he acometido la impresión revisada y corregida de los clásicos latinos profanos más frecuentes en las escuelas; con este fin empecé la publicación de los clásicos latinos cristianos, que deberían, con la santidad de su doctrina y de sus ejemplos, hacerla más bella con una forma al mismo tiempo elegante y robusta, completar lo que falta a los primeros, que son el producto de sólo la razón, hacer vanos en lo posible los efectos destructores del naturalismo pagano y volver a dar el antiguo honor debido a cuanto en las letras produjo de grande el Cristianismo. Este es, en una palabra, el objeto que he buscado siempre en todos los intentos educativos y didácticos, que di de palabra y por escrito a: directores, maestros y asistentes de la Pía Sociedad salesiana. Y ahora, viejo y caduco, muero con el dolor, resignado, pero dolor al fin, de que no me han comprendido bien, de no ver plenamente en marcha la obra de reforma de la educación y la enseñanza a la que he consagrado todas mis fuerzas y sin la que no podremos jamás, lo repito, tener una juventud estudiosa sincera y enteramente católica»."
Esta larga, pero muy significativa cita, por la que pido excusa, aunque puede suscitar alguna perplejidad desde un punto de vista estrictamente histórico, no deja dudas sobre las intenciones y preocupaciones de don Bosco en relación con la escuela humanista, en la que no se podía tolerar nada que supusiese daño para la formación cristiana. Don Cerruti, que se alarga en el tema, insinúa también las posibles fuentes, pasadas y contemporáneas del Santo, con una referencia especial a la polémica que se había desencadenado en Francia entre Dupanloup y Gaume, cerrada con una decidida intervención de Pío IX con la encíclica Inter mirifica.s del 21 de marzo de 1853. En ella se defendía el uso de los clásicos cristianos junto a los profanos «a quavis labe purgati». En la misma línea se había situado también León MIL Y esto habría sido suficiente para decidir la actitud y las opciones de don Bosco:' En esta misma perspectiva se entiende también la exclusión de muchos autores y obras literarias italianas, como Ariosto, Machiavelli, Metastasio, Giusti, D'Azeglio y hasta Manzoni (y como «lo que puede hacer mal a los nuestros puede hacer mal a los demás: no se pueden poner a la venta»), como todos los textos «en que hay enarnoramientos».42 De todos modos, don Bosco «estudió los clásicos italianos y en los últimos arios de su vida recordaba todavía y declamaba de memoria con mucho gusto cantos enteros de Dante y poesías de otros autores. Sintió la necesidad de estudiarlos, como algo necesario para aprender bien la lengua y hacerse con un buen estilo. Y promovió su estudio.
40 CERRUTI, Le idee di D. Bosco, p. 89.
Cf. CERRUTI, Le idee di D. Bosco, p. 11-14. Se dan, explícitamente, las razones por las que se deben preferir los autores cristianos (p. 15), y se transcribe una significativa exclamación de don Bosco: «Aihmé quanti giovani di belle speranze ha rovinato la mitologia!» (p. 40).
Cf. Verbali del Capitolo generale II (micr. 1.857D7).
Pero vio los peligros que iban a encontrar en este estudio los jovencitos, sobre todo porque muchos de ellos están prohibidos por la Iglesia o la ley natural». Pero no hay que olvidar, a propósito de ello una observación de don Cerruti, a la que atribuye valor didáctico: «Yo recuerdo, querido don Rua, con cierta emoción, aquellos bellos arios en que él, nuestro amadísimo padre, nos contaba con aquella rara ingenuidad suya, el cuidado ardiente que había puesto durante sus años de estudios juveniles por adquirir una forma de hablar especialmente florida, rotundidad en los períodos, belleza de dicción y cosas parecidas, y cuántos esfuerzos debió hacer después, cuántas luchas sostuvo contra sí mismo para librarse de ello y adquirir, en cambio, aquella otra llana, sencilla, cándida y siempre correcta que hace amables tanto sus palabras como sus escritos». La retórica, especialmente en los trabajos escolares, se presenta de ese modo negativamente.43
Por último, una referencia también sobre el latín. El Santo que, como se ha visto, lo había estudiado diligentemente, se convirtió en paladín de su estudio, antes de nada, entre sus clérigos colaboradores y, después, entre los estudiantes, hasta el punto de hacer representar, con éxito comedias clásicas en su texto original.44 El motivo principal de esta actitud suya, que tenía también raíces muy lejanas y profundas en la tradición escolar piamontesa, derivaba del hecho de que el latín era la lengua de la Iglesia y de los Padres, por los que nutría una gran veneración, aun bajo el aspecto literario, como ya se ha dicho. No se puede, por otra parte, excluir una consciente funcionalidad con vistas a la promoción de las vocacione eclesiásticas. Sin embargo, con la expansión de la Congregación en el «nuevo mundo», sólo se menciona el latín en relación con los clérigos y no ya con los colegiales, como aparece en las Deliberazioni del secondo Capitolo generale, y después.
5. Reflexiones finales
Al final de este recorrido histórico por los arios de la madurez y vejez de don Bosco con el fin de captar las motivaciones y opciones que le llevaron a asumir el peso que suponía abrir una escuela humanista, querría presentar algunas consideraciones, en clave «positiva» y, tal vez, personal, que estimulen, según creo (y no sólo a los salesianos), aunque vayan de forma esquemática, y espero que no moralista.
Ante todo, sobre la función de la escuela. Aunque hoy se puede pensar en la escuela como una institución dirigida fundamentalmente, si no exclusiva mente, a la instrucción y hasta la profesionalización, me parece que, a la luz de la postura del Santo, no se puede (ni debe) dejar en la sombra su cometido educativo y, por tanto, dirigido en primer lugar a una promoción humana; y, eventualmente, a un éxito profesional en todo caso no necesario.
" Cf. CEJuwrI, Le idee di D. Bosco, p. 44-45y p. 46-47.
" Cf. MB VI, 884 y 958; VII, 666; VIII, 419 y 782-783. Por lo que se refiere a su admiración por los Padres y a la defensa del latín de los miqmos, además de los pasajes citados, cf. MB IV, 634-636.
Por eso resulta indispensable unir, a la preparación disciplinar de los maestros, una preparación igualmente comprometida de corte pedagógico; don Bosco lo pedía a sus religiosos, teniendo en cuenta, naturalmente, los progresos de las ciencias de la educación.
Lo que no contradice, según mi parecer, la exigencia y la práctica del Santo de unir al estudio y a la información (entonces no siempre adecuada) una experiencia directa y probada: el «tirocinio». Tal vez el mismo don Bosco exageró el papel determinante de la práctica, pero por necesidad más que por convicción, dado el aprecio que demostró en general por los estudios. Hoy, con frecuencia, el riesgo es el contrario: nos contentamos con la teoría, académica o no, y ni siquiera porque se la estime más de lo debido.
Algo todavía. El Santo, aun después de haber abierto a la «clase media» las escuelas, insistió mucho para que no se descuidase a los muchachos con dificultades en el aprendizaje. Se diría que defendía una escuela no selectiva, pidiendo a sus maestros un empeño mayor y diferenciado, no resignado en absoluto. Hoy, a nivel teórico, se difunden tesis paralelas (desde la de una individualización más tradicional en la enseñanza hasta el mastery learning), pero se está muy lejos en la práctica, en la que vuelven a aparecer con vigor posturas discriminatorias.
El principio de la corresponsabilidad o de la coloquialidad, como lo he denominado aquí, invita a pensar de nuevo en el valor del sujeto humano y la densidad del respeto que le es debido. Don Bosco sin duda estuvo condicionado por su pensamiento teológico y religioso, más que por el antropológico-psicológico en esta implicación buscada de los alumnos. Pero crear espacios para los otros y compartirlos como iguales, la utilización (como piden, entre otras cosas, la amorevolezza y la familiaridad) es una exigencia que, pedagógicamente y tal vez también psicológicamente, tiene un significado liberador. Como cuando se trata con niños, se mira mucho de arriba abajo. J. Korczak tendría mucho que decir en este campo y precisamente en ese sentido he relanzado un concepto más amplio de coeducación, como con-tributo continuo y recíproco, aunque no siempre consciente, a la promoción humana.
Por último, la aceptación por parte del Santo de los programas oficiales, aun tomándose la libertad que consideraba irrenunciable de adaptarlos, es índice de una notable capacidad de adaptación que, si no se puede llevar hasta las fronteras de un pluralismo impensable para aquella época, manifiesta una cualidad fundamental para una gestión inteligente de las relaciones humanas: discernir lo esencial de lo accidental, lo sustancial de lo accesorio. En educación es objetivo indiscutible la promoción del sujeto, su crecimiento humano; las modalidades, los medios y hasta las metas intermedias pueden variar o desaparecer; en una educación cristiana, igualmente no hay que confundir lo que garantiza la fe con lo que otros aconsejan o exigen.
Se trata de sugerencias para la reflexión, si no para la revisión, que se encuentran en buena sintonía con las actitudes y las opciones de don Bosco que, aun referidas a un tema no medular de sus intereses y de su pensamiento, brotan con notable evidencia y, aparte la diversidad de los tiempos, de las situaciones y de los condicionamientos, se pueden volver a proponer, aún hoy, a todos.
DON BOSCO Y LAS ESCUELAS PROFESIONALES
Aproximación histórica (1870-1887) *
José Manuel PRELEZZ0 GARCÍA
El historiador salesiano Eugenio Cenia ha escrito con cierto énfasis: «Para medir el alcance de las escuelas profesionales de don Bosco, es necesario esperar a que tenga lugar el maravilloso desarrollo de las mismas, en el antiguo y en el nuevo Continente, bajo los sucesores del Santo; éste, sin embargo, les dio la dirección y el primer impulso, que consintió avanzar hacia los progresos ulteriores».1
O. Precisiones preliminares
En realidad, la misma denominación «escuelas profesionales» entró en el lenguaje corriente y en los escritos salesianos después de la muerte de don Bosco. Éste y sus colaboradores preferían hablar, como sus contemporáneos, de «artisti» y de «artigíani», de «officine», de «laboratori», y, más tarde, de «ospizi per arti e mestieri» o de «case di artigiani». En el ámbito cultural de lengua castellana tuvo fortuna la expresión «talleres salesianos».
El documento más importante sobre el asunto, elaborado en el Capítulo general- de 1883 y de 1886, presentaba, en la primera redacción manuscrita, como título: «Indirizzo da darsi alla classe operaia nelle Case Salesiane e mezzi onde svilupparne e coltivarne le voca7ioni».2 El máximo órgano legislativo de la Sociedad salesiana fue presidido todavía por don Bosco.
El texto de la redacción definitiva, unido a otro documento sobre los salesianos laicos, vio la luz, en las Deliberaciones oficiales de 1887, bajo el epígrafe: «Dello spirito religioso e delle vocazioni fra i coadiutori e gli artigiani».3
Es ésta precisamente la publicación que el citado don Cenia definió con una expresión que ha encontrado buena acogida entre los estudiosos: como una «parva chanta» de las escuelas profesionales salesianas.
* Esta comunicación fue redactada y leída por el autor en castellano (n.d.e.).
' Annali1, p. 649.
2 Capitolo generale III 1883. Deliberazioni del temo e quarto capitolo generale della Pia Societa Salesiana tenuti a Valsalice nel settembre 1883-86, San Benigno Canavese, Tip. Salesiana 1887, p. 16-22.
La publicación constituye, sin duda, un punto de referencia importante y autorizado, para acercarse a la fase más madura de la propuesta hecha a las casas salesianas de artes y oficios, durante la vida de don Bosco.
En mi comunicación, dedicaré una atención especial a las diversas redacciones del documento, con el fin de destacar el significado y alcance de los temas más centrales, y con el intento de precisar también los límites de la presencia de don Bosco y de sus colaboradores en la elabóración de los mismos.
Para alcanzar plenamente estos objetivos, sería necesario hacer, al menos> una previa aproximación a la «realidad viva» de las instituciones en las que don Bosco y los primeros colaboradores realizaron su labor en beneficio de los jóvenes aprendices.
Mi aportación queda intencionada y necesariamente limitada al ámbito de una institución: el Oratorio de San Francisco de Sales de Valdocco (Turín), y en el arco de tiempo señalado: 1870-1887.
La elección de Valdocco no es arbitraria. Se trata de la primera y de la única institución dirigida directamente por don Bosco. En ella abrió sus primeros talleres. Por lo que se refiere a los límites cronológicos, basta una breve acotación: el límite final (1887) resulta obvio, si se tiene en cuenta la fecha de las citadas deliberaciones capitulares que vieron la luz pocos meses antes de la muerte de don Bosco. Más problemático, en cambio, aparece el punto de arranque. Con todo, los materiales que se conservan en el Archivo Salesiano Central (diarios y apuntes de los primeros salesianos, actas de reuniones del consejo de la casa...) permiten afirmar, al menos como hipótesis de trabajo, que, a. partir de la fecha indicada, se advierte, en determindos aspectos de la vida de Valdocco, cierto cambio de perspectiva. Precisamente en 1870, se decidió introducir una neta separación entre artesanos y estudiantes. Así lo dice don Michele Rua en las actas de las llamadas Conferencias capitulares. Don Rua era, a la sazón, prefecto de la Sociedad salesiana e íntimo colaborador del Fundador.
Como me referiré muchas veces a éstos y a otros documentos similares, conviene advertir:
a) Hablaré de «Conferencias capitulares», para referirme a esas actas, en las que el citado don Rua recoge (al menos desde 1866 a 1877) las deliberaciones de las reuniones celebradas por el capítulo (hoy, consejo) de la casa. En dichas reuniones intervenían también los miembros del Capítulo superior (hoy, Consejo general).4
b) Con la expresión «Conferencias mensuales», indicaré las actas (redactadas por don Giuseppe Lazzero, viceclirector y, más tarde, director) de las reuniones del personal de Valdocco (1871-1884).
ASC 9.132 Rua Capitolo Deliberazioni. En la primera página de algunos cuadernos, don Rua escribe: Conferenze capitolari dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales...; cf. ASC 110 Barberis Cronachette (23.1.1878).
Intervenían, frecuentemente, en estas reuniones todos los salesianos de la casa. Desde 1871, se tenían también conferencias mensuales en las que tomaban parte únicamente los responsables de la asistencia de los artesanos del Oratorio de San Francisco de Sales.5
c) Con el nombre de «Conferencias generales», se entienden las actas (escritas por diversas manos) de las reuniones del Capítulo superior y de los directores de las casas celebradas con ocasión de la fiesta de San Francisco de Sales. Eran presididas por don Bosco.6
Esquema del trabajo:
1. Los talleres de don Bosco: notas introductorias.
2. Progresiva separación entre artesanos y estudiantes, y «gran progreso de los artesanos» (1870-1878).
3. La «sección de artesanos»: propuestas de organización (1879-1882).
4. Líneas para un plan de formación en las «casas de artesanos» (1883 1887).
5. Presencia de don Bosco y presencia de los colaboradores: un tema a profundizar.
1. Los talleres de don Bosco: notas introductorias
Para recorrer con una cierta seguridad las etapas que serán objeto de nuestro estudio, puede ser útil acercarse un momento a los orígenes. Esquemática, mente, se podría sintetizar así el devenir de la obra de don Bosco, con relación al tema: 1° encuentro con jóvenes aprendices que él entretiene e instruye los días de fiesta (1841-1843); 2° acogida de pobres muchachos inmigrados, desocupados, a los que busca un trabajo en el taller de algún honesto patrón, estipulando regulares contratos de trabajo (1844-1852); 3° y, finalmente, apertura de talleres internos propios, con una clara intención preventiva (evitar los graves peligros morales de los talleres de la ciudad) y con explícita finalidad práctica: zapatería (1853), sastrería (1853), encuadernación (1854), carpintería (1856), tipografía (1861), forja (1862).7
En este punto, el educador piamontés no siguió los modelos escolares pú
ASC 110 Conferenze del Personale e del Capitolo dell'Oratorio; ASC 38 Oratorio S. Fr. di Sales Adunanze del Capitolo della Casa Ottobre 1877 - Genn. 1884.
6 ASC 04 Conferenze generali.
7 Cf. Annali I, p. 649-659; MB VII, 114-120; P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella simia economica e sociale (1815-1870), Roma, LAS 1980, 243-258; R. ALBERDL Impegno dei salesiani nel mondo del lavoro e in particolare nella formazione professionale dei giovani, en: Salesiani nel mondo del lavoro. Atti del convegno europeo sul tema «Salesiani e pastorale per il mondo del lavoro» (Roma 9-15 maggio 1982), Roma, Editrice SDB 1982, p. 9-63
blicos: «Entre el antiguo modo de establecer relaciones de trabajo entre el maestro de arte, dueño de taller, y los aprendices, y el nuevo modelo dela escuela técnica prevista por la ley orgánica de instrucción pública, don Bosco prefirió recorrer una tercera vía propia: la de los grandes talleres de su propiedad, cuyo ciclo de producción, de nivel popular y escolar, constituía también un útil entrenamiento para los jóvenes aprendices».8
Este hecho ha sido interpretado desde perspectivas diversas. En este momento, basta recordar que las experiencias de Valdocco habían comenzado algunos años antes de que entrara en vigor dicha ley orgánica de instrucción pública, la llamada «legge Casati» de 1859. Es decir, habían comenzado cuando el legislador italiano (y no sólo éste) seguía sin dedicar una seria atención a la instrucción profesional de los jóvenes aprendices.
La escuela técnica, establecida en el marco de la enseñanza secundaria, por la citada ley Casati, estaba destinada, más bien, a la pequeña burguesía de los negocios y del comercio.9 A finales de siglo, se seguía aún discutiendo polémicamente sobre la incapacidad de las escuelas técnicas de preparar para un oficio («dare un mestiere») a los alumnos (no muy numerosos) que las frecuentaban.i°
El imperativo de «dare un mestiere» a sus muchachos, para que pudieran ganarse honradamente el pan, se encontró, desde el principio, en el centro de los intereses de don Bosco. La obra iniciada a favor de jóvenes desocupados y, en su mayor parte analfabetos, se insertaba sin esfuerzo entre las iniciativas «privadas», nacidas en un clima de nueva sensibilidad por la instrucción de las clases populares y por la creación de talleres destinados a los jóvenes aprendices.
En los años que precedieron a la apertura de los primeros talleres de don Bosco, diversas publicaciones periódicas («L'Educatore Primario», «Letture di Famiglia», «Giornale della Societá d'Istruzione e d'Educazione») insistían en la importancia de la formación de artesanos instruidos; y presentaban a sus lectores las experiencias italianas («istituti di arti e mestieri di Biella») y extranjeras («Ecoles royales d'Arts et Métiers de Chálons-sur-Marne»). Don Bosco pudo, ya entonces, tener en sus manos «L'Educatore Primario», pues el primer número de la revista aparece citado en la presentación de su obra Storia sacra (1847). Y, ciertamente, mantuvo contactos con institutos
8 STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 248.
9 A. Torirw, L'istruzione tecnica e professionale di Stato nelle strutture e nei programmi da Casati al nostri giorni, Milano, Ginffré 1964, p. 13; cf. S. SOLDAN', L'istruzione tecnica nell'Italia liberale, en «Studi Storici» 22 (1981) 1, 110. En la ley Boncompagni del 1848, se hablaba de «scuole speciali»: «quelle che, continuando l'istruzione elementare, preparano all'esercizio delle professioni per le quali non é destinato alcuno speciale insegnamento nelle universitá» (tit. I, art. 4).
SOLDAN', L'istruzione tecnica, p. 110.
en los que funcionaban talleres para los jóvenes alumnos, como «La Generala» o el «Regio Albergo di Virtú» de Turín."
Resulta relativamente fácil colocar los orígenes de la obra de don Bosco en el contexto contemporáneo. Existen además publicaciones serias que se ocupan del tema, situado en el marco de la historia económica y social durante el período 1815-1870, En cambio, «la falta de documentación — ha observado P. Stella — no permite esbozar, sino en línea hipotética, las vicisitudes de las comunidades juveniles de los tres oratorios de don Bosco después del 48 hasta el 70».m
Esta afirmación habría que hacerla, sobre todo, al referirnos a los talleres de Valdocco y al período posterior al 1870, del que nos vamos a ocupar aquí. Pero habría que añadir también que, a pesar de que los documentos disponibles son fragmentarios e incompletos, se encuentran en ellos datos y elementos que permiten determinar, al menos «en línea hipotética», algunos rasgos que contribuyen a caracterizar la laboriosa andadura de la obra de don Bosco y de sus primeros colaboradores en favor de los jóvenes aprendices.
2. Progresiva separación entre artesanos y estudiantes, y «gran progreso de los artesanos» (1870-1878)
En la Conferencia general de 1871, don Bosco, después de haber escuchado la relación de los directores de las casas salesianas, quiso expresar su punto de vista sobre el Oratorio de San Francisco de Sales, la «casa central» de la Congregación: Veo que «se va regulando el orden en todas las cosas. Estoy contento también por el gran progreso de los artesanos, los cuales en años anteriores eran un verdadero flagelo para la casa. No es que todos sean harina para hacer hostias; pero un progreso ha tenido lugar, y hay algunos que piden poder entrar en la Congregación»
" En este último, hacia 1842, eran acogidos unos 150 muchachos, que se ejercitaban, durante 5 ó 6 años, en el aprendizaje de un oficio o arte manual, con el objeto de llegar a ser «abili a campare onestamente la vita» (F. GARGANO, Educazione e tecnologia, in «Letture di Famiglia» 1 [1842] 35, 274). Cf. Frammenti d'un viaggio pedagogico, en «Guida dell'Educatore» 3 (1838) 281307; Istruzione tecnica, en «L'Educatore Primario» 1 (1845) 18, 294-296.; Ordinamento dell'Istruzione in Piemonte, en «Giornale della Societá d'Istruzione e d'Educazione» 1 (1850) 1, 289-294; P. BARICCO, L'istruzione popolare in Torillo, Torillo, Tip. Botta 1865, p. 140-141; R. AUDISIO, La «Generala» di Torillo. Esposti, discoli, minori corrigendi (1785-1850), Santena, Fondazione Cavour 1987, p. 154-158. Don Bosco pudo leer el «Avviso-invito» lanzado por don Cocchi, el 15 octubre 1849, para la fundación de una «Societá di buone persone, e principalmente di Sacerdoti, e di Giovani secolari, i quali si prendessero a cuore l'incarico di provvedere al bisogni dei tanti raga7.71, orfani principalmente, abbandonati che bullicano per Torillo, e fano ii disordine della Societá Civile, e dell'umanitá - dar loro una qualche educazione, provvederli dei mezzi onde avviarli a qualche professione, a qualche mestiere».
STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 171.
" ASC 04 Conferenze generali (30.1.1871). Cf. J.M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco 1866-1888. Problemi
De las crónicas y testimonios del tiempo, se desprende claramente que, en efecto, no todos los artesanos eran «harina para hacer hostias». En 1876, don Ginlio Barberis (íntimo colaborador de don Bosco), en una de sus «cronachette», anota la decisión tomada en las Conferencias capitulares de expulsar a algunos de los más hábiles jóvenes artesanos «por razones de inmoralidad».14
Entre esas dos fechas — 1871 y 1876 —, al menos media docena de veces, se trató en dichas Conferencias capitulares acerca del tema de la mejora y progreso («miglioramento») de los artesanos. Precisamente en este contexto se recuerda insistentemente la medida tomada en 1870, que he recordado al principio: separar artesanos y estudiantes en los diversos ambientes de la casa. Y me parece que la insistencia en este punto no respondía, o no sólo respondía, al deseo de evitar encuentros u ocasiones peligrosas. Respondía, ciertamente, a preocupaciones de mayor alcance.
Sabemos que después de los años 60, por influjo de la tendencia general postunitaria hacia la enseñanza clásica, la sección de estudiantes se convirtió en la categoría propulsora («trainante») de Valdocco y de otras casas salesianas, como Lanzo, Alassio, San Pier d'Arena.'
Probablemente, sería exagerado hablar ahora de una clara inversión de tendencia. en Valdocco. Con todo, en los años 70, se advierte más de una señal respecto a una progresiva y mayor atención hacia los jóvenes aprendices. A pesar de algunas ligeras flexiones, se puede decir que el número de alumnos artesanos que entran en los talleres sigue un ritmo creciente.
organizzativi e tensioni ideali nelle «conferenze» dei primi salesiani, en RSS 8 (1989) 289-328.
" ASC 110 Barberis Cronachette (23.1.1876). Dos meses más tarde (31.3.1876), recoge un «discorsetto», «falto dopo le orazioni sgli artigiani», en el que don Bosco, aludiendo a «lo sciolamento e la ricostruzione del corpo musicale», dijo: «Vi sará giá stata delta la ragione di questo. E proprio da dirsi che la ragione precipua, anzi unica si fu perché, da molti non si faceva la parte del musicante che é di tenere allegri gil animi degli uomini e farli giá partecipare della musica che andremo poi a sentire in paradiso; ma si faceva la parte del cattivo, di chi vuol fare stare allegro il demonio».
STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 378.
TABLA 1: Número de nuevos alumnos artesanos y de otros empleados que entraron anualmente en los talleres de Valdocco (1870-1879)
año alumnos otros total
1870 76 54 130
1871 43 81 124
1872 45 44 89
1873 58 56 114
1874 53 69 122
1875 71 56 127
1876 67 80 147
1877 80 90 170
1878 77 41 118
1879 75 38 113
(Fuente: elaboración de ASC Torino Valdocco Anagrafe giovani 1869-1901).
Es éste el período en el que se asiste a un notable incremento en el número de Coadjutores, es decir, de los salesianos laicos que iban a desempeñar, por deseo de don Bosco, un papel importante en la dirección de los talleres. En el 1870, los Coadjutores eran 23; en 1880, 182.16
No faltaron estímulos en el ambiente cultural contemporáneo. En el bienio 1870-1871, el movimiento obrero católico echaba a andar en Turín, con la fundación de la «Unione Operaia Cattolica» por iniciativa de Leonardo Murialdo. Éste, según asegura su biógrafo, «accese della sua fiamma anche D. Bosco. Ne sollecitava la presenta e la parola nelle inaugurazioni delle nuove sezioni, nell'intento pare di convogliare nelle societá operaie cattoliche i giovani operai dei suoi Oratori, ed anche per stabilire armonía di relazioni tra i dirigenti delle opere giovanili, quelle delle Unioni ed i Parroci».17
Eran los años en que, por obra del mismo Murialdo, el «Collegio degli Artigianelli» se estaba organizando mejor, y llegaba a Piamonte el eco de las inicíativas francesas de Léon Harmel y de Timon-David en el campo de la formación de los jóvenes obreros. En Madrid, en 1871, se creaba la primera «Escuela de Artes y Oficios» (Decreto ley de 5.5.1871).
16 P. STELLA, I coadiutori salesiani (1854-1974). Appunti per un profilo storico socio-professionale, en: Atti del Convegno Mondiale Salesiano Coadiutore, Roma, Esse Gi Esse 1976, p. 5. Cf. P. BRAMO, Religiosi nuovi per il mondo del lavoro. Documentazione per un profilo del coadiutore salesiano, Roma, PAS 1961.
17 A. CASTELLANI, Il Beato Leonardo Murialdo pioniere e l'apostolo dell'azione sociale cristiana e dell'azione cattolica (1867-1900), Roma, Tip. S. Pio X 1967, p. 409. El teólogo L. Murialdo (1828-1900) había sido colaborador de don Bosco: director del Oratorio «San Luigi» (1857 1865).
La coyuntura económica favorable del 1872 permitió a don Bosco dar nuevo impulso a sus «Letture Cattoliche» y a los talleres de encuadernación y tipográfico. Superados momentos de contraste con los tipógrafos turineses, la tipografía de Valdocco tuvo, en los años siguientes, un notable desarrollo y consiguió amplios reconocimientos. «Di questi giorni — escribe don Barberis en una de sus " cronachette" del 1878 — all'Oratorío avvennero varíe altre cose che credo degne di menzione. E prima di tutto: si fecero venire dalla Germania tre nuove macchine da tipografía E veramente se ne abbisognava.
Quasi tutti gli inverni bisognava lavorare di notte. Ora con serte macchine due delle quali sono doppie cioé stampano due fogli, del lavoro se ne fa gil! »." Es conocida, por otra parte, la participación de don Bosco en la Exposición General de Turín del año 1884.19
Cuando en el Oratorio de San Francisco de Sales se buscaba el modo de mejorar la condición de los artesanos, se pensaba en los aspectos religiosos y morales. Pero no. sólo en éstos. Se encuentran testimonios explícitos que hablan de seriedad en el trabajo, de mejoras en la organización de los talleres. A este propósito, cabe citar una noticia: en 1873, funcionaba también en Valdocco un «taller de sombrereros» («laboratorio di cappellai»), que estaba pasando un momento crítico por falta de personal. Informado don Bosco de la situación, se mostró partidario de cerrar el taller.20
La preocupación del progreso de los artesanos se hace quizás más intensa al final de la década de los 70. Y los que participan en las Conferencias capi.
ASC 110 Barberis Cronachette (11.5.1878).
19 Cf. E IV, 299-301. En la reunión del 16.1.1884, los miembros del Capítulo superior aludieron a algunos problemas internos: «4. Esposizione di Torillo cui prende parte l'oratorio colla macchina per la fabbrica della carta e la nostra libreria di libri legati. D. Sala fa presente come sia necessario far apparecchiare libri legati ed avere persone capad per custodire gli oggetti all'esposizione. Quindi o chiamare due novizü legatori da S. Benigno, p prendere a pagamento giovani antichi dell'oratorioesteri. Fra 1 giovani dell'oratorio non vi sono piú lavoranti capad perché gli uni andati via gil altri mandati. [...] D. Bosco condude che se é necessario si facciano venire a Torino i legatori novizii [d]a S. Benigno, piuttosto che chiamare lavoranti esteri» (ASC 0592 Verbali delle riunioni capitolarz).
20 ASC 9.132 Rua Capitolo (9.2.1873). En 1878 se abrió también un laboratorio químico-fotográfico que tuvo escaso desarrollo. El coadjutor Pietro Barale, director de la Librería y del «Stabilimento fotografico», en una exposición solicitada por don Rua en 1884, declaraba que «se si impiantó la fotografia nell'Oratorio ció si fece dietro le calde istanze del sig. Carlo Ferrero e le larghe speranze che dava di grandi guadagni, i quali peró in realtá si cambiaron in danni non inclifferenti [...] 1° per l'inesattezza nella consegna dei lavori; 2° per la grande imperfezione dei medesimi» (ASC 123 Relazione del Direttore dello Stabilimento fotografico [14.6.1884]). C.A. Ferrero (en 1877 «aspirante a divenire religioso Salesiano») había presentado su actividad en una luz más positiva (cf. ASC 123 Relazione Rendiconto Triennale dell'Esercizio Laboratorio Chimico-Fotografico dal 1877-78-79-80 e relative proposte di attuazione pel incremento progressivo fatto per cura di C.A. Ferrero).
ollares descubren una estrecha correlación entre la mejora de los jóvenes y la instrucción escolar impartida durante todo el curso?'
El argumento de la instrucción escolar no era nuevo. Ya en 1867 se habla de «scuole serali per gli artigiani». El 6 de noviembre de 1870 se decidió dar una conferencia a los maestros, para dictar normas y orientaciones sobre el modo de enseñar. Don Rua, más tarde, añadió en sus notas que había tenido lugar la conferencia establecida y se había comenzado «assai bene la scuola serale».22 Desde este momento, se habla habitualmente de «le scuole serali per gli artigiani» o, simplemente, de «le scuole per gli artigiani»; .y aparecen registrados en las actas de las Conferencias capitulares los nombres de los maestros designados para las clases nocturnas de los artesanos. Con los datos disponibles se puede elaborar la siguiente tabla.
TABLA 2: Maestros para las clases nocturnas de los artesanos
años 1871 1872 1873 1874 1875
Bases
Inf. Remotti Boido Becchio Berno Bernasconi
Sup. Borio Davico Bini Ghione Ghione
Elem. Delgrosso Albano Mazzarello Beauvoir Pavia
3'Elem. Rocca Farina G. Piacentino. Piacentino Piacentino
Francés Martin Borio Rocca Chiesa G.B. D. Paglia
Dibujo Enriú Rocca Enriú Enriú Enriú
Música instrum. — — Devecchi
D. Cipriano
(Fuente: elaboración de ASC 9. 132 Rua Capitolo).
Las deliberaciones tomadas no quedaron en el papel. He recordado el testimonio de don Rua; y se puede documentar que, a partir de 1871, tuvo lugar anualmente el reparto de premios a los artesanos, con función religiosa en la iglesia; y, fuera de ella, con música vocal e instrumental, diálogos y sencillas piezas teatrales.
21 «Si passó quindi a cercare spedienti per migliorare i nostri artigiani, e per ora si proposero ed approvarono tre cose: la prima é di continuar loro la scuola tutto l'anno, cominciando per quest'anno a farla nell'estate pei meno istruiti. Finita la scuola serale, si penserebbe di farla loro al mattino dopo la messa» (reunión del 21.2.1875).
ASC 9.132 Rua Capitolo (6.11.1870).
No es posible precisar el programa escolar desarrollado en las escuelas nocturnas de artesanos. De los datos señalados y de otras indicaciones dadas por don Bosco en diversos escritos, se desprende que los contenidos quedaban, en este momento, limitados dentro del ámbito de una instrucción elemental: lectura, escritura; nociones de aritmética y de lengua italiana, catecismo e historia sagrada. Sabemos también que en Valdocco se impartían lecciones de urbanidad, y se insistía sobre la necesidad de la limpieza personal y de los ambientes. Frecuentemente se advertía que, en este punto, las cosas dejaban bastante que desear. Don Bosco hizo, en 1874, esta singular puntualización: «Per ottenere la pulitezza della testa nei giovani piú piccoli si puó stabilire un pettinatore o una pettinatrice attempata che ogni giorno occupi qualche tempo in tale ufficio».23
Aparte algunos elementos, sin duda interesantes, como la música vocal e instrumental y el «teatrino», que debía siempre «divertir e instruir», la propuesta cultural hecha a los artesanos era, más bien, modesta. Pero Valdocco no constituía una excepción. No habían desaparecido completamente viejos prejuicios y reservas de cara a la generalización de la instrucción popular.24
Estas últimas anotaciones no se proponen encubrir límites reales; los cuales, por otra parte, no oscurecen totalmente el significado de la existencia en Valdocco, durante los años 70, de clases destinadas exclusivamente a los artesanos. Y hay otro hecho que conviene todavía apuntar. Se empezó a comprobar que no bastaba promover iniciativas y propuestas aisladas. En 1876, tratándose, una vez más, de los medios de mejorar la condición de los artesanos, prevaleció el parecer de quienes querían que se estableciera un «catequista» (director espiritual), que pudiera ocuparse habitualmente del sector. La petición fue aprobada por don Bosco. En el Reglamento para las casas salesianas, publicado en 1877, además de las figuras clásicas del «maestro de arte» y del «asistente de los talleres», aparece ya el «catequista de los artesanos», con la misión de atender a su formación religiosa y moral.
En la vida real quedaban todavía pendientes cuestiones importantes.
2 ASC 04 Conferenze generali (1876).
- 24 En 1841 (el año en que comenzó don Bosco su obra), el arzobispo de Turín, mons. Fransoni, manifestaba en una carta pastoral su preocupación por «rodiemo impegno di volere in tutti eccitare la smania di leggere [...] gravemente dannosa anche riguardo all'ordine pubblico» (cit. por R. ROMEO, Cavour e il suo tempo (1810-1842) I, Bari, Laterza 1969, p. 791). Solaro della Margherita, ministro y primer secretario de Estado, escribía en 1853: «Se 1' istruzione é .necessaria, non é necessario, anzi pregiudizievole che sia uguale per tutti indistintamente. [...] D'uopo é che ciascheduno conosca ció che pub giovargli nell'esercizio della professione cui si dedica; é superfluo e nocivo porre l'intelletto in cose maggiori. A che servono la geografia, l'astronomia, la storia, e simili sciPrize al calzolaio, al falegname, al sarto?» (Avvedimenti politici, Torino, Dai TipografiLibrai Speirani e Tortone 1853, p. 136). Cf. también: G. MIALARET - J. VIAL, Histoire mondiale de l'éducation BI: De 1815 á 1945, Paris, PUF 1981, p. 291-318.
3. La «sección de artesanos»: propuestas de organización (1879-1882)
El tema de la mejora y del progreso de los artesanos se inscribía en el cuadro de la organización general de Valdocco, que presentaba aspectos problemáticos. Personas razonables hablaban, en 1879, de «inconvenienti», de «disordini», y hasta de falta de una «vera ed assoluta amministrazione». Don G. Barberís, después de consignar este severo juicio en las actas del Capítulo superior, añadía textualmente: «Le cose vanno avanti "alla buona". Ma in una questione grande dire "si va avanti alla buona" suona quanto dire "si va avantimate" ».25
En el mes de mayo del citado año 1879, el asunto fue objeto de prolongado
estudio por parte de don Bosco y de sus colaboradores. Don Barberis sintetizó el parecer común en estos términos: «A primera vista pareció que la fuente principal de todos los desórdenes es la falta de un centro activo en torno al cual giren todos los centros secundarios. Don Bosco no puede estar, como lo estaba en otros tiempos, a la cabeza de todo el movimiento, pues está demasiado abrumado por otros cuidados gravísimos».
Nombrada una comisión, para que formulara una propuesta, se llegó, no sin alguna «vivace discussione», a tomar las siguientes medidas: la El Capítulo superior dejaría de intervenir, en adelante, en la dirección del Oratorio. 2" El director de Valdocco, aun actuando en las cosas de mayor importancia de acuerdo con don Bosco, según deseo de éste, gozaría de la misma autoridad que los demás directores de las casas. 3' Un administrador central o prefecto sería el responsable de toda la «azienda artigiana, economica, industriale, commerciale».26
Las lineas de organización propuestas respondían a necesidades reales y estaban llamadas a tener repercusión en la administración de los talleres.27 Se ponía, en ellas, un acento especial sobre la unidad y coordinación de los diversos sectores de la «casa madre». Quizás, se tenían menos en cuenta las características específicas de cada uno de tales sectores.
Fue ésta, precisamente, la exigencia que los responsables de la «sezione artigiani» hicieron presente al 2° Capítulo general de 1880. El título de uno de los documentos conservados en el ASC es de por sí elocuente: Progetto d'una ben regolata amministrazione secondo le esigenze attuali dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales nella sezione artigiani.28
No está firmado, pero los redactores (¿redactor?) advierten que se basan en cuatro años de experiencia y en múltiples pareceres de jefes de taller y de responsables de administración.
25 ASC 0592 Verbali del Capitolo superiore (8.5.1879).
26 ASC 0592 Verbali del Capitolo superiore (16.5.1879). 2 Cf. ASC 110 Lanero Diario dell'Oratorio (16.5.1879). 28 ASC 04 Capitolo generale II 1880.
La expresión «sezione artigiani», encontrada quizás por primera vez en estos escritos, y usada varias veces en ellos, merece atención. En efecto, las consideraciones que se hacen arrancan de una constatación: «El Oratorio, en la actualidad, se compone de dos categorías: una de estudiantes y otra de artesanos».
Colocándose fuera de los muros de Valdocco, los autores del Progetto encuentran en el contexto contemporáneo (es decir, en las nuevas exigencias de las artes y en el desarrollo del comercio), algunos de los factores que, en su opinión, explican el aumento continuo de la segunda categoría en los últimos años. Y esto, en tal medida, que los artesanos, habiendo alcanzado ya la cifra de 317, son ya casi tan numerosos como los estudiantes.
Este hecho y las características específicas de la sección de artesanos exigían, lógicamente, una organización más autónoma. Es la conclusión a la que se llega en el escrito dirigido al Capítulo general de 1880, haciendo una propuesta, que recoge, según ellos, un punto de vista ampliamente compartido. En síntesis: 1° Que don Bosco, personalmente o a través de su vicario, vuelva a hacerse cargo de la administración general. 2° Que, a diferencia del pasado, divida toda la administración en dos secciones: de estudiantes y artesanos. 3°
Cada una de las administraciones tenga un reglamento propio y un responsable propio.
Los colaboradores de don Bosco, en aquel momento, no sólo se mostraban atentos a los aspectos económicos o administrativos. Entre los materiales del Capítulo general hay otro escrito («Diverse esigenze degli artigiani da proporre nel Cap. Sup. Gen.»), que pone el acento sobre el «bisogno d'una scuola per gli artigiani». No está tampoco. firmado, pero se advierte que las propuestas formuladas son compartidas por todos los responsables de los artesanos («da tutti gli applicati alla direzione degli artigiani»).29
Además de las clases ya recordadas (de la la a la 3a elemental, francés y dibujo), se pide en el «progetto» que sean provistos maestros y locales para una 4a clase elemental y profesional y comercial. Para los artesanos analfabetos, se solicita otra hora diaria de clase, además de la habitual.
Hablar, en 1880, de que en Valdocco se siente la necesidad de una «scuola per gli artigiani» puede parecer sorprendente. Y hasta podría dar pie para suponer que, hasta aquel momento, los artesanos asistieran a las escuelas nocturnas comunes del Oratorio?' Precisamente por eso, al hablar del período anterior, me he detenido un poco, insistiendo en que, al menos desde 1870, se puede hablar de «scuole per artigiani» en Valdocco. Y es un hecho que, ya en sí, tiene su importancia.
Otro problema muy diverso es su funcionamiento: el tema de fondo de la petición de 1880. Los responsables de la sección de artesanos proponen introducir nuevos contenidos en el programa, dedicar más tiempo a la enseñanza de los mismos y un cambio de horario escolar: que se tengan las clases por la mañana, en lugar de por la noche.
" ASC 04 Capitolo generale 11 1880.
" Cf. L. PAZZAGLIA, Apprendistato e istruzione degli artigiani a Valdocco, en: F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella cultura popolare, Torino, SEI 1987, p. 44.
Motivan, justamente, su petición, diciendo que los jóvenes, fatigados después de una «giornata intiera di lavoro», están poco dispuestos al estudio y a la actividad intelectual.
A este propósito, hay un dato que nos puede acercar al clima cultural en el que fue redactado el documento. Los autores consideran necesario dedicar un amplio párrafo (31 líneas de las 86 que comprende el documento) a justificar que, de la propuesta de cambio de horario de las clases, no se derivarían graves perjuicios en el trabajo; es decir, el cambio no supondría una disminución de las horas dedicadas al mismo.
Probablemente, al aducir estas justificaciones, se asumía o se tenía presente un modelo de aprendizaje artesanal, concebido como preparación para un arte u oficio manuales a través de concretas y prolongadas prácticas de taller.3'
Las clases para los artesanos siguieron teniéndose por la noche. Aunque Valdócco no constituía tampoco en este caso una excepción 'en su tiempo, como veremos más adelante. Ahora conviene añadir que, por aquellas mismas fechas, don Bosco, en una exposición al Prefecto de Turín, decía que a los jóvenes, inclinados por naturaleza a la práctica de artes u oficios más nobles y elevados, como la tipografía, se les daba cierta instrucción en latín, griego, francés, geografía y aritmética?'
Pero no es fácil documentar que, de hecho, estas materias hayan entrado a formar parte del programa de los tipógrafos de Valdocco. En perspectiva más general, me parece que reflejan mejor la «mens» de don Bosco y la realidad concreta de los hechos las palabras dichas por él mismo, pocos meses después, en 1881, a sus antiguos alumnos: «Yo no quiero que mis hijos sean enciclopédicos; no quiero que mis carpinteros, mecánicos, zapateros sean abogados; ni que los tipógrafos, los encuadernadores y los libreros se pongan a dárselas de filósofos y de teólogos. Me basta que cada uno sepa bien lo que le corresponde; y cuando un artesano posee los conocimientos útiles y oportunos para
" Y se debe tener en cuenta también la circunstancia concreta de Valdocco. El 15 de noviembre de 1878, escribe Barberis en su «Cronichetta»: «La tipografia é cosi soppraffatta di lavoro che se vi fosse doppio numero di operai e di macchine non disimpegnerebbe ancora tutto. [-J. D. Bosco si rivolge a D. Lazzero dicendo che provveda: si cerchi qualche mezzo ma si faccia quanto occorre fare: é un yero inconveniente lasciare i lavori cosi iñcompiuti. Si cerchino degli operai si lavori anche tutta la norte: almeno quelli che vi sono veglino tardi alla sera, oppure si raddoppino in modo per esempio che alcuni comincino a lavorare alle 4 del mattino e vadano verso le 10; alle 10 comincino altri e non cessino che cifra le 4 [...]. Ció che avviene dei tipografi avviene degli altri laboratorii Dai sarti é un finimondo: vi sono da riparare gli abiti agli artigiani generalmente, vi sono grandi lavori per i missionari [...]. Non parlo dei falegnami che lavo-rano anche di notte ed é necessario faz eseguire moho lavoro fuori di casa»... (ASC 110 Barberis Cronachette [15.11.1878]).
" E II, 598.
ejercer su arte, sabe cuanto es necesario para hacerse benemérito de la sociedad ».33
Mientras tanto, se había celebrado el 2° Capítulo general. De las actas de las reuniones, se desprende que el tema de los artesanos no recibió una atención especial. Hay, sin embargo, algún punto que no carece de interés. En la conferencia 8', al tratarse de la fundación de un «convitto» en Cremona, los capitulares subrayaron este criterio de carácter general: «Si ripeté intanto ció che giá tante altre volte si disse in altre circostanze che cioé ció che ci tiene su e deve essere nostro scopo speciale dover essere i collegi od ospizi di artigianel gli Oratori e riguardo a scuole quelle pel popolo e per poveri giovani abbandonati. Queste case sono piú secondo il nostro scopo».34
En las Deliberaciones finales, publicadas en 1882, encontramos además una norma que merece atención: se determina que un miembro del Capítulo superior, el Ecónomo, de acuerdo con los Inspectores, fuese el responsable del buen funcionamiento y progreso de las casas profesionales.35
Sin forzar demasiado los términos, me parece que se puede descubrir en tal determinación un nuevo paso hacía una organización más especifica y autónoma de la sección de artesanos.
En el ambiente italiano, y europeo, las cosas estaban también cambiando. La instrucción profesional, bajo el control del Ministerio de la Agricultura, tuvo en la ley del 30 de mayo de 1878 su fecha de nacimiento, dando, en el bienio siguiente, sus primeros y tímidos pasos de la mano del ministro Caíroli.
Éste, en varias circulares, proponía la creación de «scuole serali e domenicali d'arti e mestieri».36
La ley del 11 de diciembre de 1880 regulaba, en Francia, las «écoles manuelles d'apprentissage». En virtud de la misma, se crearon varias «Écoles Nationales Professionnelles»: Vierzon (1881), Armentiéres (1882), Voiron (1882).
Nuevos estímulos y demandas procedían del mundo del trabajo. En sintonía con el primer desarrollo industrial, la sección milanesa del «Partito operaio» incluía, en 1882, en su programa de reivindicaciones «le "scuole professionali di artí e mestieri, integrali, laiche e obbligatorie" ».37
A pesar de los evidentes límites señalados, no deja de presentar nuevo interés, a la luz de estos hechos, la petición formulada por los responsables de la sección de artesanos en 1880.
AnnaliI, p. 658.
ASC 04 Capitolo generale 11 1880. En conferencias anteriores se había hablado del noviciado para los coadjutores.
33 Cf. Deliberazioni del secondo Capitolo generale della Pia Societá Salesiana tenuto in Lanzo Torinese nel settembre 1880, Torino, Tip. Salesiana 1882, p. 13.
36 G. CANESTRI - G. RICUPERATI, La scuola in Italia dalla legge Casati ad oggi, Torino, Loescher 1976, p. 97.
37 Cit. C.G. LACAITA, Istruzione e sviluppo industriale in Italia 1859-1914, Firenze, GiuntiBarbera 1973, p. 84.
Y presenta interés también el que, al insistir sobre una mejor organización del horario escolar, adviertan que el cambio solicitado se había introducido ya en otras casas salesianas de artesanos: San Pier d'Arena, Niza y Marsella. Las experiencias iniciadas fuera de Turín empezaban a tener un potencial influjo sobre Valdocco.
4. Líneas para un plan de formación en las «casas de artesanos» (1883-1887)
En estas dos coordenadas: las solicitaciones internas que vienen de los salesianos que viven en contacto directo con las secciones de artesanos, y los estímulos externos de la política escolar y del ambiente social, se inserta el tercer Capítulo general, celebrado en Valsalice, en 1883. Entre los temas de estudio, encontramos el siguiente: «Indirizzo da darsi alta parte operaia nelle case salesiane e mezzi di sviluppare le vocazioní dei giovani artigianí». Era la primera vez que el supremo órgano legislativo de la Sociedad Salesiana se ocupaba seriamente del tema.
Antes de comenzar los trabajos, habían llegado a Turín observaciones y «propuestas» sobre cada una de las materias a tratar, respondiendo a la petición hecha, meses antes, en una circular firmada por don Bosco.
En sus respuestas, las personas mejor informadas hacían ver con franqueza que la situación de la «parte operaía» en las casas salesianas revestía caracteres de urgencia: «Se osserviamo — escribe el coadjutor Giuseppe Buzzetti due terzi dei giovani che terminano Papprendisaggio van via incapaci a guadagnarsi la vita ».38
El problema no era sólo de Valdocco. Don Belmonte, director de' la casa de artesanos de San Pier d'Arena y futuro Prefecto general, esbozaba su diagnóstico con tintas oscuras: «I giovani artigiani non fanno progressi qui tra noi nella virtú e nell'arte 1° per mancanza di saggi e prudenti assistenti; 2° per mancanza di capi, non dico relig. iosi, ma onesti cristiani; 3° per mancanza di lavoro importante, nel quale esercitarsi e divenire buoni artísti; 4° in fine per mancanza d'istruzíone. Alcuni giovanetti escono dall'Ospizio dogo 4 anni e non sano ancora scrivere. Sono demoralizzati dai cattivi esempi dei Capi. Scoraggiati dal nessun profitto nell'arte, irritati dal modo con cuí vengono trattati dagli assistenti, e per conseguenza qual'amore possono mai mettere alla casa? Altrove la cosa andrá diversamente».39
El Capítulo de 1883 estudió el argumento. Pero faltó el tiempo necesario para completarlo. En el siguiente Capítulo general de 1886, el problema fue examinado de nuevo «brevemente», y redactado el documento final, al que me he referido al principio.40
" ASC 04 Capitolo generale III 1883 («Proposte dei confratelli»).
39 ASC 04 Capitolo generale III 1883 (carta al regulador del Capítulo, don Bonetti, con fecha del 11.8.1883).
Las actas de las reuniones, excesivamente esquemáticas, no permiten reconstruir con total garantía la marcha de la discusión. Algunos errores e inexactitudes posteriores, cometidos en la indicación de la fecha y en la signatura archivística de los materiales conservados, hacen más ardua todavía la aproximación al desarrollo de los trabajos.
Ciertamente, no es éste el lugar para hacer un detallado análisis comparativo de tales materiales. Baste decir que, en el Archivo Salesiano Central, existen tres documentos importantes que constituyen, con toda probabilidad, sucesivas redacciones de la publicación que vio la luz en 1887, es decir, la que se ha llamado casi una «parva chanta» de las escuelas profesionales salesianas.41
Desde la óptica elegida, y en línea con las consideraciones precedentes, subrayo sólo algunos puntos centrales:
a) Una primera anotación: los términos utilizados. En los títulos de las di, versas redacciones se habla de «classe operaia» y de «parte operaia»; en cambio, en el cuerpo de la exposición se usa reiteradamente la expresión: «case di artigiani». Es un elemento más para apoyar una hipótesis de «perioclización», que se podría esquematizar así: 1° renovado interés por el progreso de los artesanos (1870 a 1878); 2° una conciencia más clara, por parte de los responsables directos, de la necesidad de organizar con más autonomía la sección de artesanos (1879 a 1882); 3° elaboración de las grandes líneas de una propuesta de formación para las casas de artesanos (1883 a 1886).
Es más, en 1886 se habló «seriamente» de la conveniencia de que las casas de artesanos estuvieran separadas de las casas de estudiantes. Además, se había hecho ya bastante general la convicción de que no bastaba la figura y el cargo de catequista de artesanos, codificados en. el Reglamento de 1877. Era necesario establecer los de prefecto y director.42
4° De las actas del Capítulo superior se desprende que don Bosco hubiera deseado que las decisiones de 1883 se publicaran antes de 1886. En efecto, en la reunión de 24 de octubre de 1884, «D. Bosco invita il Capitolo a far coordinare le ultime decisioni del Capitolo generale del 1883 perché si possano stampare. Osservo che questo lavoro fu troppo trasandato perché le troppe occupazioni siano scusa sufficiente. Bisogna peró non lasciarsi sorprendere dal Capitolo generale che avrá luogo del 1886. Il Capitolo disegna D. Barberis e D. Bonetti ad ordinare la relazione e le conclusioni del Capitolo generale 1883. Questo lavoro si faccia a S. Benigno. Sia steso questo lavoro da D. Bonetti» (ASC 0592 Verbali delle riunioni capitolari [24.10.18841).
4' Cf. Annali I, p. 649-658; PAZZAGLIA, Apprendistato, p. 46-60. La publicación de la edición crítica de estos documentos capitulares permitirá hacer un examen más detenido y puntual de los diversos temas, de las variantes introducidas en las sucesivas ediciones y de los autores de las mismas.
42 En 1876, en una reunión del Capítulo superior, se estableció «chismare all'Oratorio D. Branda prefetto di Valsalice per metterlo poco alla volta direttore dogli artigiani» (ASC Verbali del Capitolo superiore [27.1.1876]). Pero todavía en 1884, «D. Cagliero insiste essere necessario nominare due direttori distinti, indipendente un dall'altro ciascuno responsabile per la sua parte,
Desde 1883 se empezó a hablar también de la necesidad de crear un consejero profesional, tanto en las casas particulares, como en el Capítulo superior. Aunque tal cargo fue definitivamente aprobado después de la muerte de don Bosco, el Catálogo de la Sociedad salesiana de 1887, presentaba ya a don Gíuseppe Lazzero como «Consigliere Professionale generale». Su misión se extendía a todo lo concerniente a la enseñanza de las artes y oficios.43
Se completaba, de esta manera, en sus líneas generales un cuadro organizativo que iba a durar hasta mitad de los años 60 de este siglo.
b) El esfuerzo organizativo y el lugar más céntrico del compromiso salesiano en el sector encontraba, quizás, la contrapartida en una mayor conciencia de la importancia que el mundo del trabajo estaba conquistando en las últimas décadas del Ochocientos. La primera redacción de los documentos capitulares se abre con esta declaración: «La parte obrera está teniendo actualmente tal influencia en la sociedad civil, que preocupa seriamente; pues de la buena o mala orientación de aquélla depende la buena o mala marcha de ésta ».44
De tales premisas se desprende una conclusión: «Por tanto, la dirección que se debe dar a la parte obrera en nuestras casas debe ser apta para obtener el fin que nuestra Sociedad se propone al asumir la educación de dicha clase de ciudadanos, que es el de formar al joven artesano de tal manera que, al salir de nuestras Casas después del aprendizaje, conozca bien su oficio para poder ganarse el pan, y tenga además suficiente instrucción religiosa y científica según su estado».
La referencia a la influencia de la «parte operaia» desapareció en las redacciones siguientes, más esquemáticas y sin alusiones a situaciones concretas: Pero en su lugar, en 1886 fue introducido un texto significativo: en él no sólo se afirma la relación estrecha que debe existir entre las finalidades educativas y el cuidado de los jóvenes trabajadores, sino que se recalca que el acoger a los muchachos pobres y abandonados, facilitándoles el aprendizaje de un arte u oficio, se coloca entre las «principali opere di carita che esercita la nostra pia Societá ».45
uno per gli studenti e Palco per gli artigiani» (ASC 0592 Verbali della riunioni capitolari [4.9.1884]). En la misma reunión capitular, don Durando «osserva che d vorrebbe La divisione in tutto fra studenti ed artigiani: divisione di casa, di chiesa etc.». Días más tarde, se habla ya de «D. Lazzero direttore degli anigiani». En 1875, don Barberis había escrito en una de sus crónicas: «Ma la cosa priñcipale che distinse questa festa di S. Giuseppe da tutte le altre fu un'accademia religiosa che fecero gli artigiani in onore del loro patrono e per festeggiare D. Lazzero Gius. V. direttore dell'Oratorio e negli anni scorsi direttore dogli artigiani» (ASC 110 Barberis Cronachette 1875).
" En la reunión capitular del 4.9.1884, don Rua había propuesto «nominare D. Lazzero attuale Direttore dell'Oratorio al nuovo ufficio di Consigliere professionale ufficio stato creato dal Capitolo [generale] nell'anno passato» (ASC 0592 Verbali delle riunioni capitolarz).
44 ASC 04 Capitolo generale IV 1886 («Proposte»).
" Deliberazioni del terno e quarto capitolo generale della Pia Societá Salesiana tenuti a Valsalice
Por aquellas mismas fechas, en su visita a España, don Bosco pronunciaba unas palabras sugerentes: «Come cittá industriale Barcelona ha piú interesse d'ogni altra a proteggere i Talleres salesiani. Da simili case escono ananá.. mente molti giovani utili alla societá, i quali vanno nene officine e nei laboratori a diffondere le buone massime; cosi stanno lontano dalle carceri e dalle galere e sí cambiano in esempí viventi di salutari principi. Il giovane che cresce per le vostre strade, vi chiederá da prima una elemosina, poi la pretenderá ed infine se la fará dare con la rivoltella in pugno».46
Hay todavía un punto en las primeras redacciones que merece atención: se habla de preparar al joven obrero para superar las dificultades de la sociedad moderna sin «venir meno né alla giustizia né alla carita». Por otra parte, en la redacción definitiva fue introducida una variante de cierto interés: no sólo se expresa la conveniencia de que los jóvenes aprendices se inscriban, al terminar el aprendizaje, entre los cooperadores salesianos, sino que es necesario que aquéllos se pongan en contacto con alguna sociedad obrera católica. Precisamente algunos meses antes (24.6.1886), la «Unione Cattolica Operaria» de Turín había nombrado a don Bosco presidente honorario:9
c) Basándonos en estos elementos, sería ingenuo querer ampliar mucho los contornos de la conciencia que don Bosco y sus primeros colaboradores pudieran tener de la dimensión social de su obra y de las orientaciones con que la realizaban. En cambio, está bien documentado su interés por la educación. El deseo de mejorar la conducta de los jóvenes aprendices, teñido de una cierta preocupación moralizante, durante los años 70, se hace explícita propuesta educativa en los años 80. En todas las redacciones de los documentos capitulares se remacha que «ttiplice pare dovere essere l'indirizzo da darsi all'educazione dell'artigiano: morale, intellettuale e professionale». En torno a este trinomio se organiza la exposición de las metas y de las indicaciones metodológicas para alcanzarlas.
En un segundo momento no se habla sólo de «indirizzo morale», sino de «indírizzo morale-religioso». Pero la mayor explicitación de la dimensión religiosa y, especialmente, de ciertos matices devocionales, no llevó consigo una menor atención al «indirizzo intellettuale» o al «indirizzo professionale».
Entre las normas y orientaciones sugeridas, cabe destacar algunas: garantizar la presencia de hábiles maestros de taller; procurar que, en la elección de un arte u oficio, el muchacho pueda seguir su inclinación natural; clasificar a los alumnos en secciones sucesivas según el nivel de instrucción; organizar el trabajo y el período de aprendizaje en forma gradual y progresiva...
d) Los estudiosos salesianos que se han ocupado del tema destacan con nel setiembre 1883-86, San Benigno Canavese, Tip. Salesiana 1887, p. 18. 46 Cit. por don Cenia en: Annali I, p. 659. " Cf. BS 10 (1886) 7, 74-76.
gusto el valor de estas orientaciones.48 Entre los investigadores no salesianos, se advierten posiciones diferenciadas. Redí Sante di Pol, después de referirse a las ennm«i«importantes normas» del 86, escribe textualmente: «I primitivi laboratori vero trasformati in vere e proprie scuole professionali strutturate in modo daoffrire al giovani una formazione completa che permettesse di farra dei buoni cristiani, dei cittadini coscienti e dei lavoratori qualificati». Y añade que la introducción de algunos de estos elementos, a lo largo de la última década del siglo XIX, «le posero all'avanguardia fra le analoghe scuole religiose e non».49 Luciano Pazzaglia, en su reciente y documentado estudio, hace, por el contrario, afirmaciones más matizadas. Reconoce que los principios recordados son «elementi di non poco conto»; pero es también del parecer que «il progetto messo a punto, nel '86, da don Bosco e dai suoi collaboratori non aveva ancora moho della scuola, ma continuava a ispirarsi all'idea di un apprendistato che, sia puye nel rispetto dei gusti e delle attitudini personali, doveva impegnare ogni giovane a integrarsi, immediatamente, con una ben precisa e determinata attivitá lavorativa».5°
Ciertamente, el tiempo fijado para el trabajo intelectual era escaso: una hora de clase diaria, después de terminada la jornada de trabajo en el taller; y, para los más atrasados, otra por la mañana después de la misa. Se trata, desde luego, de un paso más respecto a la situación de 1880; pero un paso tímido. Y creo que los mismos Capitulares se dieron cuenta de ello, pues añadieron un inciso, no insignificante: «Dove poi le leggi richiedessero di piú converrá adattarsi a quanto é prescritto».
Es más, los que tomaron parte en la primera redacción del documento capitular habían manifestado con fuerza la necesiad de superar una situación negativa: «Para la educación intelectual, hay ya en casi todas nuestras casas de artesanos escuelas nocturnas para ellos. Pero se observa generalmente que habiendo sido dejada, hasta ahora, tal enseñanza al criterio y arbitrio de cada maestro, los pobres jóvenes, después de 6 ó 7 meses de clases nocturnas, poco ningún provecho sacan de ellas; y esto, por la inoportunidad de las materias por el tiempo excesivamente breve»."
El diagnóstico se podía aplicar también a no pocas instituciones educativas contemporáneas?' Pero la seriedad del mismo no debió de pasar inadvertida en Valsalice.
48 Cf. ALBSIDI, Impegno dei salesiani, p. 9-63; L. PÁNFILO, Dalla scuola di arti e mestieri di don Bosco all'attivita di formazione professionale (1860-1915). Il ruolo dei salesiani, Milano, LES/Libreria Editrice Salesiana 1976; F. Rrimm, Don Bosco e la formazione professionale. Dall'esperienza alla codificazione, en «Rassegna Cnos» 4 (1988) 2, 15-56.
" R.S. DI POL, L'istruzione professionale popolare a Torino nella prima industrializzazione, en: Scuole, professioni e studenti a Torino. Momenti di storia dell'istruzione, Torino, Centro di Studi Carlo Trabucco 1984, p. 81; cf. V. MARCHIS, La formazione professionale: l'opera di don Bosco vello scenario di Torino, citta di nuove industrie, en: G. BRACCO (ed.), Torino e don Bosco, vol. I, Torino, Archivio Storico della Cittá di Torino 1989, p. 217-238.
"PAZZAGLIA, Apprendistato, p. 63.
"ASC 04 Capitolo generale IV 1886 (« Propuesto »).
"Cf. G. Bitig, Opere completo, volumen IV: Riformatori per giovani, Milano, Hoepli 1902.
Aunque las medidas se han reducido también, hoy en día, excesivamente «suaves», es justo reconocer que en el «progetto del '86» hay elementos que iban a demostrarse fecundos. En concreto, se afirma sin reservas que los artesanos deben adquirir un «corredor de conocimientos, letra y artista». Sobre todo, la decisión de elaborar un programa escolástico que se debería seguir en todas las casas de artesanos tuvo resultados positivos en el desarrollo del sector profesional salesiano.
Este programa fue compilado muchos años después de la muerte de don Bosco. Entre los papeles del 86, se conserva sólo un esbozo limitado todavía dentro de las funciones de una instrucción elemental. Se recalca, repetidas veces, la exigencia de que los jóvenes artesanos "abbiano le conocimiento oportuno al loro stato", pero es la impresión de que está pensando en una cultura general indispensable. No llegó a madurar, por el momento, algunas instancias fecundas y presentes en documentos anteriores. En 1883, don Giovanni Branda había sugerido que los jóvenes aprendices no sólo se iban a ser bien instruidos en la religión y en las letras, sino que también se tenía que explicar la teoría del arte que cada persona deseaba aprender. "Don Louis Cartier había elegido, por su parte en 1886, que, superados ciertos defectos y lagunas,
Es la primera vez que se encuentra, en los escritos salesianos consultados, la expresión escuelas profesionales («écoles professionnelles»). Años antes, en 1880, escribiendo a Francia, al salesiano G. Ronchail, don Bosco había dicho: «Se mantiene firme que nosotros nos dedicamos a la agricultura y las artes y oficios. .54
Estas anotaciones nos llevan a tocar un último punto.
5. Presencia de don Bosco y presencia de los colaboradores: un tema a profundizar
Al examinar las diversas redacciones de los documentos capitulares de 1883 y de 1886, se recomienda que no se puede corregir: ninguna de las numerosas correcciones y añadiduras introducidas en este artículo Atribuibles a la mano de don bosco. Por otro lado, en las actas de las reuniones, se registran pocas intervenciones suyas sobre el tema específico de los artesanos. En 1883, encontramos una: «Para que no ocurra que algunos talleres permanezcan vacíos y otros vuelvan a elegir, Don Bosco recomienda al encargado de las
" ASC 04 Capitolo generale III 1883 («Proposte dei confratelli»). El coadjutor Pietro Barale proponía: « Si dia alla scuola, academia, teatro indirizzo operaio ». 54 E IlI, .553.
admisiones tener en cuenta los talleres que carecen de personal y admita los nuevos alumnos con la condición de que se les da la responsabilidad, a toda la costa, en esos talleres »s5
La recomendación no se encuentra en perfecta consonancia con la norma redactada poco tiempo después : «Lasciare anzítutto i giovani liben di scegliersi quel mestiere, cui da natura si sentono piú richiamati». No parece, pues, aventurarse suponer que haya podido tener su peso en la redacción definitiva más matizada: «Secondare possibilmente dei giovani nella scelta dell'arte o mestiere» .56 (El adverbio «possibilmente» fue puesto, entre lineas, por el secretario del Capítulo general, don Marenco, en la última redacción).
Don Bosco había hablado desde una preocupación práctica. A este propósito, puede ser útil aducir otra intervención en el mismo período, aunque en sede diversa. En 1885, ante los miembros del Capítulo superior, se evocó en estos términos los orígenes y el significado de su obra: «All'Oratorio, gli interni primi furi furono gli studenti y poi gli artigiani in soccorso degli studenti. Quindi prima calzolaí poi sarti. Ci fu bísogno di libri, quindi legatori. Primo legatore Redino sopranominato Governo; vennero quindi le fabbriche ed ecco falegnami e fabbri ferrai. 11 lavoro agli artigiani lo danno gli studenti »."
Hoy nos parece que la cuestión se enfocó desde una perspectiva demasiado estrecha. Pero la exigencia de la práctica de responder a las necesidades de los mismos. El cual, por otra parte, tuvo siempre en el centro de su atención que los jóvenes artesanos aprendieron un arte o oficio con el que ganaron honradamente la vida. Dos aspectos de una misma preocupación que iluminan afirmaciones y experiencias.
Sin olvidar estos hechos, y esquematizando bastante, se pueden observar algunas formas de la presencia de Don Bosco en el tema que nos ocupa. Suscribirse en el período 1870-1878 (publicación del Reglamento, compra de máquinas para los talleres, propuesta de supresión de alguno de ellos ...) Haga clic para más información esporádicas después de 1879, año en que se dio la mayor autoridad al director de Valdocco. La participación de los colaboradores, relevante desde 1870, se hace cada vez más consistente en el período 1883 a 1887.
No me refiero sólo a los redactores de los documentos capitulares. La participación tuvo una base más amplia. Don Bosco mismo había pedido a los miembros de las comisiones capitulares que, en el estudio de las cuestiones, se atuvieran rigurosamente a las Reglas de la Sociedad, a las Deliberaciones precedentes y a las «propuestas» enviadas por los socios desde las casas.
" ASC 04 Capitolo generale III 1883 (6.9.1883). En la misma ocasión se había tocado el tema del noviciado de coadjutores: «Entra in questione se sia necessario aprire un noviziato apposito per gli ascritti artigiani. D. Bosco opina di migliorare la loro posizione separandoli dal resto degli artig[iani]. Quasi tutti opinano di fondarlo separatamente. Resta sospesa questa speciale deliberazione. Peró si cercherá di stabilire qualche cosa a S. Benigno».
56 Deliberazioni del terzo e quarto capitolo, p. 21.
" ASC 0592 Vergali delle riunioni capitolari (14.12.1885). Cf. Annali I, p. 650.
El tema: «Don Bosco y las escuelas profesionales» se enlaza, pues, necesariamente con otro más vasto: «Los colaboradores de don Bosco y las escuelas profesionales». Y éste se enlazaría, a su vez, con la exigencia de aproximarse a la «vida real» de instituciones, situadas en diversos contextos culturales, como sugiere el mismo carácter internacional de la comisión que se ocupó del «indirizzo da darsi alla parte operaia» en 1886: don Luigi Nai (prefecto del noviciado de coadjutores de San Benigno y ponente del tema), don Giuseppe Lazzero (consejero profesional general), don Giovanni Branda (director de los «Talleres salesianos» de Sarriá-Barcelona), don Pierre Perrot (director de la colonia agrícola de la Navarre), don Domenico Belmonte (director de San Pier d'Arena) y el coadjutor Giuseppe Rossi."
Naturalmente, no es el momento de abrir un nuevo capítulo; sino que es hora de concluir la apresurada reseña hecha hasta ahora con algunas consideraciones finales.
Prescindiendo de la puesta en marcha y del impulso dado a los primeros talleres, la obra de don Bosco en este campo, durante el período considerado, habría que situarla en un marco de referencia más general.
Ante todo, su experiencia pedagógica. En ella ocupan un capítulo importante las orientaciones dadas en las «buenas noches», en las cartas, en las charlas a estudiantes y artesanos sobre puntos sencillos y centrales: amor al trabajo, cumplimiento del deber, frecuencia de los sacramentos... El presente Congreso se ocupará, en perspectivas y en momentos diversos, de estas materias. En este momento, quisiera aludir sólo a un punto. En las «propuestas» y en la discusión del tema de los artesanos en 1886, se founularon quejas acerca de determinadas medidas disciplinares severas, y acerca del abandono en que se dejaba, a veces, a los jóvenes aprendices. Antes de despedirse de los capitulares, don Bosco hizo una calurosa llamada para que se evitasen los «métodos rigurosos», y se insistiera «importune ed opportune» en la práctica del Sistema preventivo. Una añadidura introducida por la pluma de su vicario, don Rua, en la redacción del documento del 86 es ilustrativa: «Usar ogni cura perché sappiano di essere amati e stimati dai Superiori, e questo si ottiene trattandoli con quello spirito di vera carita che solo puó renderli buoni». (En la conocida carta del 84, hay una expresión muy parecida).
El incremento del número de alumnos en la sección de artesanos de Valdocco siguió manteniendo un ritmo constante.
58 La comisión del 1883 estaba formada por los citados don Lazzero y don Perrot y por don A. Sala (ecónomo general), don C. Ghivarello (director de Mathi), don G. Ronchail (director de Niza), don P. Albera (inspector de Francia y director de Marsella), don G. Bologna (vicedirector de Marsella).
TABLA 3: Número de nuevos alumnos artesanos y de otros empleados que entraron en los talleres de Valdocco (1880-1887)
año alumnos otros total
1880 90 61 151
1881 73 64 137
1882 96 81 177
1883 150 58 208
1884 116 50 166
1885 126 69 195
1886 144 51 195
1887 195 74 269
(Fuente: elaboración de ASC Torino Valdocco Anagrafe giovani 1869-1901).
En un momento de depresión económica y de no suficiente atención pública a la instrucción profesional, los talleres salesianos ofrecían a muchos hijos de familias campesinas o del ambiente popular un medio de promoción social. La demanda no era sólo piamontesa ni sólo italiana. Durante los últimos años de la vida de don Bosco, se habían abierto escuelas salesianas de artes y oficios en Francia (Nice, Marseille), Argentina (Almagro, Buenos Aires), España (Barcelona-Sarriá), Brasil (Niterói, Rio de Janeiro, Sáo Paulo).
La introducción realista y flexible de las Deliberaciones del 1887 permitió superar, en la práctica, límites reales, asumiendo instancias y orientaciones fecundas. En 1895, don Rua sentía la necesidad de recordar a los salesianos que el verdadero nombre de nuestros talleres era el de «escuelas profesionales»?
Ciertamente, no se trataba sólo de una cuestión de términos; y, ciertamente, en el camino recorrido ya por la obra de don Bosco había servido de orientación y estímulo la recomendación que él hiciera en el Capítulo general de 1883: «Di conoscere e adattarci al nostri tempi».6°
58 Lettere circolari di don Michele Rua al salesiani. Torino, SAID «Buona Stampa» 1910,p. 126.
88 ASC 04 Capita° generale III 1883 (acta del «7 settembre sera. Ultima conferenza», ms. De don Marenco).
INTEGRACIÓN DE LA ESCUELA
Y DE LAS ACTIVIDADES PARAESCOLARES EN LA PERSPECTIVA DE DON BOSCO
Cesare SCURATI
El análisis del tema puede comenzar útilmente (creemos) con la consideración de que la relación de que se habla en el título se presenta, en la experiencia actual, como empresa no precisamente fácil y, en todo caso, como perspectiva de pasos y éxitos no garantizados.' Es hasta demasiado evidente que estamos frente a uno de los problemas más abiertos y controvertidos de los que nos toca resolver hoy.
Brota entonces de un modo espontáneo preguntarse, al relacionar la cuestión con el fondo general de la obra de don Bosco y la realidad histórica y práctica de la pedagogía salesiana, si también en estas esferas no sé ha tratado tal vez de un aspecto de algún modo complejo y no exento de vericuetos que pueden suscitar todavía algún interés y algún eco. ¿Es una conjunción fácil o difícil, entonces, la que se da entre escuela y actividades paraescolares en la pedagogía de don Bosco y en la salesiana?
Comencemos, pues, a devanar el interrogante.
1. Más allá de las síntesis
Digamos enseguida — al menos para exponer inmediatamente nuestra hipótesis de trabajo — que el problema del que nos estamos ocupando ha constituido un punto de fatigoso trabajo, tanto en la pedagogía salesiana como en la interpretación y valoración por parte de la crítica, con mérito para volverlo a estudiar, sobre el que creemos poder decir que nos encontramos frente a una «mediación» nada sencilla, cuyos resultados escapan, al menos en parte, a la extrema capacidad de síntesis absoluta de opuestos y contrastes, en la que muchos han hecho consistir (y lo hacen todavía) el rasgo más típico e irrepetible-. mente original de la personalidad y la acción de don Bosco.
Para tener una visión de conjunto de esta problemática, cf. C. ScURATT (ed.), L'educazione extrascolastica. Problemi e prospettive, Brescia, La Scuola 1986.
Ahora bien, la cualificación del testimonio y de la obra del «fantasioso e ostinato contadino dei Becchi»,2 como realización de significados de orden sintético absoluto (que hay que colocar en diversos planos: psicológico, antes de nada, y después y sucesivamente, cultural, social, histórico-político, pastoral, pedagógico-educativo) debe acogerse indudablemente como un resultado casi indiscutible de los análisis que, sobre todo en los últimos años, se le han dedicado y a los que no es inútil dedicar una mirada aunque sea rápida.
Hay quien ha hablado de la coexistencia en él de «dos personalidades [...] marcadamente distintas: por un lado, el organizador hábil y decidido, el emprendedor de lo sagrado, el realizador previsor y constante de proyectos de ancha mirada con un sentido terreno de lo palpable y lo concreto; por otra, el espíritu atormentado por angustias y visiones infernales, en una constante oposición con fuerzas oscuras y poderosas que se le opusieron mucho tiempo». Y sigue: «Por una parte [...] el maestro de las cosas; por otra, el alumno de los sueños», de modo que «en el misterioso equilibrio entre estas dos opuestas y aparentemente inconciliables opciones está el secreto de la fuerte, inolvidable y animosa personalidad de este Santo, de su deslumbradora aventura terrena»,3 cuya característica más sorprendente puede haber estado, por último, en la «extraordinaria capacidad [...] de convivir con lo sobrenatural en una diaria simbiosis de aparente normalidad, y advirtiendo, sin embargo, dramáticamente el peso».4 Para otros es evidente «una estructura compleja de personalidad, de temple activo y cóntemplativo: emprendedor y místico, realista y poeta, ágil y prudente, maleable y tenaz», en el que «se armonizan polos antinómícos en la riqueza interior: sinceridad y respeto, precisión y libertad de espíritu, tradición y modernidad, humildad y magnanimidad, alegría y austeridad, intuición en el proyecto y prudencia en la ejecución, audacia hasta la temeridad y cálculo de circunspección, diplomacia atenta e hipocresía rechazada» hasta unir la «tenacidad voluntariosa» con la «flexibilidad ante situaciones cambiantes» el «optimismo desafiante» con el «realismo calculado», la «astucia de la serpiente»
con la «candidez de la paloma»; y a diseñar la imagen de un «honbre ciudadano del cielo con los pies bien asentados en la tierra»5 en un «vivo equilibrio entre memoria y profecía, libertad y obediencia, humildad y magnanimidad, dinamismo y sosiego, ideal y práctica, fe e historia»,6 consolidado en las formas peculiarmente típicas de «una santidad que se acopla a los pliegues de lo cotidiano».'
Moviéndonos ahora en otro plano, encontramos la alusión al «tejido inextricable, en términos racionales, de tradicionalismo y de innovación»,8 que se
2 M.L. STRANIERO, Don Bosco rivelato, Milano 1987, p. 25. Ibid., p. 30.
Ibid., p. 33.
5 S. PALUMBIERI, Don Bosco e l'uomo, Tormo, Gribaudi 1987, p. 31.
6 Ibid., p. 73.
7 Ibid., p. 123.
F. TRANIELLO, Don Bosco e il problema della modernita, en: Don Bosco e le sfide della modernita (Quaderni del Centro Studi «C. Trabucco», 11), Torino, Stabilimento Poligrafico Editoriale «C. Fanton» 1988, p. 43.
explicita en la constatación de una inquebrantable fidelidad a la tradición, capaz de desembocar en la más apreciable contribución al devenir mismo de la modernidad, en la que «un propósito religioso se enlaza con un propósito y un resultado civil».9 Llegando, por último, al terreno que nos corresponde más propiamente, podemos referirnos a las indicaciones de la coexistencia de la inspiración de lo alto» con la «plena docilidad a lo real verificado a través de la experiencia»," a la que se une la actitud de «recibir las enseñanzas y las costumbres tradicionales y al mismo tiempo renovarlas, infundiendo en ellas un estilo y una vida nueva, medidos con un profundo sentido de humildad, con el afecto por los jóvenes y por el compromiso por su educación integral»."
No se pone fuera de juego, por ningún motivo especial y para concluir, aquella «síntesis vital [...] de vocación religiosa, de pasión y auténtica benevolencia, de caridad, de gracia, no desprovista de inteligencia y de excepcionales capacidades organizativas y de agregación»" que se puede tomar como representación crítica e interpretativamente más adecuada de la pedagogía de don Bosco, que viene a configurarse, en este sentido, como una gran costrucción educativa sinérgicamente propositiva, capaz de armonizar en un solo y único hálito formativo lo material (hospedaje, alimento, vestido, protección) con lo espiritual (la oración, la instrucción, la catequesis, la vida sacramental) con lo individual (la acogida, el diálogo personalizado, la confesión, la guía espiritual), lo expresivo (el teatro, la banda, las excursiones, el patio, la alegría, la fiesta) con la organización (los reglamentos, la disciplina, las tareas, el estudio).
Es también cierto que don Bosco mismo indicaba que en esta vitalidad orgánica de síntesis, continuamente verificada en los hechos, se encuentra lo específico de su Sistema preventivo. Él, pues, fue ciertamente hombre y santo de síntesis «imposibles», pero, precisamente por eso, demostradas con los hechos. Fuera de toda duda, como sucede siempre en estos casos, fue un educador excepcional.
Nuestro intento, pues, no puede consistir en pretender (cosa imposible de proponer en absoluto) falsificar desde la raíz esa imagen, cuya aceptación plena y convencida de salida no excluye, sin embargo, que — al menos por lo que se refiere al tema que tratamos — se pueda emprender algún recorrido analítico ulterior.
9 P. SCOPPOLA, Don Bosco nella storia civile, en: Ibid., p. 17.
'° C. COLLI, Pedagogia spirituale di Don Bosco e spirito salesiano, Roma, LAS 1982, p. 18.
" E. ALBERICH - U. GIANETTO, Don Bosco maestro di educazione religiosa, en «Orientamenti Pedagogici» 35 (1988) 188.
'2 P. BRAMO (ed.), Don Bosco per i giovani: L'«Oratorio». Una congregazione degli oratori.
Docurizenti, Roma, LAS 1988, p. 27.
2. Un nudo crítico
Que la cuestión que estamos planteando no es sólo una ocasión para el pretexto de hacer un comentario lo puede sugerir, si bien se mira, la misma crítica de don Bosco, que no ha dejado de permitir entrever la existencia de líneas de valoración muy diversas en relación con el problema de la mezcla, máso menos equilibrada, en la reflexión y la acción del Santo, de un inspiración «extraescolar» y de otra «escolar».
Creemos, por tanto, que es necesario en el desarrollo de nuestras argumentaciones, pararnos convenientemente en ese punto, que no dejará de permitirnos entrever con claridad al menos dos orientaciones suficientemente distintas entre sí respecto a dos focos de interés, constituidos respectivamente por la referencia a las inspiraciones originales y por la atención a los acentos y las aportaciones más preciosamente características de la herencia de don Bosco.
El primero de ellos — del que examinaremos enseguida articuladamente los motivos y los aspectos centrales — tiende a subrayar, pues, que su gran aportación original debe mantenerse en el área de la educación extraescolar, ya que es en esta dirección en la que van sus intenciones y se consolidan sus metas.
M. Casotti, después de haber acreditado la pedagogía salesiana por su «plena correspondencia a las necesidades más vitales de la pedagogía moderna y de la pedagogía cristiana conjuntamente»," no deja de notar que «don Bosco [...] al menos en principio, miraba no tanto a la escuela como al .oratorio»," dado que su «problema pedagógico dominante era la disciplina, entendida en sentido amplio: no la instrucción o la escuela verdadera y propía»,15 para identificar después, como característica distintiva (y anticipadora de la nueva civilización pedagógica del auténtico y verdadero activismo), la capacidad de «unir estudio y recreo de modo que uno adquiera la espontaneidad alegre y voluntaria del otro, y el segundo tenga de algún modo la compostura y seriedad del primero ». 16
Los puntos puestos de relieve son, pues, dos:
— don Bosco no empezó por la escuela sino por el recreo;
— la síntesis armónica de estudio y recreo fue su punto de llegada.
Consideraciones sustancialmente iguales las desarrolló P. Braido, según el cual la actitud de don Bosco hacia la escuela y la enseñanza puede definirse como de naturaleza táctico-instrumental — es decir, se trata de un paso ineludible con vistas a la «moralización y santificación del joven» y de su «preparación para la vida»9 —, por lo que su didáctica y sus criterios organizativos pre
" M CASOTTI, La pedagogia di S. Giovanni Bosco, en: Il metodo preventivo, Brescia, La Scuola 1958, p. 7.
" Ibid., p. 62. " Ibid., p. 68. " Ibid., p. 61.
17 P. BRAIDO, Il sistema preventivo di Don Bosco, Torillo, PAS 1955, p. 387s. Este enfoque essentan, en general, «escasa originalidad respecto de la escuela humanística tradicional»,'8 en la que él mismo se había formado, porque no se deben silenciar la existencia de una « clara voluntad de no fosilizar nunca la enseñanza con procedimientos anticuados y pesados »19 ni la conciencia de la «relatividad de toda técnica cuando presionan y urgen problemas humanos más altos y preocupantes», como de su «bondad [...] y su aceptabilidad» si pueden «convertirse en instrumento eficaz de una educación viva y encarnada»."
Completamos estas referencias con algunos rápidos apuntes: B. Bellerate subraya la «prioridad del hacer sobre el enseñar»;21 para L. Cian «no se puede decir que el problema escolar, en sus variadas complicaciones, fue lo que más preocupó a don Bosco»;22 según G. Dacquino «el de don Bosco no era [...] un método didáctico de actuación preferentemente intelectual, y que, por tanto, se podía resolver en los bancos de la escuela, sino un método educativo que se basaba .esencialmente en la relación afectiva prolongada a todo lo largo de la jornada» .23
Esta última observación nos introduce directamente en una de las aportaciones cruciales a las que hay que ir, es decir, al reciente ensayo en clave psicoanalítico. de X. Thévenot," en el que se hace remontar la tesis del primado irreversible de lo extraescolar sobre lo escolar al punto focal inicial mismo de la vocación sacerdotal-pedagógica de don Bosco, es decir, el sueño de los nueve años.25 Es precisamente en el sueño — dice Thévenot — donde él identifica el «eje central de toda la acción educativa salesiana: el amor de Dios», reconoce «la dulzura y la caridad como virtudes centrales del educador» y recibe — aquí está exactamente lo que nos interesa — «el criterio decisivo de calidad de la presencia educativa», es decir, «no, antes de nada, Ja pertenencia de la enseñanza impartida a los jóvenes en la escuela, sino los valores de la relación entre educador y jóvenes en el momento de los juegos en el patio de recreo ».26
seguido también por G. CHIOSSO (L'Oratorio di Don Bosco e il rinnovamento educativo nel Pie-monte carloalbertino, en: BRAIDO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 83-116), el cual afirma: «L'interesse per la scuola non oltrepassó [...] il semplice dato suggerito dal pratico buonsenso e doé che un po' di istruzione poteva consentire a sconfiggere la miseria» (p. 111). Muy diversa es la opinión de G. COSTA: «Don Bosco sentí [...] la necessitá di liberare la scuola dall'aspetto formalistico e instaurare invece una pió accentuata coscienza formativa ed educativa. Da questo derivano le notevoli aperture verso tecniche didattiche nuove, pió efficad e interessanti, fondate sul metodo intuitivo e inductivo, sul metodo sdentifico della scoperta e della ricerca, sull'uso di sussidi didattici
per rendere meno astratto l'insegnamento» (Don Bosco e la letteratura giovanile dell'Ottocento, en:
Ibid., p. 349).
18 Ibid., p. 108.
" Ibid., p. 396. Ibid., p. 403.
2' B. BELLERATE, Ii significato storico del sistema educativo di Don Bosco nel sec. XIX e in prospettiva futura, en: Il sistema educativo di Don Bosco tra pedagogia antica e nuova, Leumann (Torillo), Elle Di Ci 1974, p. 35.
22 L. CLAN, Cosa dice Don Bosco alla scuola d'oggi, en: «Ji Maestro» (maggio 1988) 9. Otros trabajos significativos: Il "sistema preventivo" di Don Bosco e i iineamenti caratteristici del suo stile, Leumann (Torillo), Elle Di Ci 1985; Educhiamo i giovani d'oggi come Don Bosco, Leumann (Torino), Elle Di Ci 1988.
" G. DACQUINO, Psicologia di Don Bosco, Torillo, SEI 1988, p. 135. La idea central es que
«il metodo educativo di don Bosco tendeva, con la forza della persuasione e del cuore, a sublimare e integrare le pulsioni istintive» (Ibid., p. 142).
24 X. THÉVENOT, Don Bosco educatore e il "sistema preventivo". Un esame condotto a partire dall'antropologia psicoanalitica, en «Orientamenti Pedagogici» 35 (1988) 701-730. Ibid., p. 708-712.
El tema de la escuela sería, pues, absolutamente añadido y secundario-accidental, justificable sólo en orden a consideraciones preferentemente exteriores, como las exigencias histórico-sociales y las presiones prácticas, pero fundamentalmente extraño a la savia más íntimamente constitutiva de la vocación salesiana.
Para no cerrar en este punto nuestra reflexión, sin posibilidad de réplica, hace falta mirar hacía la segunda de las orientaciones a las que hemos aludido, que tiende en todo caso, pero en medida indudablemente menor, a modificar sensiblemente las líneas recordadas hasta aquí.
Ya había afirmado V. Cimatti,27 en el intento por presentar a don Bosco como educador plenamente aceptable en todo ambiente y toda situación educativos, que, en su sistema, la escuela constituye, junto a la familia y a la Iglesia, uno de los factores educativos centrales (hay que decir, sin embargo, que este planteamiento acababá poniendo excesivamente en la sombra la gran tradición del recreo y del patio, indudablemente sometida a exigencias demasiado abiertamente escolares). Más acertadamente, J. Aubry volvió sobre esta sugerencia hasta formularla de im modo que nos parece sustancialmente más adecuado e incisivo: «El patio era [...] un punto estratégico tan importante como la capilla y el aula de clase»28 en las manos del santo educador, por lo que la tríada pedagógica identificada así (patio — escuela — capilla) debe entenderse en el sentido de un único ambiente formativo articulado, en el que los tres elementos constitutivos tienen lin peso y una importancia igualmente determinantes.
Pero la intervención más decisivamente comprometida, que se puede interpretar como un verdadero y real «contrapaso» del ensayo de Thévenot, pertenece a Pellerey, que enfoca — según nuestro parecer, acertadamente — la mirada sobre el «camino de la razón»29 como elemento totalmente indispensable para acercarse a él y considerarlo detenidamente en la pedagogía de don Bosco.
26 Ibid., p. 710.
27 Cf. V. CIMATTI, Don Bosco educatore, Torino, SEI 1925.
24 AUBRY, II santo educatore di un adolescente santo: Don Bosco e Domenico Savio, en: R. GIANNATELLI (ed.), Don Bosco. Attualitá di un magistero pedagogico, Roma, LAS 1988, 160. Cf. también J. AUBRY, Lo spirito salesiano. Lineamenti, Roma, Ed. Cooperatori Salesiani 1972.
29 Cf. M. PELLEREY, La via della ragione. Rileggendo le parole e le azioni di Don Bosco, en «Orientamenti Pedagogici» 35 (1988) 383-396.
La razón — recuerda Pellerey — es en él medio educativo explícitamente admitido y recomendado, además de rasgo esencial de su personalidad operativa y, por tanto, elemento consustancial propio de su sistema pedagógico, en el que la aceptación y la valoración de la naturaleza cultural de la persona humana no pueden subestimarse de ningún modo," a costa de alterar o, de todos modos, debilitar más de la cuenta un rasgo básico de su visión antropológica. Nace de aquí, además, la importancia de la instrucción y de la escuela como expresión con la que se realiza de modo concreto la «voluntad de concurrir a la elevación moral y material de las masas populares a través de la acción educativa dirigida a cada uno»," en una consonancia plena de aspiración pastoral y de misión social."
Podemos tomar, por tanto, un primer punto. Se trata de deshacer, en realidad, el nudo que hemos venido describiendo en sus componentes fundamentales, hasta responder de manera satisfactoria a la pregunta de la que hemos partido.
Y es precisamente lo que trataremos de hacer inmediatamente. 3. Una solución
Proponemos, con este fin, una especie de vuelta a Valdocco, es decir, un viaje hacia atrás a los lugares de la experiencia directa de don Bosco para tratar de encontrar en los testimonios originales del sistema preventivo algunos posibles elementos de salida del problema sobre el que estamos trabajando.
'° Sobre la concepción antropológica de don Bosco, se puede ver: PALUMBIERI, Don Bosco e l'uomo, p. 61ss. Según este autor, don Bosco, ajeno a una visión que atribuye un primado a lo «spirituale dísincamato», proclama «la centralita del riferimento al valori e al fondamento divino e personale di essi nel progetto di riforma integrale della persona e della sodetá, con quena che potremmo oggí chiamare rivoluzione culturale, funzionale ad un'autentica cíviltá innovativa, biofila e creativa, libera e solidale, nella quale l'uomo, con la sua integralitá di corpo-cuore-anima, reticolato di rapporti, strutture e progettí, possa esser oggetto e termine di ini7iative di segno umano» (p. 68-69). En este cuadro, el «privilegiamento dell'anima» puede ir acompañada de una «visione U-7 positiva della corporeitá», el «cuore» puede hacerse «elemento culminante» y «punto di sintesi della ricchezza della persona umana» (p. 64), sin dejar, por esto, fuera de juego la racionalidad entendida como «ragionevolezza» (p. 113).
31 PELLEREY, La via della ragione, p. 386.
32 No se puede apartar a don Bosco del clima de creciente interés por la instrucción popular que caracteriza al Piamonte de su tiempo, del que sin duda compartió el acercamiento a ella no como «un male da esorri77are, ma una risorsa da valorizzare per provvedere alla completa formazione umana e cristiana dei giovani» (CHtosso, L'Oratorio di don Bosco, p. 109). Y esto hasta llegar él mismo a convertirse en uno de los más celebrados promotores de dicha instrucción popular. El tema de lo «escolar» circula también significativamente a propósito de la formación profesionaL Se puede ver, a este propósito: D. VENERUSO, Il metodo educativo di San Giovanni Bosco alla prova. Dai laboratori agli istitutí professionali, en: BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 133-142; L. PAZZAGLIA, Apprendistato e istruzione degli artigiani a Valdocco, en: F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella stork della cultura popolare, Tocino, SEI 1987, p. 13-80; P. BAIRATI, Cultura salesiana
e societa industriale, en: Ibid., p. 331-357.
Como es fácil intuir, se trata de un viaje que tiene una meta bien precisa, es decir, una hipótesis conductiva que conviene exponer enseguida en sus términos constitutivos: .
a) la escuela representa una categoría inicial de la preocupación pedagógica
de don Bosco, tanto como el recreo (en otras palabras: es original como el Oratorio);
b) el desarrollo de la escolarización de forma institucional-colegial introduce elementos de desequilibrio y dificultades en la «totalidad educativa» imaginada y vivida por el Santo, de los que él mismo se dio cuenta totalmente al final.
Comencemos, pues, a desarrollar la primera parte de la hipótesis, recogiendo en sus diversos puntos los aspectos evidentes a favor que nos parecen los fundamentales 33
a) Maestro siempre: — Una lectura escrupulosamente atenta, pero que acepte al mismo tiempo lo suficiente para el caso, de las Memorie dell'Oratorio, revela fácilmente que don Bosco, desde los momentos «míticos» y «fabulosos» de su vida (se trata del pastorcillo de los Becchi, del campesino y del muchacho de campo y en las diversas casas en las que trabaja, del estudiante y después del seminarista de Chieri), piensa en la escuela y asiste a ella, percibe con un sentido unitariamente global la vocación sacerdotal y la de maestro (a don Calosso, que le pregunta, le dice que quiere estudiar «para abrazar el estado eclesiástico» y esto, a su vez, para poder acercarse, «hablar, instruir en la religión a tantos compañeros míos»), une siempre la instrucción al recreo, quiere ser maestro: es saltimbanqui y predicador, prestidigitador y lector, organizador de juegos y maestro, hasta el punto de que identifica su misión con ser al mismo tiempo sacerdote y educador.
b) Escuela enseguida: —Las actividades del Oratorio implican casi inmediatamente, desde sus comienzos y a partir de los momentos precarios y nómadas, tiempos y espacios para la escuela que aparece, en algunos casos, una preocupación hasta dominante.
Ya en la fase de la capilla aneja al edificio del «Ospedaletto di S. Filomena», hay un «local destinado a capilla, a escuela o a recreo de los jóvenes»; en el período de San Francisco es él mismo el que afirma que ha «conocido la necesidad de alguna escuela»; en el Rifugio y en Casa Moretta echa a andar la' «escuela dominical estable» y se echan los cimientos de aquellas «clases nocturnas» que encontrarán más tarde su desarrollo definitivo una vez trasladadas a Valdocco. Empieza «la enseñanza gratuita de italiano, latín, francés, aritmética» para los jóvenes a los que pedía que le ayudasen en el catecismo y en las clases, cuyo desarrollo florece de tal modo que se decide a poner en marcha la redacción de las primeras obras de divulgación (la Storia Sacra, el Sistema metrico decimale) y edificantes (II Giovane provveduto); a la clase de instrucción escolar normal se unen muy pronto las de canto y música, y no tardarán los cursos del «ginnasio» y del «liceo» y después los talleres y, por fin, las escuelas profesionales.
" De ahora en adelante, a no ser que se diga otra cosa, los textos de don Bosco serán tomados de: Bosco, Scritti sul Sistema preventivo.
Para resumir todo en una imagen, dirá que en el Oratorio se tiene «recreo, canto y clase hasta la noche».
c) Leer y escribir: — La intensísima actividad de redacción, editorial y de publicación que tuvo don Bosco personalmente y, más aún, provocó y estimuló incansablemente, sobre cuya importancia la crítica actual ha volcado su atención,34 no tendría ninguna explicación si no formase parte de una actitud radicalmente positiva en relación con la instrucción y con una conciencia plena de sus funciones no sólo utilitarias, sino también morales.
No es casualidad que don Bosco se presente como «acompañado siempre por el pensamiento de progresar en los estudios» y describa cuidadosamente su pasos de lector ávido y estudiante eficacísimo.
d) Estudio y santidad juvenil: — Una indicación indirecta, pero preciosa sin duda alguna, nos puede venir de las cuatro conocidísimas biografías edificantes dedicadas a L. Comollo, D. Savio, M. Magone y F. Besucco (si es verdad como afirma con agudeza P. Braido — que «la pedagogía de don Bosco tomó su rostro de miles de jóvenes educados por él»).35
El análisis de estas biografías demuestra ampliamente que el deseo de aprender, la diligencia en el estudio, la disciplina escolar y la aplicación se entienden como características esencialmente definidoras de la perfección juvenil, y nunca sucede que a don Bosco se le escape alguna expresión a la que se le pueda atribuir un sentido contrario o falto de interés por el trabajo intelectual. Al contrario, la preocupación cultural se mantiene intensa y continuamente despierta en cada período y situación de su obra.
Por eso, entonces, Magone se transforma de pequeño cabecilla de la calle en «joven marcado por el estudio y la atención» y Besucco, de pobre pastorcillo analfabeto en estudiante modelo («Cuando oía la señal para ir al estudio, iba inmediatamente sin esperar un instante» y «era bonito verle siempre recogido, estudiando, escribiendo con la avidez de quien hace algo que le gusta»).
Añadamos además que es precisamente en el ambiente de esta biografía donde don Bosco acuña aquella frase que, entre tantas tríadas enunciadas por él, puede considerarse aún la más explicitamente representativa, precisamente porque está empapada de «cosas» y no de conceptos, de todo su trabajo:
«Alegría, estudio, piedad».
" Cf. los recientes e iluminadores estudios de F. TRANIELLO, Don Bosco e l'educazione giovanile: la «Storia d'Italia», en: ID., Don Bosco nella storia, p. 81-111; S. PIVATO, Don Bosco e la «cultura popolare», en: Ibid., p. 253-288; F. MOLINARI, La «Storia Ecclesiastica» di Don. Bosco, en: BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 203-237; G. COSTA, Don Bosco e la letteratura giovanile dell'Ottocento, en: Ibid., p. 329-353.
35 Bosco, Scritti sul Sistema preventivo, p. 175.
Nos parece posible afirmar, entonces, sin temor, que el complejo instruc. ción-cultura-escuela tiene que verse como un elemento totalmente intrínsecc (por tanto, no sólo accidental-exterior-añadido) de ese proceso e itinerario de humanización-espiritualización-salvación en el que don Bosco entendía que estaba el deber auténtico y verdadero de la educación popular y cristiana. En 1875, cuando escribe a los alumnos y a los salesianos del colegio de Lanzo, anima a «buscar, estudiar, conservar y promover los tres grandes tesoros: salud, estudio y moralidad», ofreciéndonos, con ello, la mejor y más definitiva definición de todo lo que hemos buscado presentar hasta este momento.
4. Un problema
Pero hemos dicho que el tema, que acabamos de plantear y desarrollar (y deseamos que de modo suficientemente decisivo) sólo en lo que se refiere a la primera mitad de nuestra hipótesis, deja por ver precisamente el aspecto críticamente más relevante, es decir, el de la integración real de los dos planos, el de la escuela y el de la extraescuela, en su vivencia y realización en la marcha de las instituciones salesianas.
No nos detenemos en consideraciones que pudieran referirse a la acción escolar de don Bosco en cuanto tal, sino para notar que se pueden encontrar en ella, junto a los motivos de un conservadurismo obstinado en cuanto a los contenidos apoyado en una visión de trazos moralizantes duros,36 sugerencias de gran frescura e inventiva didáctica en el campo de la enseñanza catequística (uso de las imágenes, recurso al diálogo),37 de la enseñanza de los clásicos (las dramatizaciones)," de la primera alfabetización,39 de la enseñanza artística y expresiva (canto, música, teatro)," de la actividad motora (abandono del paradigma militarista por una recuperación plena del principio del juego y una orientación a la práctica y a la mentalidad deportiva).'
36 Para don Bosco, en su «opera di divulgazione e di lettura destinata al giovani adolescenti», la precedencia de los valores contenutísticos en sentido «ideológico» (TRANIELLO, Don Bosco e Pedurazione giovanile) y «la subordinazione dei valori umani a quelli relig. iosi e morali» estaban absolutamente fuera de discusión, lo mismo que la «ricerca sistematica, continua, di una lingua semplice, chiara, precisa, che potesse trasmettere con immediatezza il pensiero» (P. ZOLLI, San Giovanni Bosco e la lingua italiana, en: Ibid., p. 113-141).
37 ALBERICH - GIANETTO (Don Bosco maestro di educazione religiosa) declaran: la instrucción catequística se coloca en un «contesto umano ed educativo globale» (p. 190), que impide toda «separazione fra catechesi, formazione religiosa ed educazione» (p. 189).
38 Según G. PROVERBIO (La scuola di don Bosco e l'insegnamento del latino, en: TRANIELLO [ed.], Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 143-185), en la enseñanza secundaria se seguían «metodi e schemi piuttosto tradizionali». (Se puede hallar una confirmación de este hecho en las memorias de don Nespoli transcritas por P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica e so-dale (1815-1870], Roma, LAS 1980, p. 481-493; don Nespoli habla de impaciencia frente al «me-todo meccanico» practicado en las clases). Proverbio habla también de la presencia de rasgos innovadores, como la lectura de autores que se hacía en el primer curso, el acento puesto sobre el carácter instrumental de la gramática y, especialmente, las «accademie», con declamación de tes-tos en latín, y las representaciones teatrales. De todas formas, el dato más relevante es, una vez más, de carácter contenutístico, con la aproximación de los autores cristianos a los latino-paganos.
39 Don Bosco afirma que su método de enseñanza utilizado en las escuelas dominicales (estu
El punto que nos interesa directa y específicamente aquí tiene que ver con la problemática de la disciplina y, más todavía en general, de la relaciones, ya que es respecto a ellas donde se sitúa el fulcro de nuestro examen, en el que se tratará precisamente de ver si la armonización, la síntesis y la composición de la vida del Oratorio (o bien — y da lo mismo — de la pedagogía del recreo) con la de las escuelas y los colegios (o también — si se quiere — con la pedagogía de la enseñanza) se pueden considerar logradas del todo o, si en cambio, no existe lugar para alguna diferencia.
Para analizar la cuestión, dividimos nuestro período de observación en dos momentos muy distintos entre sí: en el primero, la convivencia y simultaneidad de la vida de escuela y de la vida de Oratorio aparece resuelta en un único y unitario contexto y ambiente de experiencia y de realización educativa, por lo que la diferencia entre ser alumno y ser muchacho del Oratorio — para remontarnos a los mismos recuerdos de don Bosco y a la copiosísima memoria al respecto — es prácticamente inapreciable, en cuanto el uno y el otro son igualmente modos de ser «hijos» de don Bosco. En el segundo, en cambio — caracterizado por la institución de los colegios, por el desarrollo de las escuelas clásicas y profesionales, por la difusión nacional, europea y, por último, mundial de las casas salesianas —, surgen las condiciones de una creciente separación, como si las dos realidades tendiesen cada vez más a situarse en caminos progresivamente paralelos y poco a poco menos comunicantes entre sí.
Veamos ahora si tomamos más detenidamente estas sugerencias que resumen nuestro problema.
En los Reglamentos, y más todavía en las cartas a los directores y a los responsables de las instituciones salesianas, se puede advertir fácilmente, además y más allá de la preocupación por los hechos menudos de orden práctico y administrativo, casi el ansia de no perder los caracteres más intrínsecamente propios del Sistema preventivo, como el de hacerse «amar antes que temer», el prestar la máxima atención a los más débiles y a los menos afortunados, el dio del alfabeto y del silabeo con inmediata aplicación a las preguntas del catecismo) era tan eficazque consentía que en sólo «otto giorni festiví [...] taluni giungessero a leggere e a studiare da sé delle intere pagine di catechismo».
" Cf. M. SODI (ed.), Liturgia e musica nella formazione salesiana, Roma, Edizioni SDB 1984;
M. RIGOLDI, Don Bosco e la musica, Carugate 1987; S. STAGNOLI, Don Bosco e il teatro educativo salesiano, Milano 1967-1968; PIVATO, Don Bosco e la cultura popolare, p. 276-279; ID., Don Bosco e il teatro, en: C. NANNI (ed.), Don Bosco e la sua esperienza pedagogica, Roma, LAS 1989, p. 100 112.
41 PIVATO, Don Bosco e la cultura popolare, p. 280-282: en los «ingenui e spiritosi esercizi ginnici» ideados por don Bosco «nulla fascia intravvedere», sino que se coloca exactamente «alle origini dello sport cattolico», en el cual, el deporte es «consigliato come sussidio alla formazione religiosa e come strumento formativo di una piú intensa vita di pietá».
hablar «con frecuencia», el pasar con los jóvenes «todo el tiempo posible», el prestar nuestro servicio «a favor de la parroquia», el utilizar «siempre modos y palabras de caridad y mansedumbre», el no hacer nunca «donde sea posible [...] uso de los castigos» (Ricordi confidenziali a los directores; II Sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventú).
Sobre todo, se repite con insistencia el tema de los castigos y de las penas, a propósito de los que se insiste casi continuamente en el precepto de que «no hay que usar nunca medios coercitivos, sino siempre y sólo los de la persuasión y la caridad»; se exige que se recurra (si es estrictamente necesario) a formas de «corrección paterna» y sólo en privado, avisando para «dar tiempo a la reflexión», eliminando la precipitación y la alteración emotiva; se exhorta a «evitar la angustia y el temor inspirado por la corrección», para «decir una palabra de aliento» que deje la puerta abierta a la «esperanza» que nace de «sentirse de nuevo situado por su (= del educador) mano caritativa en el camino de la virtud». En un primerísimo lugar, por último, debe quedar la exclusión de cualquier forma de «áspera violencia», porque «no se educa [...] la voluntad cargando sobre ella un yugo excesivo», sino respetando siempre el primado de la amabilidad y de la religiosidad en el contacto interpersonal, ya que la educación es «cosa del corazón» del que «sólo Dios [...] es el dueño» (Dei castighi da infliggersi nelle case salesiane).42
Nos parece poder ver, en nuestra interpretación, el peso creciente del paso de una fase típicamente (y — podríamos decir — gloriosamente «carismática», en el sentido de unitiva y afectivamente inmediata, sin reservas),43 a otra «empresarial», en la que el éxito y la consolidación van mezclados desgraciadamente con la articulación organizativa, pero disgregadora, con la lejanía desalentadora de lo inmediato, con la necesidad de hacerse entender por medio de prescripciones y conceptos más que con la comunión directa y cálida de vida y acción con la constricción a tener que dejarse en las manos (y en las meaciones, no siempre apreciables) de los demás, sín poder estar presente persdionalmente.
42 Se debe atribuir a CASOTTI (La pedagogía, passim) el mérito de haber puesto perfectamente de relieve el carácter intrínsecamente humano y no violento de la educación según el sistema preventivo sobre la base del primado de la acción. El optimismo pedagógico cristiano de don Bosco no se debe confundir, sin embargo, con ningún tipo de ingenuo angelismo; por eso nos parece sorprendentemente fuera de lugat: atribuirle, como hace DACQUINO (Psicologia di don Bosco), convicciones tales como la «fede piú assoluta nefia bontá della natura umana» (p. 159).
43 Tomamos de THÉVENOT (Don Bosco educatore, p. 704 sgg.) la indicación de las características fundamentales del carisma educativo, identificables en el «grande seno dell'assoluto», tendencia a las «scelte radican» y en los «segni d'una certa seduzione o fascino». Es importante también advertir que todo esto está acompañado de un realista «seno delle lentezze e dei limiti», con todos los debidos controles ético-racionales del caso. Es útil, por tanto, afirmar que el carisma educativo de don Bosco, fuera de toda connotación falsamente y, por tanto, peligrosamente « seduttiva», se sirve (acepto, esta vez, las observaciones de DACQUINO, Psicologia di Don Bosco) de rasgos como una «oblativitá apena e dinamica» (p. 10), dotes de «lottatore tenace, capo rassicuunte e trascinatore e soprattutto dotato di spirito di sacrificio, di costanza e di umiltá» (p. 174), el sentido de «autostima» y de «sicurezza» unido a la «consapevolezza delle proprie quanta». En definitiva, se perfila la «personalitá estroversa» y «versatile» (p. 23) de un «prete simpatico, atletico e giocoliere» dotado de una extraordinaria «capacita naturale di sintonizzarsi con i giovani» (p. 96).
El punto crítico de nuestro análisis se coloca, por tanto, en el paso de las dimensiones restringidas y directas de la «aldea pedagógica» de Valdocco (lugar de la paternidad: modelo de la familia) a las cada vez más amplias, formalizadas, estructuradas, reglamentadas y afectivamente.lejanas de la escuela y el colegio como instituciones complejas (lugares de la profesionalidad: modelo de la empresa), ya que es a partir de este paso donde el mismo don Bosco empieza a vivir hasta el fondo la experiencia. «difícil» (como expresión de una exigencia destinada a quedar insatisfecha en buena medida) de mantener abierto y constante el contacto entre los dos estratos de su obra, de modo que se logre llevar — es éste el sentido último de la observación — el Oratorio a la escuela. Si nos atenemos a la reconstrucción de P. Stella, la salida de Valdocco hacia nuevas empresas costó adaptaciones y resistencias y, en último análisis, la aceptación de cometidos que no coincidían del todo con las intenciones originales.
Efectivamente — hace notar — «la enseñanza privada [...] no era un camino del gusto de don Bosco, cuya obra del Oratorio se cimentaba en la reunión de muchos con la utilización máxima de pocos animadores»,44 y que había transmitido a sus primeros colaboradores la convicción firme y llena de orgullo de la bondad de este planteamiento, por lo que, con cierto esfuerzo, después «tuvo que aclarar que aceptar Valsalice correspondía a una orden insistente del nuevo arzobispo, Lorenzo Gastaldi; sólo de ese modo le fue posible obtener el consentimiento del Capítulo superior de la congregación», aunque apareciese claro que '«el camino de los colegios había llevado hacia la clase media, mientras que, en cambio, en su conciencia y en la opinión pública ellos estaban especialmente para la juventud pobre y abandonada».45
Se abría de ese modo el dificilísimo problema de mantener, bajo la misma inspiración educativa «preventiva» y bajo la misma concepción pedagógica salesiana, las partes de una empresa en la que se iba delineando ya una multiplicidad sorprendente de intenciones, finalidades, destinos y contextos diversos, ante los que el modelo del Oratorio iba poco a poco quedándose descolgado y cada día más lejano.
Al tema de la desarticulación empresarial se le puede unir, para seguir la misma línea de reflexión, el de la lejanía, conectado con la difusión de la actividad misionera que, junto a grandes consuelos, no dejó de plantear a don Bosco más de un motivo de reflexión e intervención para hacer que también ellos entraran en el cuadro de la conciencia crítica a la que, en los últimos
" STELLA, Don Bosco nena stork economica, p. 124. 45 Ibid., p. 143s.
años de su vida, llegó el Santo, «consciente de que de lo que tenía necesidad la congregación sobre todo, tanto en Italia donde ya estaba desde hacía tiempo, como en América Latina, a donde acababa de trasplantarse, no era sólo la unidad y la estabilidad de estructuras. La garantía de futuro, y de un futuro salesiano, estaba en las manos de los hermanos y de los colaboradores, con tal de que permaneciesen fieles al espíritu de los orígenes, es decir, al método y al estilo educativo que había caracterizado la vida del Oratorio de Valdocco».46
Tres cartas de agosto de 1885 — la primera a mons. Cagliero, la segunda a don Costamagna y la tercera a don Tomatís — expresan con acentuada claridad el sentido de estas observaciones: una presenta una llamada cordial a la «caridad, paciencia, dulzura» y prosigue, aún más explícitamente, afirmando que no se hagan «nunca reprensiones humillantes, nunca castigos», sino siempre «hacer el bien a quien se pueda, mal a ninguno». La otra enuncia sin medias tintas el desagrado por la lejanía y la intermediación («querría tener yo mismo un sermón o, mejor, una conferencia sobre el espíritu salesiano que debe animar y guiar nuestras acciones y cada palabra nuestra») y pasa después a resumir en pocas y enérgicas lineas lo que, evidentemente, quería hacer bien presente: «El sistema preventivo debe ser nuestra característica. Nunca castigos penosos, nunca palabras humillantes, nunca reprensiones en presencia de otros; sino que en las clases debe resonar la palabra dulzura, caridad y paciencia. Nunca palabras mordaces, nunca una bofetada fuerte o ligera. Hágase uso de los castigos negativos, y siempre de modo que los que reciben un aviso se conviertan en amigos más próximos que antes y nunca se alejen de nosotros envilecidos». En la última, finalmente, resuena la seca llamada a la coherencia: «No basta saber las cosas, sino que hace falta practicarlas ».47
Llegamos de este modo a la ya justamente célebre Lettera da Roma del 10 de mayo de 1884 que, en línea de la parábola «autocrítica» que estamos tratando de recorrer, puede considerarse como el documento central en interés e importancia.
Don Bosco toma el tema a partir de un sueño imaginario (es un verdadero «contrasueño» respecto al de los nueve años: una especie de « contrautopía» negativa, frente a la «utopía» positiva de los primeros tiempos ya lejanos) para desarrollar, en realidad, la más enternecedora descripción de la pérdida del verdadero espíritu salesiano, que se enclava con gran eficacia, precisamente en la disociación entre escuela y recreo.
«El maestro al que sólo se ve en la cátedra, es maestro y nada más; pero si va al recreo con los jóvenes, se convierte en un hermano»: hace falta volver a la conciencia activa de este punto fundamental, mezclándose todavía en las diversiones de los muchachos, animando sus recreos, vigilando desde cerca, llamando la atención sin amenazar, aceptando la fatiga que haga falta para amar lo que les gusta a los jóvenes, encontrando las expresiones naturales del amor a través de la familiaridad («ahora se considera a los Superiores como Superiores y no como padres, hermanos y amigos; por tanto se les teme y se les ama poco»).
46 F. Morro, Introduzione a Tre lettere a salesiani in America, en: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 357.
47 La «coherencia en todo momento» expresa, de la manera más incisiva, la esencia del testimonio de los santos piamonteses contemporáneos a don Bosco. Cf. F. PERADOITO, La «scuola dei santi» in TorMo, en «Vita e Pensiero» 81 (1988) 735-744.
Parece, pues, que las condiciones que habían hecho del «pequeño mundo» de Valdocco un mundo completamente realizado de la educación según el módulo salesiano han desaparecido en gran parte, por lo que no queda más que el espacio para el lamento y la nostalgia esperanzada («que vuelvan los días felices del Oratorio primitivo. Los días del afecto y de la confianza cristiana... los días del espíritu de condescendencia y de tolerancia por amor de Jesucristo... los días de los corazones abiertos con toda la sencillez y el candor, los días de la caridad y de la verdadera alegría para todos»). Pero el sentido final es precisamente el de un sueño en gran medida desvanecido e iluso. La gran obra unitaria se ha fragmentado y dividido de algún modo.
5. Lecciones
Hemos recorrido — para llegar a alguna nota y reflexión final — un itinerario que nos ha llevado de lin momento de unidad carismático-educativa inicial a la identificación de una posibilidad de reunificación que se puede proponer y actuar, en lo concreto de la situación que nos ha permitido experimentar, por el camino de la conciencia pastoral, cultural, metodológica y estructural, en la que los tiempos y los modos de la «razón» pueden aún unirse con los tiempos y los modos de la «religión» en un espíritu de persistente «amorevolezza». Pero no es una meta inmediata ni asegurada sin fatiga.
En este cuadro, es indudable que lo paraescolar, si se identifica con la figura de la pedagogía del Oratorio, ejerce un evidente primado orientador, pero, al mismo tiempo, la escuela no puede quedar excluida de ese horizonte.
La primera lección que hay que sacar, entonces, es la conciencia tanto de ese primado como de la necesidad de que no se puede sustraer a la conciliación de escuela y extraescuela en un intento común educativo, con el fin, sobre todo, de llevar a la instrucción (y a la escuela) aquellos rasgos de humanidad, riqueza de relaciones, vitalidad, alegría y significatividad que muy frecuentemente le faltan. Pero la escuela (también la de don Bosco y la de los salesianos) revela que siempre tiene más de una rémora para saber habitar con plenitud de vida donde circula el hálito más profundo de la educación en su hacerse y producirse original.
Lo que fue difícil hasta para don Bosco no puede ser, desde luego, fácil para nosotros: y esto debe hacernos reflexionar, en un compromiso que no debemos descuidar, para evitar ingenuas y peligrosas ilusiones.
LA PENITENCIA. Y LA EUCARISTÍA
EN LA EDUCACIÓN SEGÚN DON BOSCO
Jacques SCHEPENS
O. Introducción
Al tratar en don Bosco el tema de los sacramentos, no hay que perder de vista el núcleo sin el que se traicionaría toda su médula, es decir, el aspecto educativo y su especificidad de la educación con amorevolezza. Amorevolezza quiere decir «amor demostrado», el trato mediante el cual se manifiesta el propio afecto, la comprensión y la compasión, la coparticipación en la vida de otro.
En don Bosco amore y amorevolezza tienen casi como sinónimo el término caridad, esa caridad cristiana de la que San Pablo tejió el himno y que don Bosco (en referencia a 1Cor 13,4-7) evoca en las páginas oficializadas sobre el Sistema preventivo: «Charitas benigna est, patiens est; omnia suffert, omnia sperat, omnia sustinet».' Es ésta la caridad que lo impulsa a trabajar activamente por la salvación integral, temporal y eterna de los jóvenes y que se demuestra con la amorevolezza, que se hace próxima a los jóvenes.
En la mente de don Bosco, el afecto' a los jóvenes encontraba su raíz más profunda en su espiritualidad. En las colinas de Castelnuovo, Juanito Bosco había buscado en vano un sacerdote que -se le acercase. En su conciencia, aquellos hechos lejanos habían tomado el valor de acontecimientos dispuestos por la Providencia para que él adoptase no sólo un método cualquiera cimentado en la sintonía psicológica, sino la propia vida específica, fundada en la gracia y en esta arnorevolezza que debía ser su comunicación y demostración.'
Lo subrayaba, entre muchos otros testigos, el canónigo- Giacinto Ballesio,
' G. Bosco, Inaugurazione del patronato di S. Pietro in Nizza a mare con appendice sul sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventú [= Sistema preventivo], San Pier d'Arena-TorinoNizza Marittima 1877, p. 52 = OE XXVIII 430; para la ed. crít., Cf. P. BRAIDO [ed.], Il sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventir. Introduzione e testi critici, en RSS 4 (1985) 171-321; también: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 125-200.
2 Cf. P. STELLA, Don Bosco e le trasformazioni sociali e religiose del suo tempo, en: M. MIDALI - P. BROCARDO (eds.), La famiglia salesiana riflette sulla sua vocazione nella Chiesa di oggi, Leumann (Torino), Elle Di Ci 1973, p. 162-170.
exalumno del Oratorio, en el elogio fúnebre con ocasión de la muerte de don Bosco: «Pero nosotros le hemos visto, nosotros hemos oído a don Bosco. Entonces su obra, reducida a este Oratorio, hacía sentir más intensa su eficacia. Él, aún lleno de energía, con su ingenio, con su gran afecto, era todo para nosotros, siempre con nosotros. Vedlo por la mañana tempranísimo con sus hijos. Él los confiesa, dice la misa, les da la comunión. No está nunca solo, no tiene un momento para sí; o los jóvenes, o la audiencia a los muchos que lo asediaban continuamente en la sacristía, bajo los pórticos, en el patio, en el comedor, por las escaleras, en su habitación. Así por la mañana, durante el día y la noche. Hoy, mañana y siempre»? «¿Quién fue don Bosco en medio de nosotros? Fue nuestro maestro y nuestro guía al amar a la juventud y llevarla al bien. Y de él brota el espíritu de los Oratorios festivos, que se van cada día multiplicando con gran provecho para el pueblo. Don Bosco fue ejemplo para nosotros de verdadera amorevolezza cristiana y al dirigirnos evitó el formalismo artificial, el rigorismo que ahonda un abismo entre el que manda y el que obedece».4
En la experiencia personal e institucional de don Bosco, el tradicional «sistema preventivo» se expresa con un estilo inconfundible. La educación con amorevolezza se realiza en obras asistenciales y educativas, nacidas a lo largo de veinte años (1844-1863) en favor de la «juventud pobre y abandonada», que formarán casi el esquema básico de las empresas posteriores y benéficas del educador de Turín. Todas ellas encuentran su matriz en el Oratorio de San Francisco de Sales de Turín-Valdocco, lugar hacia el que al principio (1844) se polarizaban casi espontáneamente jóvenes emigrantes que vivían en un estado de precariedad humana y social y que se habían apegado a don Bosco a partir de la catequesis. La experiencia del Oratorio, «lugar destinado a distraer con agradables diversiones a los jovencitos, después de haber satisfecho sus deberes de religión»,' se refleja en las otras iniciativas promovidas por él en beneficio de los ambientes populares: desde el hospicio-internado para aprendices y estudiantes (1847), la «Casa annessa», el internado con talleres para artesanos y clases de «ginnasio» (1853-1863) hasta la expansión fuera de Turín (1863), fuera de Italia (1875) en las misiones extranjeras (1875); desde la fundación de la Sociedad de San Francisco de Sales hasta la del Tnstituto de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora o la fundación de la unión de los Cooperadores salesianos.
Debe tener presente esta especificidad quien estudia los temas importantes de la acción de don Bosco. Se encuentra sobre todo en dos aspectos de su amplia y variada actividad: en los escritos y en su práctica educativa.
Cf. G. BALLESIO, Vita intima di D. Bosco nel suo primo Oratorio di Torino. Elogio funebre, Tip. salesiana 1888, p. 9-10. Ballesio (1842-1917) entró en el Oratorio en 1857.
Ib p.21.
5 Para una definición, cf. G. Bosco, II pastorello delle Alpi. Ovvero vita del giovane Besucco Francesco d'Argentera, Torino, Tip. dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales, 1864 [= Besucco] = LC 12 (1864) n. 5-6, p. 70 = OE XV, 312.
Trataremos de seguir esa doble vía en el tema que se nos ha confiado: el papel de los sacramentos de la penitencia y de la eucaristía en el sistema educativo de don Bosco, sin olvidar, sin embargo, que toda sistematización resulta insuficiente para expresar su experiencia vivida en su concreción y aun en su problematismo.
1. La doctrina de los sacramentos
Don Bosco produjo una mole de textos, en buena parte ya a disposición de los lectores por medio de la reimpresión anastática de las Opere edite.6 Existe la lista completa de los escritos editados por él en vida, incluidos los anónimos, dudosos, los atribuidos a él o atribuibles. Y nos informa de cada una de sus ediciones, transformaciones, traducciones, etc.7 La primera serie de las Opere edite (Libri e opuscoli) contiene en buena parte divulgaciones devocionales, hagiográficas, catequísticas y didácticas y también «vidas» de adultos (Cafasso) y jóvenes (Comollo, Savio, Magone, Besucco...), con frecuencia en forma narrativa y con tendencia a construir «modelos» ideales de comportamiento para imitar por sus jóvenes alumnos. Con su vasta actividad editorial, don Bosco no intentaba ofrecer de ningún modo a sus lectores trabajos doctos o científicos; se dirigía con su estilo sencillo, edificante o apologético al corazón de todos, del pueblo, de los jóvenes que encontraba en la calle o que educaba en sus instituciones. Los escritos informan, aunque con frecuencia de forma esquemática y ocasional y sin justificación teórica convincente, sobre las doctrinas y a veces también sobre la práctica de don Bosco en el campo de la educación sacramental. Las doctrinas son, en términos esenciales, las de la teología común y oficial de la Contrarreforma, las de la catequesis típica del clima de la Restauración, en la que, por otra parte, se desarrolló toda la formación de Juan Bosco, en la familia, en la escuela, en el seminario y en el Convitto ecclesiastico.8
Los aspectos doctrinales o teóricos de los sacramentos, formulados generalmente en términos catequísticos y casi siempre simplificados en función del pueblo y de la juventud, se encuentran sobre todo en las páginas apologéticas del mismo santo o en los autores cuyas obras él publicó con más frecuencia en la colección de las «Letture Cattoliche».9 Pero siguen también en el fondo de
6 Cf. 0E.
Cf. P. STELLA, Gli scritti a stampa di san Giovanni Bosco, Roma, LAS 1977.
8 Hemos analizado la actividad literaria de don Bosco, en el campo de los sacramentos, en:
J. SCHEPENS, L'activité littéraire de don Bosco au sujet de la pénitence et de l'eucharistie, in «Salesianum» 50 (1988) 9-50; el mismo texto se halla también en: R. GIANNATELLI (ed.), Pensiero e prassi
di don Bosco nel 1° centenario della monte (31 gennaio 1888-1988), Roma, LAS 1988; J. SCHEPENS, Beichte und Eucharistie in der erzieherisch-pastoralen Praxis don Boscos = Folge der Schriftenreihe
zur Pflege Salesianischer Spiritualitát 19-20, Kóln-München-Wien 1988.
9 Colección fundada por don Bosco con el apoyo de mons. Moreno, obispo de Ivrea y de los escritos no directamente polémicos, sobre todo en los que tienen un fin catequístico o didáctico, en las vidas edificantes y en las páginas hagiográficas o devocionales del Giovane provveduto y de textos familiares con este manual de oración y meditación para los jóvenes. Efectivamente, después de los cambios radicales en el campo social, político y religioso habidos entre 1847 y 1850 (la plena emancipación de los hebreos y de las confesiones protestantes, el proselitismo valdense, la proliferación de periódicos y publicaciones laicas o anticlericales) y después durante los años de la supresión de las corporaciones religiosas y de la unidad de Italia, don Bosco se siente llamado a reaccionar con una decidida pedagogía preventiva y con frecuencia defensiva tanto contra la herejía como contra la impiedad. A partir de aquel tiempo, sus escritos, aun manteniendo su carácter catequístico y educativo, adquieren un tono más explícitamente defensivo o apologético contra el proselitismo protestante y la progresiva laicización de la sociedad. Esta afirmación vale sobre todo para los textos que se refieren a los sacramentos de la confesión y la eucaristía. La apología de los sacramentos, considerados desde siempre como fundamento indispensable de la vida, de la felicidad, de la moralidad y de la educación, obliga a don Bosco a explicitar ciertas verdades histórico-dogmáticas de la doctrina católica en relación con otras religiones y confesiones.
1.1. La confesión
En el campo de la confesión, don Bosco debe afrontar, entre el 50 y el 60, los ataques del apóstata Luigi Desanctis, considerado, junto a A. Bert y J.P: Meille, al menos durante algún tiempo, como uno de los personajes más grandes de la historia de los Valdenses en Piamonte.1° Él reacciona vivamente, publicando las Conversazioni tra un avvocato ed un curato di campagna sul sacramento della confessione» El opúsculo, todo él dedicado a la defensa de la confesión «auricular», le ofrece ocasión para especificar la doctrina católica de la confesión y subrayar su importancia, indispensable para la educación y las costumbres, contra sus adversarios que la calificaban como una fábula o una invención de los curas.
Los ataques de Desanctis no se limitaban a formular «a medida del pueblo» las objeciones ya conocidas de origen protestante. Eran también eco de los recelos lanzados por el llamado «descreimiento», del siglo XVIII o más reciente, de los «espíritus fuertes» («los filósofos») y que cada vez iban penetrando más en el mundo de los jóvenes y de los obreros.
mons. Ghilardi, obispo de Mondovl, sobre todo, para la difusión de buenos libros contra la propaganda valdense y las ideas laicas y anticlericales; el primer número apareció en 1853.
'° Acerca de los motivos de la ruptura entre Desanctis y la Iglesia valdense, cf. V. VINAY,
Luigi Desanctis e il movimento evangelico fra gli italiani durante il Risorgimento, Torino, Claudiana 1965, p. 59-62.
" Torino, Tip. Paravia e comp. 1855 = LC 3 (1855-56) n. 7-8 = OE VI 145-272 [=-- Conversazionz].
La existencia, la necesidad y la utilidad de la confesión misma se ponían en cuestión»
Los escritos de don Bosco o los textos de los autores que citaba en la colección de las «Letture Cattoliche» deb3 ían mostrar ante todo la única doctrina verdadera de la confesión sacramenta1.1
Tomando una por una las objeciones de sus adversarios, en un tono no de desprecio, pero sí humorístico, don Bosco refuta sus argumentos refiriéndose a la práctica continua de la confesión auricular y sacramental en la Iglesia." El contenido y el estilo de su argumentación, adaptados siempre a su público potencial de poca o mínima cultura, se distinguen por su tono popular de las páginas de otros autores que reaccionaban contra Desanctis.'
Para don Bosco se trata de demostrar ante todo que la confesión se remonta a Cristo mismo y que fue establecida de modo constante, durante todos los siglos de la historia cristiana. Añade además que los mismos hebreos, los paganos, los protestantes más inteligentes veneraron siempre este sacramento. Y hasta incrédulos como Voltaire y Rousseau subrayaron su valor.16
En las páginas menos directamente apologéticas, los «modelos» presentados (Comollo, Savio, Magone, Besucco, Cafasso...) concretan los principios ideales seguidos en la práctica educativa y muestran las condiciones que se consideran necesarias para acercarse con devoción, utilidad y saludablemente a la confesión, la misa y la comunión. A este fin, don Bosco clarifica la naturaleza y los efectos de la confesión por medio de fórmulas y expresiones con frecuencia tradicionales. Es misericordia de Dios, remedio, .alimento, bálsamo,
12 Conversazioni [1855], p. 13-15 = OE VI, 157-159.
13 Cf. los escritos de don Bosco: Fatti contemporanei esposti in 25 forma di dialogo [= -7 74 Fat5; Torino, Tip. dir. da P. De Agostini 1853 = LC 1 (1853-54) n. 10-11, p.Il galantuomo. Almanaccó nazionale pel 1855, coll'aggiunta di varíe utili aniositaGalantuomo], Torino, Tip. dir. da P. De Agostini 1854, p. 101-103 = OE VI, 15-17; Novella amena di un vecchio soldato di Napoleone 1, esposta dal sacerdote Bosco Giovanni [= Novella amena], Tocino, Tip. dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales 1862 = LC 10 (1862-63) n. 10, p. 18 = OE XIV, 242. De otros autores: [FAVRE]-CARLO FILIPPO DA POIRINO, 1l cielo aperto mediante la confessione sinceMANNINra, Torino, Tip. Paravia e comp. 1860; Torino, Tip. e Libreria salesiana, 1885 [4' ed. ]); H. La confessione ossia l'amore di Gesic pei penitenti. Traduzione dai francese di Concettina Basile, Tip. e Libreria salesiana .1886; La confessione della regina ossia il glorioso martirio di S. Giovanni Nepomuceno. Storia del secolo XIV, versión libre del alemán, 2 fasc.; J. PASSAVANTI, Lo specchio di vera penitenza annotato ad uso de' giovinetti da Gaetano Deho, 2vol., Torino, ).Tip. e Libreria salesiana 1874 = Biblioteca della Gioventú Italiana [= BGI] 6 (1874) giugno (n. 66
" Conversazioni [1855], P. 23-26.34.36.38-40.42.47 = OE VI, 167-170.178.180.182-184.191.
L' Para otras reacciones contra Desanctis, cf. A. BFLT T, Sulla dottrina e disciplina della Chiesa romana intorno al sacramento della confessione. Discorso [...J contro il saggio dommatíco-storico di L. Desanctis, Firenze 1851; B. NEGRI, Errori di Luigi Desanctis sul domma della confessione, Tocino 1862; G. CASACCIA, Il trionfo della confessione sacramentale sul saggio domrnatico-storico di L. Desanctis, confutato per se stesso, preceduto da una risposta alía prefazione in replica alle confutazioni 25-26; Conversazioni [1855], p. del monaco Belli, Tocino, Tip. G.A. Reviglio 1854. -26; IV = OE VI, 148.16 Fatti [1853], P. medio necesario para restablecer los lazos de amistad entre el hombre y
Contra los recelos sembrados en un momento en que el espíritu de «descristianización» parecía difundirse en los estratos populares, don Bosco describe con términos clásicos los frutos de una confesión bien hecha: el perdón de los pecados y la reconciliación con Dios, la tranquilidad del corazón y del espíritu y la fuerza para hacer progresos en el camino de las virtudes." Partiendo de la convicción de que el sacramento de la penitencia constituye el mejor apoyo para los jóvenes, cuya naturaleza humana se siente vulnerable y débil, les enseña a aprender a confesarse, no sólo frecuentemente, sino también bien, según las disposiciones que son necesarias. Sus exhortaciones insisten en los cinco elementos que, según dice J.C1. Dhótel, se habían hecho comunes desde Belarmino con el fin de multiplicar los actos del penitente: el examen de conciencia, la contrición, el propósito, la confeáión y la penitencia." Sus formularios para el examen de conciencia se distinguen por su carácter breve.2° El dolor (o la contrición) debe ser «interno, sobrenatural, sumo y universal»,21 y «unido a un propósito firme» cuya autenticidad se manifiesta en los frutos de la confesión, en el alejamiento de las «ocasiones que nos pueden llevar al pecado mortal»22 El que recae con frecuencia en los mismos defectos, que haga más bien propósitos firmes que confesiones frecuentes. En el espíritu
" G. BOSCO, Il mese di maggio consacrato a Maria SS. Immacolata ad uso del popolo [= Maggio], Torillo, Tip. Paravia e comp. 1858 = LC 6 (1858-59) 124 = OE X, 418; Conversazioni [1855]
75-77 = OE VI, 219-221; G. BOSCO, La forza della buona educazione. Curioso episodio contemporaneo [= Pietro] = LC 3 (1855) n. 17-18, p. 43 = OE VI, 317; Besucco [1864] 38 = OE XV, 280.
18 Cf. por ejemplo: G. BOSCO, Nove giorni consacrati all'augusta madre del Salvatore sotto il titolo di Maria Ausiliatrice [= Nove giorni], Torillo, Tip. dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales 1870 = LC 18 [1870] n. 5, p. 34-35.37-38 = OE XXII, 286-287. 289-290.
" J.C1. DHÓTEL, Les origines du catéchisme moderne d'aprés les premiers manuels imprimés en France, Paris 1967, p. 340.
20 Ilgiovane provveduto per la pratica de' suoi doveri degli esercizi di cristiana pietá per la recita dell'uffizio della beata Vergine e de' principali vespri dell'anno coll'aggiunta di una scelta di laudi sacre ecc. [= Giovane provveduto], Torillo, Tip. Paravia e comp. 1847, 94 = OE II, 274; La chiave del paradiso in mano al cattolico che pratica i doveri di buon cristiano [= Chiave], Torillo, Tip. Paravia e comp. 1856, p. 65-66 = OE VIII, 65-66; cf. los formularios más desarrollados y largos de [ERASMO DA VALENZA], Il contadino instrutto con dieci dialoghetti sopra il sacramento della penitenza tra un padre missionario ed un contadino, Saluzzo 1847, p. 99-130, y CARLO FILIPPO DA POIRINO, Il cielo aperto mediante la confessione sincera, Torillo, Tip. Paravia e comp. 1861 = LC (186061) n. 8, 55-67.
21 Cf. Chiave [1856], p. 61-62 = OE VIII, 61-62; Giovane provveduto [1863), p. 117; [1875), p. 103 = 0E, XXVI 103; G. Bosco, La figlia cristiana provveduta per la pratica de' suoi doveri negli esercizi di cristiana pieté per la recita dell'uffizio della B.V. de' vespri di tutto l'anno e dell'uffizio dei morti coll'aggiunta di una scelta di laudi sacre [= Figlia cristiana], Torino, Tip. e Libreria salesiana 1878; citamos de Figlia cristiana [1883], p. 102 = OE XXXIII, 280.
zz Chiave [1856], p. 62 = OE VIII, 62; Giovane provveduto [1863], p. 118; [1875], p. 103 = OE XXVI, 103; Figlia cristiana [1883], p. 102 = OE XXXIII, 280.
del Catecismo diocesano, don Bosco recomendaba también: «Confesemos los pecados ciertos como ciertos y los dudosos como,,dudosos».23
1.2. La eucaristía
A diferencia de la confesión, los Valdenses consideraban la eucaristía como sacramento. Quedaba, sin embargo, la problemática plurisecular de la presencia real, de la consagración y de la transubstanciación y del carácter sacrificial de la misa. En el Cattolico istruito (y más tarde en el Cattolico nel secolo), don Bosco cita los ataques de un cierto Trivier, sacerdote apóstata, como Desancti, s24
y hace publicar por la tipografía del Oratorio un libro de G. Casaccia, párroco de Verrone Biellese, para defender el punto de vista católico como reacción contra otro libro de L. Desanctis, y que trata el tema de la misa25 En el espíritu de la teología y de la catequesis de la Reforma católica, reafirma el dogma de la presencia real, tomando como mira sobre todo a sus adversarios valdenses y basándose en el relato de la institución del sacramento en el Evangelio, en la historia de la Iglesia y los milagros que se produjeron durante toda la historia humana en favor de la presencia real de Cristo en la eucaristía. En 1853, en el momento del enfrentamiento con las herejías eucarísticas y con ocasión del cuarto centenario del milagro de Turín, hace publicar el opúsculo Notizie storiche intorno al miracolo del SS. Sacramento avvenuto in Torillo 6 giugno 14532"
En 1854 publica un opúsculo de Carlo Filippo da Poirino en el que el autor describe la naturaleza del sacrificio y de su institución contra «las doctrinas erróneas de los protestantes y de los impíos».27
Chiave [1856], p. 70 = OE XIII, 70; Giovane provveduto [1863], p. 126; [1875), p. 109 = OE XXVI, 109; Figlia cristiana [1883], p. 108 = OE =CM 286; cf. también: Maggio [1858], p. 127 = OE X, 421; Compendio della dottrina cristiana ad uso della diocesi di Torino. Catechismo ad uso degli ammessi alla comunione e degli adulti, Torillo 1822, p. 139-140.
24 Ch.L. TIUvTER, Esposto dei principali motivi che mi hanno indotto ad uscire dalla Chiesa romana, Ginevra 1852, obra traducida del francés por Salvatore Ferretti; cf. V. VINAY, Evangelici italiani esuli a Londra, Torillo 1961, p. 145; cf. también: Il cattolico istruito nella sua religione. Trattenimenti di un padre di famiglia co' suoi figliuoli secondo i bisogni del tempo, epilogad dal sac. Bosco Giovanni [= Cattolico istruito], Torno, Tip. dir. da P. De Agostini 1853, pt. 2, tr. 37, p. 275.277.278 = OE IV, 581.583.584; publicada de nuevo con el título: G. Bosco, Il cattolico nel secolo. Trattenimenti di un padre coi suoi figliuoli intorno alla religione [= Cattolico nel secolo], Torino, Tip. e Libreria salesiana 1883, pt. 3, u. 10, p. 389.390 = OE XXXIV, 389.390.
' L. DESANCTIS, La messa. Saggio dommatico-storico, Torillo 1862; Roma-Firenze 1872; contra Desanctis: G. CASACCIA, La santa messa, yero sacrifizio e sacramento della nuova legge contro il saggio dommatico-storico di L. Desanctis, Torillo 1865.
26Torillo,Tip. dir. da P. De Agostini 1853 = LC 1 (1853-54) n. 6; inspirado en: Ricerche critiche sul miracolo del SS. Sacramento avvenuto in Torillo il 6 giugno 1453, Torillo 1852.
22 [CARLO FILIPPO DA POIRINO), Trattenimenti intorno al sacrifizio della S. Messa = LC 2 (1854-55) n. 11-12.
Mientras que las páginas devocionales, catequísticas, didácticas y hagiográficas tratan temas como prolongación y en el espíritu de esta catequesis de carácter apologético, orientan también la atención sobre otros aspectos importantes de la vida sacramental ligados con frecuencia más directamente a la práctica educativa. El educador de Turín vive en tiempos en los que se había producido mentalmente un cierto grado de separación entre misa y comunión. Por este motivo presenta la eucaristía bajo una doble luz: la comunión, verdadero alimento espiritual, y la misa, sacrificio del altar. El lazo entre estos dos aspectos es la presencia real en el santísimo sacramento.28
Para don Bosco la misa es «la acción más grande que se puede realizar en este mundo; es el acto más sublime y excelente en sí mismo [...]; es la continuación y la renovación del que Jesucristo hizo en la última cena [...]; es también la continuación y la renovación del sacrificio de la cruz».29 Sus páginas ofrecen ademáslestimonios esporádicos de la evolución de sus convicciones (y de su práctica) en el campo de la comunión frecuente por parte de los jóvenes. Confía a sus escritos sus motivaciones, toma en consideración posibles objeciones que vienen del ambiente, precisa las condiciones y las disposiciones necesarias para una comunión frecuente y diaria bien hecha. El texto de Nove giorni puede considerarse como punto de referencia de una evolución." Mientras que en la primera edición del Giovane provveduto, don Bosco se limita a decir que «aquel hijo que después de haber pecado no quiere enmendarse, es decir, quiere ofender de nuevo al Señor, no es digno de acercarse a la mesa del Salvador»,3' sus sugerencias se hacen mucho más precisas en la Chiave y en los textos que, hasta un cierto punto, se sitúan cerca o dependen de ella.32 Se convierte en promotor de la comunión frecuente y entonces parece haber tenido que precisar también la purificación interior requerida para la comunión con el fin de evitar que algunos creyesen ingenuamente en los efectos producidos por el sacramento. Con la ayuda de sus colaboradores, redacta los textos de las Pratiche divote y del Cattolico provveduto. En las Pratiche adopta el párrafo titulado «Invitación a la comunión frecuente» en el que ofrece los argumentos a favor de la frecuencia ya expuestos en el Mese di maggio,33 pero diluye el tema diciendo que «no basta acercarse con frecuencia, porque hace falta además acercarse dignamente».34
28 Cf. Chiave [1856], p. 43-57.73-84 = OE VIII, 43-57.73-84; Giovane provveduto [1863], p. 105-114.128-135; [1875], p. 90-99.111-120 = OE XXVI, 90-99.111-120; Figlia cristiana [1883], p. 87-98.110-119 = OE XXXIII, 265-276.288-297; cf. también Maggio [1858], p. 134-138.139-144 = OE X, 428-432.433-438; Nove giorni [1870], p. 44-62.63-70.70-82 = OE XXII, 296-314.315 325.326-334.
29 Nove giorni [1870], p. 63 = OE XXII, 315.
30Nove giorni [1870], p. 44-45 = OE XXII, 296-297; textos análogos en: Chiave [1856], p. 73-74 = OE VIII, 73-74; Giovane provveduto [1863], p.128-129; [1875], p.111-112 = OE XXVI 111-112; Figlia cristiana [1883], p. 110-111 = OE XXXIII, 288-289. Giovane provveduto [1847], p. 98 = OE II, 278.
32 Cf. Chiave [1856], p. 74 = OE VIII, 74; Giovane provveduto [1863], p. 129; [1875], p. 111112 = OE XXVI, 111-112; Figlia cristiana [1883], p. 110-111 = OE XXXIII, 288-289.
33 Pratiche divote per l'adorazione del SS. Sacramento, Torillo, Tip. dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales 1866, p. 12-21 = OE XVII, 264-273; cf. Maggio [1858], p. 139-143 = OE X, 433 443; véase también: Il cattolico provveduto per le pratiche di pietá con analoghe istruzioni sécondo il bisogno dei tempi, Torro o, Tip. dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales 1868, p. 443-455 = OE XIX, 451-463.
Los escritos presentan además a los jóvenes modelos de la comunión frecuente y cotidiana: Comollo, Savio, Luis Gonzaga...,35 mientras que las páginas devocionales o catequísticas ofrecen «actos» sencillos de preparación y de acción de gracias.36
2. La praxis de don Bosco
La praxis sacramental de don Bosco parece que se dirige a suministrar a los jóvenes una experiencia positiva e intensa ante la idea, compartida con otros pastores y autores de la época, de que «la salvación de un joven depende ordinariamente de sus años de juventud»37 y que el joven tiene que «entregarse a Dios a tiempo»: «el camino que el cristiano tiene en la juventud se mantiene en la vejez y hasta la muerte. Adolescens iuxta viam suam etiam cum senuerit non recedet ab ea. [...] Si empezamos una vida buena ahora que somos jóvenes, seremos buenos cuando avancen los años, y buena nuestra muerte y principio de la felicidad eterna. Al contrario, si los vicios se apoderan de nosotros en la juventud, generalmente continuarán en todas las edades hasta la muerte».38 Esta ocupación central de la vida de don Bosco, subrayada desde los primeros tiempos de su actividad educativa, está íntimamente ligada a la otra convicción del educador de Turín que se expresa más claramente ante el clima de apatía religiosa: que sin la base de la religión cristiana católica, los valores humanos como la felicidad, la moralidad, la educación... no pueden triunfar. «Sólo la religión es capaz de empezar a poner en marcha la gran obra de una verdadera educación».39 En este contexto, se entiende la importancia
34 Pratiche [1866], p. 16-21 = OE XVII, 268-273.
Cenni storici sulla vita del chierico Luigi Comollo, morto nel seminario di Chieri ammirato
da tutti per le sue singolari virtú, scritti da un suo collega [= Comollo], Torillo, Tip. Speirani e Ferrero 1844, p. 51-52 = OE XXXV, 51-52; Savio [1859], p. 70 = OE XI, 220; Giovane provveduto[1847], p. 65-66 = OE II, 245-246 [Luigi Gonzaga].
36 Giovane provveduto [1847], p. 99-101 = OE 279-281; Chiave [1856], p. 76-79 = OE VIIL 76-79; Giovane provveduto [1863], p. 131-132; [1875], p. 115-117 = OE XXVI, 115-117;
Figlia cristiana [1883], p. 112-114 = OE XXXIII, 292-295.
37 Cf. Giovane provveduto [1847], p. 12 = OE II, 192; don Bosco se inspira en las páginas de la Guida angelica, o siano pratiche instruzioni per la gioventú. Opera utilissima a ciascun giovanetto data ella luce da un sacerdote secolare milanese, Torillo 1767, p. 5-6, y de Ch. GOBINET, Instruction de la jeunesse en la piété chrétienne, tirée de l'Écriture sainte et des saints Péres, Paris 1733 (trad.it.: Istruzione della gioventú pietá cristiana, Torillo 1831), pt. 1, cap. 4.
38 Giovane provveduto, p. 6-7 = OE II, 186-187; don Bosco se inspira en la Guida angelica,p. 5-6.
" Esercizi spirituali alla Gioventú. Avviso sacro, Torillo 1849. Texto impreso con ocasión de
que da a la oración, a las prácticas de piedad, a los sacramentos: «Está demostrado por la experiencia que los soportes más fuertes de la juventud son los sacramentos de la confesión y de la comunión. Dadme un joven que frecuente estos sacramentos y lo veréis crecer en la edad juvenil, llegar a la maturez y alcanzar, si Dios quiere, la más avanzada vejez con una conducta que será el ejemplo de todos los que le conozcan».4° La praxis educativa de don Bosco, que tenía que promover esta experiencia positiva en el campo de los sacramentos, está documentada desde los primeros tiempos del Oratorio festivo. Don Bosco presenta la santidad a los jóvenes como un ideal atrayente «muy fácil», que todos pueden alcanzar. La combinación original de la dinámica de la vida juvenil con los elementos de la piedad y de práctica religiosa en un clima de sentido del deber, de alegría y de espontaneidad, favorecida por la típica presencia de don Bosco, hace comprender la sagacidad del sacerdote piamontés. En el nivel del ideal, las «vidas» de los primeros jóvenes o salesianos, redactadas o controladas por don Bosco o escritas por otros salesianos, o las descripciones de la primera vida oratoriana (de don Bosco y de otros salesianos) presentan las pruebas. Los reglamentos, por otra parte, dejan intuir con frecuencia otros aspectos de la «realidad» de la praxis de los sacramentos.'"
Confesión, misa y comunión parecen haber sido elementos indispensables de la vida del Oratorio. Don Bosco debió de haber hablado a los jóvenes de la vida ejemplar de su amigo y compañero Luis Comollo,42 de las virtudes de san Luis Gonzaga.'" La praxis sacramental, bajo la influencia innegable de la enselos ejercicios espirituales para jóvenes, cf. MB III 605; en este sentido son especialmente interesantes los siguientes escritos: La forza della buona educazione (= Pietro) y Valentino o la vocazione impedita, episodio contemporaneo (= Valentino), Torino, Tip. dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales 1866 = LC 14 [1866] n. 12 = OE XVII 179-242.
4° Savio [1859], p. 67-68 = OE XI, 217-218; Besucco [1864], P. 100 = OE XV, 342; Sistema preventivo [1877] cap. 2, 4, p. 54-55.56-57 = OE XXVIII, 432-433.434-435.
" A modo de exemplo citamos un párrafo del Regolamento de 1877: «Contegno in chiesa [...] 3. Durante le sacre funzioni astenetevi, per quanto potete, di sbadigliare, dormire, volgervi qua e lá, chiacchierare ed uscire di Chiesa. Questi difetti mostrano poco desiderio delle cose di Dio, e per lo pis danno grave disturbo ed anche scandalo al compagni. 4. Andando al vostro posto abbiate cura di non smuovere i banchi o le sedie né farle scricchiolare movendovi ad ogni tratto. Non sputate mai sul pavimento, perché tal cosa é sconvenevole e mette in pericolo d'imbrattarsi chi prenso voi s'inginocchia' sse [...] 6. Nel dire le orazioni non alzate troppo la voce, ma nemanco ditele tanto piano da non essere uditi. Le orazioni si recitino posatamente e non con precipitazione, né vi sia chi voglia fare piú in frena, terminando mentre altri é ancora a metá...»
(Regolamento per le case della Societá di S. Francesco di Sales, Torino, Tip. e Libreria salesiana, 1877, p. 65-66 = OE XXIX, 161-162).
42 Comollo [1844] = OE I, 1-84; mientras la 1' ed. (1844) estaba dedicada a los seminaristas, la 2' (1854) se dirige a todos los jóvenes; fue publicado en la colección de las LC 1 (1853-54), n. 20-21.
" Cf. Le sei domeniche e la novena di san Luigi Gonzaga con un cenno sulla vita del santo [= Sei domeniche], Torino, Tip. Botta 1846; publicado después en el Giovane provveduto [1847], p. 55-75 = OE II, 235-255; don Bosco usó el texto de [I>. DE MArrEi], II giovine angelico S. Luigi Gonzaga proposto in esemplare di ben vivere in alcune considerazioni, preghiere, pratiche di virtú ed Unza y la vida del seminario de Chieri y las lecturas espirituales que allí realizó, fue para don Bosco, como para tantos otros de su tiempo, el signo de una piedad radicada en la personalidad.44 En el estadio inicial, la preocupación de don Bosco parece inclinarse sobre todo hacia una «manera de asistir con fruto a la santa misa».45 Denuncia ya el poco respeto por parte de los jóvenes: «Pero ver a tantos jóvenes con deseo deliberado de distraerse, estar irreverentemente sin modestia, sin atención, sin respeto, de pie, mirando a todas partes, ¡ah! éstos renuevan muchas veces los dolores del Calvario con grave escándalo de los compañeros y deshonra de la religión».46 Los invita a entrar «con disposición de verdaderos cristianos en el espíritu de Jesucristo».." Al hablar de la comunión, subraya la necesidad de las «debidas disposiciones»48 y precisa que el que «no quiere corregirse no es digno de acercarse a la mesa del Salvador».49 La confesión tiene su centro de gravedad en el «gran dolor» que debe llevar al «propósito [...] de no querer ofender más a Dios en el futuro »."
Desde este momento, el educador turinés pone en guardia a los jóvenes contra las confesiones sacrílegas que cometen si callan por vergüenza u otro motivo los pecados." Insiste también en la confianza entre penitente y confesor: «No tengáis ningún temor respecto del confesor; él se alegra oyendo que le confiáis lo que habéis hecho [...] y no puede decir a nadie las cosas de que os confesáis y no puede servirse de ellas aunque le sirvieran para evitar la muerte».52 Esta cita ofrece la ocasión de advertir ciertas antinomias no superadas por don Bosco. Se da una tensión entre un cierto conformísmo antiguo, en el que la obligatoriedad de las observancias es el núcleo fundamental y que explica ciertos elementos que algunos consideran «terroríficos» por una parte, y su sentido de espontaneidad, de libertad, de agilidad y de responsabilidad, de confianza, de intuición y de adaptación por otra. La idea de la salvación eterna del alma del joven, única cosa necesaria al final de todo, crea en él con frecuencia una tensión a veces preocupada y ansiosa que no renuncia completamente a hacer valer también ciertos mecanismos de una pastoral del «miedo», a pesar de que la conciencia de la «misericordia de Dios» nunca se borró de su mente." En el espíritu de Guala, Cafasso o del Convitto ecclesiastico, don Bosco subraya desde el comienzo de su actividad: «Ved, fieles, con qué facilidad podemos estar seguros del perdón de nuestras culpas mediante el sacramento de la penitencia. ¡Qué gran beneficio [...I nos hizo y qué gran misericordia nos demostró Dios al instituir un sacramento tan útil y necesario! ».54
esempi a celebrar con frutto le sei domeniche, e la novena in onore dell'istesso santo: opúsculo muy difundido en Italia. •
44 Cf. P. STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 196.223.
Giovane provveduto [1847], p. 84 = OE II, 264.
46 Ibid., p. 85 = OE II, 265. Ibid., p. 85 = OE II, 265.
48 Ibid., p. 98 = OE II, 278.
49 Ibid., p. 98 = OE II, 278.
5° Ibid., p. 95-96 = OE II, 275-276.
lbid., p. 96 = OE II, 276. " Ibid., p. 96 = OE II, 276.
" Cf. el minucioso opúsculo Esercizio di divozione alfa misericordia di Dio, Torno, Tip. Botta [1847] = OE II, 71-181.
La ambivalencia de don Bosco ansioso y vigilante, inclinado a ciertas formas de cerrazón, y el otro, dulce y «amable», que apela al sentido moral de los jóvenes y al lazo personal entre educador y educando, no parece que se haya resuelto nunca completamente, al menos a nivel especulativo. Existe un Juan Bosco, que propone meditaciones diarias sobre los novísimos, el ejercicio mensual de la buena muerte con su examen de conciencia y sus letanías o los ejercicios espirituales anuales, preocupado sobre todo por volver a proponer el mecanismo de la conversión, del arrepentimiento y del propósito de no pecar más. Don Bosco y sus jóvenes entran en la dinámica de los novísimos declarándose semanalmente, mensualmente y anualmente pecadores arrepentidos." Cuando se trata de la salvación del alma y de la suerte eterna, desea que no haya riesgos, y no cede a la idea de no hacer una cierta presión sobre las conciencias de los jóvenes, que difícilmente se aceptaría hoy.56 Este don Bosco subraya sobre todo la necesidad del sacramento de la confesión por la naturaleza «débil» del joven, que le inclina fácilmente al pecado y que le deja siempre expuesto al peligro de las confesiones mal hechas. Estos jóvenes, a su parecer, deben recibir de sus educadores la convicción de lo que se afirma en la vida de Comollo y de Besucco, es decir, que los sacramentos de la confesión y de la comunión son los pilares más seguros de su juventud o que la confesión frecuente es el «apoyo de la inestable edad juvenil»." Este don Bosco subraya
54 Esercizio [1847], p. 93-94 = OE II, 163-164; don Bosco se inspira en N.S. BERGIER, Tableau de la miséricorde divine tiré de l'Écriture sainte ou motifs de confiance en Dieu pour la consolation des ames timides, Besangon 1821, p. 310-311.
35 STELLA. Don Bosco II, p. 108.
'6 A modo de ejemplo, transcribimos un texto de G.B. Francesia (1838-1930) traducido de su descripción de las «passeggiate autunnali»: «11 nostro D. Bosco, prima di lasciarci andare a letto, secondo la pia consuetudine, ci disse due parole. [...] Qui con un colpo di scena cambió tono di voce ed aspetto, che in noi produsse un'impressione straordinaria. "Noi, disse, siamo qui a divertirci, a fare le vacanze, che in grazia di buoni signori, passiamo tra l'allegria e le feste; eppure dobbiamo pensare alla morte. Stanotte uno dei nostri amici sara chiamato alreternitl. Fortunato lui che vi é preparato da lungo tempo, e che poté ricevere i SS. Sacramenti, e cosi assicurarsi un posto in paradiso. Miei cari figlioli, si muore. Prima perció di separarci, recitiamo una preghiera per lui, e raccomandiamo l'anima sua alla carita del S. Cuore di Maria!" Non disse di pió, e non ne avevamo bisogno, perché la nostra commozione non avrebbe potuto reggere. Ci guardammo l'un l'altro in fronte, quasi per indovinare chi era si vicino a scomparire. [...] Poi datoci il buon ti-poso, volle che anche in quella sera si pregasse per colui che all'Oratorio in quella notte medesima doveva morire, non senza moho affetto e pietá. Dopo si ancló a letto, e pió d'uno ebbe qualche difficoltá per prendere sonno, e guando lo prese continuava a pregare» (G.B. FRANCESIA, Don Bosco e le sue ultime passeggiate, Torino, Libreria salesiana di S. Giovanni Evangelista 1897, p. 131132).
Comollo [1854], P. 4; la cita falta en la edición de 1844; Besucco [1864], P. 103 = OE XV, 345.
lo necesario que es para los jóvenes aprender a confesarse bien desde niños, con las debidas disposiciones." Se declara seguro de la capacidad que tienen los niños, ya a los siete años, de cometer pecados graves o de callarlos en la confesión, de hacer confesiones sacrílegas, poniendo así en peligro su salvación eterna." En la línea de otros educadores, moralistas y escritores (Gobinet, San Alfonso, Humbert, Arvisenet...) parece a veces obsesionado por el temor de que los muchachos callen o mientan respecto de los pecados (de impureza e inmodestia) y que, con la gracia, pierdan todo, también la verdadera felicidad y la salvación eterna: «autores célebres en moral y en ascética y de gran experiencia y especialmente una persona autorizada que tiene todas las garantías de la verdad, concuerdan en decir que la mayor parte de las confesiones de los jovencitos, si no son nulas, al menos son defectuosas por falta de instrucción, o por omisión voluntaria de cosas que deben confesarse».6° A los miembros del primer Capítulo general de los salesianos les declara, el 4 de febrero de 1877, que una larga experiencia le ha convencido de que hace falta que los jóvenes hagan confesión general cuando vienen a los colegios salesianos." A los mismos jóvenes les recomienda que no se dejen nunca «engañar por el demonio callando por vergüenza algún pecado en la confesión» y habla del «gran número de cristianos que van a la perdición eterna sólo por haber callado o no haber expuesto sinceramente ciertos pecados en la confesíón».62
Según P. Stella la peculiaridad de la confesión en Valdocco está en el hecho de que don Bosco tendía a irradiar en la confesión la misma confianza paterna y filial que le distinguía ya en los otros momentos de la vida. Padre, amigo, guía con dotes extraordinarias, don Bosco favorecía una cohesión espiritual singularísima que era para él uno de los fines para conseguir el objetivo de la educación cristiana y por ello la garantía de que conducía a los muchachos al camino de la salvación y de la santidad:63 «Amante y expansivo, ejercía la autoridad inspirando respeto, confianza y amor. Y nuestras almas se le abrían con abandono íntimo, alegre y total. Todos queríamos confesarnos con él, que dedicaba a esta santa, y al mismo tiempo dura tarea, de diez y seis a diez y ocho horas cada semana [..J. Sistema más bien único que raro entre Superior y Subordinados; sistema de los Santos, que permite conocer la índole, plegarla sabiamente y liberar sus energías recónditas»." Estas palabras son de G. Ballesio.
" Giovane provveduto [1847], p. 93 = OE II, 273; Maggio [1858], p. 124 = OE X, 418.
" Chiave [1856], p. 57 = OE VIII, 57; desde 1863, las ediciones del Giovane provveduto recogen el mismo texto; Magone [1861], p. 28 = OE XIII, 182, cf. también: STELLA, Don Bosco II,p. 312. Magone [1861], p. 29 = OE XIII, 182; cf. anche: Chiave [1856], p. 58 = OE VIII, 58; Giovane provveduto [1863], p. 106; Maggio [1858], p. 126-127 = OE X, 420-421; Nove giorni[1870], p. 40 = OE XXII, 92.
61 MB XII, 91; otros testimonios en: S. STRANO, Don Bosco, confessore dei giovani. Aspetti particolari, Acireale, Arti Grafiche della Cittá del Fanciullo 1960, p. 1-44.
bz Magone [1861], p. 24.25-26 = OE XIII, 178.179-180; también: Giovane provveduto [1847], p. 96 = OE II, 276; Pietro [1855], P. 19.20-21 = OE VI, 293294-295. 61 STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 3 10-3 11.
La función educativa de la confesión depende para don Bosco más del modo con que se realiza la relación confesor-penitente que de motivaciones teológicas inherentes a la función medicinal de la gracia aneja al sacramento.°
La confianza que don Bosco irradiaba, el espacio real que daba a la espontaneidad, la autonomía y la libertad que intentaba promover las energías interiores del joven orientado hacia una discreta autonomía que apoye y desarrolle la responsabilidad personal, tal vez explican también el motivo por el que don Bosco animaba insistentemente al confesor «estable» y «ordinario» y a la fidelidad que hay que tenerle. El sentido pleno del sacramento de la confesión parece realizarse en la relación cualitativa que establece el joven con el confesor, su guía segura. Los escritos de don Bosco, sobre todo las «vidas», demuestran claramente la introducción gradual del tema del confesor estable.66 La insistencia sobre el sigilo sacramental, sobre todo en los años 60-70, tiende también al mismo fin: « [Los confesores] no dejen nunca de recordar y con mucha frecuencia el gran secreto de la confesión. Digan explícitamente que el confesor está atado por un secreto Natural, Eclesiástico, Divino y Civil».61 Las palabras de don Bosco se explican por la alta estima de su misión sacerdotal, por su pedagogía de sencillez y de afecto, pero también por la angustia ante las confesiones defectuosas de los jóvenes. Quedando en pie el principio general, puede haber motivos suficientes para cambiar de confesor, sobre todo cuando el sacerdote no logra establecer lazos de confianza con su penitente. En ese caso, busca el camino más seguro: «Cuando hayáis elegido ya un confesor que se adapte a las necesidades de vuestra alma, no lo cambiéis sin necesidad. Mientras no tengáis un confesor estable, en el que pongáis toda vuestra confianza, os faltará siempre el amigo del alma. [...] Pero podéis cambiarlo sin escrúpulo cuando vosotros o el confesor cambiéis de residencia u os resultase muy molesto ir hasta donde él vive, o estuviese enfermo, o en ocasión de solemnidades en las que se viera muy solicitado. Y lo mismo si tuvieseis algo en vuestra conciencia que no os atrevéis a manifestar al confesor ordinario: antes de hacer un sacrilegio, cambiad, no una vez, sino mil veces de confesor».68
Don Bosco suponía también probablemente que no todos los jóvenes pasarían dé la confesión en el Oratorio a la de la parroquia; o de la del colegio a la de las asociaciones confesionales («le unioni dei buoni»). Por eso anima al confesor «estable» u «ordinario».
BALLESIO, Vita intima, p. 21.
5 G. GROPPO, Vita sacramentale, catechesi, formazione .spirituale come elementi del sistema preventivo, en: II sistema educativo di don Bosco tra pedagogía antica e nuova. Atti del convegno europeo sul sistema educativo di don Bosco, Leumann (Torillo), Elle Di Ci 1974, p. 62.
66 Cf., por ejemplo, la evolución del texto en: Como//o [1844], p. 26 = OE I, 26; [1854], p. 32-34; [1884], p. 41 = OE XXXV, 41.
Besucco [1864], p. 104 = OE XV, 346
68 Magone [1861], p. 26-2756-57 = OE XIII, 180-181.210-211; Besucco [1864], p. 103-104 = OE XV, 345-346; Savio [1866], p. 60-61.
Con el mismo espíritu, anima también a participar en la misa dominical y en la comunión frecuente. Al principio, encontramos que en su praxis se tiene en cuenta la costumbre general. Don Bosco había adoptado lo que era costumbre local o ley. La ley solía determinar ciertas prácticas, la costumbre había adoptado prácticas sugeridas por el catecismo diocesano o por manuales de devoción." El desarrollo de las prácticas en Valdocco y en otros lugares se vio condicionado sin duda por el modo adoptado en general en Turín y Piamonte. Pero inmediatamente sufrió el influjo de otros elementos específicos, como la distinción entre internado y externado, entre estudiantes y artesanos, entre clérigos y jóvenes, entre educadores y educandos, entre adultos y jóvenes, entre recién llegados y veteranos en la casa. En lineas generales, la vida religiosa que promovía don Bosco se articulaba en un sistema de prácticas comunes, costumbres espontáneas de grupos (las diversas compañías: de San Luis, del Santísimo, de la Inmaculada, de San José) y de cada uno.
En el primer lustro del internado, las oraciones de la mañana precedían a la asistencia a la misa, que se hacía como en las congregaciones de los estudiantes y según el modo que sugerían los catecismos, las instrucciones o las normas impuestas a los estudiantes piamonteses: en silencio, siguiendo los momentos más importantes con ayuda de las meditaciones propuestas por el Giovane provveduto, tal vez introduciendo algún canto. G.B. Francesia recuerda que, en aquellos años (1850-58?), sucedía que varios jóvenes se presentaban en la sacristía antes de la misa para que don Bosco los confesase. En la iglesia se esperaba rezando o en silencio hasta que don Bosco se presentaba en el altar." Según P. Stella, notas *de don Bosco e indicaciones de jóvenes y clérigos hacen creer que, en aquellos tiempos no había control de la participación de los jóvenes y de los clérigos a la misa." El aumento con los años del número de los habitantes de Valdocco debió suscitar lógicamente una cierta disciplina. El consejo de la misa cotidiana, obligatoria teóricamente en los Estados sardos para los estudiantes todos los días de clase, se transformó en Valdocco, una vez convertido en internado, en norma general. Y las oraciones de la mañana con el rezo del rosario se incluyeron en la misa comunitaria.' En Turín, en los «Tommasini», en el colegio de los «Artigianelli» y en centros educativos de monjas sucedía lo mismo. La educación para la oración mental se deja para momentos y ejercicios escogidos libremente por el joven, en las circunstancias previstas y según los reglamentos y las costumbres."
69 STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 284-285.
70 G.B. FRANCESIA, D. Giovanni Bonetti sacerdote salesiano. Cenni biografici, S. Benigno Canavese, Tip. Salesiana 1894, p. 29ss.
7' STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 306-307.
Desde 1863 don Bosco refuerza el ejemplo de San Isidro, escribiendo: «Vi raccomando di avece grande premura per andare ad udire la santa Messa ogni giorno...» (Giovane provveduto) [1863], p. 106 (el subrayado es nuestro); cf. también: Magone [1858], p. 138 = OE X, 432.
La misa nos lleva al núcleo más íntimo de la espiritualidad católica. Llena de ejercicios piadosos (entre ellos, el rosario) y de cantos populares, evocaba en los jóvenes de Valdocco los mismos sentimientos que suscitaba en el pueblo, del que provenían y al que, después, en general, se volvían a integrar como adultos.74 El apóstol de los jóvenes busca, además, promover los modos de asistencia a la misa que le parecen más oportunos para la psicología de los jóvenes, mirada sobre todo bajo el ángulo de la llamada «mobilita giovanile». Los ejercicios piadosos, sobre todo el rosario y no la oración mental, se integran también por su carácter vocal comunitario." Don Bosco quiere de verdad que los jóvenes le tomen gusto a la piedad y por eso acepta y promueve prácticas religiosas que surgen por iniciativa de los grupos. Enseña y hace enseñar, también por amor a la Iglesia, el canto gregoriano, pero fomenta también el canto popular. Publica en el apéndice del Giovane provveduto, y aparte, una serie de Laudi sacre;76 promueve la música de G. Cagliero,77 del maestro De Vecchi, de don Costamagna (1846-1921), del coadjutor G. Dogliani (18691934) y de otros. Sobre todo después de la construcción del santuario de María Auxiliadora, muchos iban a escuchar los coros polifónicos. El orden de la iglesia, especialmente de la de María Auxiliadora, el clero infantil, la participación masiva... todos estos elementos contribuyen a la belleza de las ceremonias.
Para don Bosco el deseo de la eucaristía constituye la clave en que es posible descubrir la radicación de la fe y de la caridad, el gusto por las cosas del cielo y el grado de perfección cristiana. Comollo, Savio, Magone y Besucco dan un testimonio claro de un gran amor a Jesús. Viendo el impulso que da a la piedad eucarística o a la comunión frecuente y cotidiana, a la publicación en las «Letture Cattoliche» de opúsculos sobre la eucaristía, sobre la misa o sobre la comunión, se debe tener presente el clima, sobre todo de la segunda parte del siglo, la mentalidad y la indiferencia hacia las prácticas de piedad."
" STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 309. Ibid., p. 330.
" Ibid., p. 308.
76 Cf. P. STELLA, Valori spirituali nel «Giovane provveduto» di san Giovanni Bosco, Roma, Tip. Pio XI 1960, p. 6-14; ID., Don Bosco II, p. 322, n. 160.
77 Acerca de Giovanni Cagliero (1838-1926) se lee: «In seguito il giovane Cagliero fu posto a studiare la musica: D. Bosco non intendeva [...] di formare un'artista per l'arte aristocratica e difficile. Gli occorreva una musica facile, briosa, adatta a' suoi giovani, di facile apprendimento e di pió facile esecuzione. [...] Cagliero gettó canti siffati con una feconditá strabiliante, infaticabile...» (S. RASTELLO, In memoria di S.Em. il cardinale Giovanni Cagliero, primo missionario salesiano, Milano 1926, p. 5-6).
78 Los títulos más importantes son: [CARLO] FILIPPO DA POIRINO, Trattenimenti intorno al sacrifizio della S. Messa = LC 2 (1854-55) n. 11-12; ID., Trattenimenti intorno al ss. sacramento dell'eucaristia = LC 3 (1855-56) n. 19-20; ID., Trattenimenti morali intorno az' riti ed alle ceremonie
Como educador, don Bosco desarrolla una pastoral eucarística basada también en la convicción de que, sin religión y sacramentos, toda la vida humana está condenada al fracaso. Además tiende progresivamente a tener en cuenta una mentalidad que se considera comúnmente como fuente de frialdad en la piedad.
En este contexto, don Bosco anima también a la comunión frecuente, organizando además grupos que estimulen a su imitación. Orienta a sus jóvenes hacia la comunión frecuente, partiendo de convicciones que están ya en su formación, pero que van madurando a la luz de las nuevas situaciones. Con otros pastores de su tiempo, no descuida los bienes de la comunión «digna, fervorosa y frecuente», hecha con las disposiciones necesarias.79 Para don Bosco, sin embargo, la comunión se hace poco a poco alimento indispensable para el joven, que tiene que vivir tiempos no fáciles del todo. Sobre todo en la segunda parte del siglo, parece que su pensamiento se sitúa cada vez más en sintonía con teólogos y pastores de almas que se sentían inclinados a adoptar actitudes menos restrictivas en el tema de la frecuencia de la comunión eucarística. Mientras su formación juvenil en el seminario de Chieri se había desarrollado en una línea pastoral restrictiva, que prevalecía en la enseñanza teológica y en la praxis sacramental en el Piamonte durante el siglo XVIII y en el tiempo de la Restauración,9° él se fue haciendo cada vez más sensible a una
della s. messa coll'aggiunta di un metodo per udirla con frutto = LC 4 (1856-57) n. 8-9; ID., Il délo aperto mediante la comunione frequente = LC 7 (1859-60) n. 8; 1865; 1878; LEONARDO DA PORTO MAURIZIO, Il tesoro nascosto °uvero pregi ed eccellenze della s. messa con un metodo pratico e divoto
per ascoltarla con frutto = LC 8 (1860-61) n. 12; 1881; HUGUET [et L'esistenza reale di G. Cristo nel ss. Sacramento = LC 11 (1863-64) n. 7; G. FRASSINETTI, Due gioie nascoste = LC 12 (1864) n. 10; G. DE SEGUR, La santissima comunione = LC 20 (1872) n. 7; 1875; ID., Ogni Otto giorni = LC 26 (1878) n. 7; ID., Venite tutti a me = LC 27 (1879) n. 6; A. DE LIGUORI, Visita al SS. Sacramento ed a Maria SS. per ciascun giorno del mese [...] preceduta dall'atto eroico e da preghiere in onore dei sette dolori e delle sette allegrezze del patriarca S. Giuseppe = LC 15 (1867) n.10-11.
79 Otros autores de su ambiente subrayan, sobre todo, las disposiciones, cf. F. CECCA, Le veglie de' contadini cristiani. Dialoghi familiari-istruttivi-morali sovra le quattro partí della dottrina cristiana, ad uso, e vantaggio de' contadini, e di altre persone che vogliono approfittarne, Torino 1806, p. 278-280; Ch.-F. LHOMOND, Doctrine chrétienne en forme de lectures de piété, oit l'on expose les preuves de la religión, les dogmes de la foz; les régles de la morale, ce qui concerne les sacremens [sic] et la priére, Lyon 1808, lec. 89 (p. 417-421); trad. it.: Dottrina cristiana in forma di lezioni di pietá in cui si espongono le prove della religione, i dogmi della fede, le regole della morale, quel che riguarda i sacramenti e la preghiera ad uso delle case di educazione e delle famiglie cristiane, 3 'Vol., Milano 1831; A. Guild-01s, Explication historique, dogmatique, morale, liturgique et canonique du catéchisme avec la réponse aux obiections tirées des sciences contre la religion, Paris 1870, III, p. 135-138; trad. it.: Spiegazione storica, dogmatica, morale, liturgica e canonica del cate-chismo colle risposte alle obiezioni attinte dalla scienza per oppugnare la religione, 4 vol., Prato 1863, 1865, 1882; P. COLLE'T, Lo scolaro cristiano ossia trattato dei doveri di un giovine che brama santificare i suoi studi, Milano 1844, p. 186-195; Compendio della dottrina cristiana ad uso della diocesi di Torino, Torino 1822, p. 120.
80 Cf. G. PENCO, Simia della Chiesa in Italia, II. Dal concilio di Trento az' nostri giorni, Milano 1978, p. 290; P. STELLA, Giurisdizionalismo e Giansenismo all'universitá di Torino nel secolo XVIII, Torino 1958, p. 45.70-71.90; ID., Crisi religiose nel primo Ottocento piemontese, en «Salesianum» 21 (1959) 66-67.
línea pastoral más indulgente en el campo de la comunión. Inspirándose en la corriente pastoral más-indulgente, corriente que nunca había estado ausente del todo de la historia (cf. C.E. Pallavicini, B. Lanteri, Th. Gousset...), algunos pastores y teólogos (como G. Frassinetti, G. De Segur, S. Franco, J.J. Gaume, J.M.J. Huguet...), situados hacia la mitad del siglo en confrontación con los resultados probablemente poco prometedores de la situación religiosa, empezaban a echar las culpas al jansenismo o a la pastoral rigorista (el probabiliorismo) de hacer surgir la languidez y la crisis de la fe, del indiferentismo religioso y del enfriamiento del pueblo hacia las prácticas de piedad: a los fieles se les había privado del pan eucarístico, el «alimento de los fuertes», el alimento indispensable para poder afrontar los «tiempos difíciles» y la lucha para vencer las dificultades en el plano personal y social. Don Bosco, que en la escuela de Guala y Cafasso había conocido ya esta pastoral benigna, entra probablemente en la campaña a favor de la comunión frecuente y hasta diaria, que en el contexto político-social se convierte también en una afirmación pública de fe. Se hace uno de los promotores de la comunión frecuente de los niños, con la convicción, madurada gradualmente, de que la ligereza juvenil, raíz de faltas, necesita la fuerza espiritual de la comunión, sobre todo para la lucha contra las tentaciones que deben afrontar en el contexto de nuevos retos que proceden de una mentalidad que ha cambiado. Por el mismo motivo, don Bosco se hace también promotor de la comunión dada a los niños lo antes posible.
Hace falta prevenir a tiempo, robusteciendo a los niños y a los jóvenes contra los asaltos del demonio.
3. Profundizaciones ulteriores
«Dígase lo que se quiera sobre los diversos sistemas de educación, yo no encuentro ninguna base segura más que en la frecuencia de la confesión y la comunión; y creo que no digo demasiado si afirmo que, eliminados estos dos elementos, la moralidad queda descartada».8i Nos preguntamos si esta concepción de la educación o ciertos modos de hablar de don Bosco no hacen de los sacramentos, y de toda la religión, «instrumentos» o «medios subordinados» para obtener moralidad, felicidad, efectos educativos. Al ministro de la Reina de Inglaterra que se asombraba en su visita a Valdocco del «perfecto silencio» y de la disciplina de los jóvenes, se le dijo que «la frecuente confesión y comunión y la misa diaria bien oída» son los «poderosos medios de educación» que tienen los católicos: «si no se usan esos elementos de religión, hace falta recurrir a las amenazas o al palo. [...] O religión o palo... ».82
. Besucco [1864], p. 100 = OE XV, 342; análogas expresiones en: Pietro [1855], P. 41.46.48 = OE VI, 317.320.322; Savio [1859], p. 67-68 = OE XI, 217-218; Va/entino [1866], p. 12-13.17 = OE XVII, 190-191; Sistema preventivo [1877] cap. 2, 4, p. 54-55 = OE XXVIII, 432-433.
12 Sistema preventivo [1877], p. 56 = OE XXVIII, 434.
Una afirmación como ésta puede extrañar a los lectores modernos acostumbrados, aun en un contexto cristiano, a distinguir necesariamente entre el orden de la creación y el de la redención, entre autonomía (aun relativa) de las realidades humanas (entre las que está la educación) y la actitud de fe en Dios. Se han propuesto varías hipótesis para explicar más o menos adecuadamente estas afirmaciones del santo educador. Determinadas expresiones suyas, en efecto, podrían dar la impresión de una manipulación de contenidos esenciales de fe (sacramentos), que son fin en sí mismos, para alcanzar objetivos meramente humanos o educativos.
Se ha intentado comprender las afirmaciones de don Bosco refiriéndose al papel benéfico de los sacramentos en la psicología del joven. Contra esta interpretación, reductiva según su parecer, reaccionaba A. Caviglía.83 Subraya la importancia del motivo primario de la pedagogía de don Bosco: la idea que él tiene de la gracia de Dios en el alma y del trabajo que en ella realiza. Es una concepción exquisitamente teológica, genuitea teología cristiana y católica, traducida en concepción educativa. En este sentido, según la idea fundamental de la doctrina sobre la gracia santificante, todo el trabajo educativo, como don Bosco lo ve y lo quiere, se concentra en conservar o volver a adquirir la gracia de Dios en el alma. Para don Bosco, la presencia de la gracia de Dios lo es todo." P. Braido habla de la religión (o, en términos equivalentes, del temor de Dios, vida divina comunicada y en desarrollo, vida de caridad y de gracia, oración, frecuencia a la santa misa, uso de los sacramentos de la confesión y la comunión...) como de «supremo medio educativo, al que los demás resortes técnicos "humanos" y "humanísticos" están rigurosamente subordinados».85 Los medios o procedimientos sobrenaturales no parecen sólo necesarios para
- la construcción de la personalidad cristiana, sino que tienen una eficacia real en el proceso educativo y humano (felicidad, moralidad, alegría...), ex opere operato o por influjo de Dios mediante las gracias actuales que se merecen con la oración.86 Según Braido, no se trata de un apoyo puramente psicológico, sino sobrenaturalmente eficaz [...] enriquecimiento real de la gracia y de la vida divina, crecimiento en la dimensión sobrenatural, un paso adelante hacia la madurez personal, natural y sobrenatural del joven.87
A nosotros, la tesis de don Bosco nos parece ligada sobre todo a su manera típica de ver al hombre, especialmente al joven que está educando.
83 «Ma non sarebbe esatto il pensarla soltanto nel suo aspetto pratico e funzionale di un agente psicologico atto a muovere e dirigere la volontá, o di una sensazione del conforto e dell'incoraggiamento che viene dalla pratica eucarística, col suo riflesso del confermare i buoni propositi» (A. CAVIGLIA, Opere e scritti edíti e Medid di «Don Bosco» nuovamente pubblicati e riveduti secondo le edizioni originan e manoscritti superstiti. IV. La vita di Savio Domenico, Torino, SEI 1943, p. 344).
" Ibid., p. 345.
85 P. BRAIDO II sistema preventivo di don Bosco, Zürich, PAS-Verlag 1964, p. 250.
86Ibid., p. 252.
87 Ibid., p. 254.
El punto de vista del educador de los jóvenes, apenas tratado por él y teóricamente casi silenciado, parte de una antropología en la que el hombre, por la fuerza de su
ser, aparece radicalmente considerado como «ser-para-Dios». Sólo en el encuentro definitivo con Dios encuentra la plenitud de su ser, su destino humano y cristiano. Para don Bosco, el hombre sin Dios (sin religión, sin gracia divina) no es sólo un condenado eterno, sino que hasta sus empresas terrenas (como la integración y la construcción humanista, cultural y pedagógica) corren el peligro de vaciarse totalmente de sentido. En don Bosco, la identificación del hombre con la dimensión específicamente religiosa y con su destino eterno es algo fundamental sin que, sin embargo, desvíe su atención de los valores del mundo, de la educación, del «honrado ciudadano y buen cristiano». Estos valores «humanos» conservan para él un carácter rigurosamente subordinado. La promoción, aun humana, del joven por el camino de la educación, se vacía cuando el educador descuida el aspecto fundamental (la relación con Dios, la vida de gracia, la salvación eterna).
Para don Bosco, la realización del hombre no podía ser un fin aislado o un valor relativamente autónomo. No desprecia la realidad humana, pero la percibe siempre ligada al destino último del hombre. El hecho educativo debe considerarse siempre a la luz de su lazo indisoluble con la realidad divina, expresada en los diversos temas de religión y de fe, de la gracia y de la vida divina, de la oración y de los sacramentos. Educar, para don Bosco, significa: ayudar a los jóvenes a salvarse y a santificarse. A esta convicción se une su idea de la naturaleza debilitada de los jóvenes después del pecado original: «Como una tierna planta, aunque puesta en una buena tierra de un jardín y, por decirlo así, guiada hasta cierto grado de desarrollo, así vosotros, mis queridos hijitos, os inclinaréis sin duda al mal si no os dejáis guiar por quien tiene el cuidado de orientaros»." El punto de vista de don Bosco sigue siendo más bien suave: «La razón mayor es la ligereza juvenil, que en un momento olvida las reglas de disciplina y los castigos que aquéllas llevan consigo: por eso, con frecuencia, un niño se hace culpable y merecedor de un castigo en el que no ha pensado, que no recordaba en absoluto cuando cometió la falta y que sin duda habría evitado si una voz amiga le hubiese avisado >>.89
Partiendo de estas coordenadas, nos damos cuenta de que la acción santificarte y los sacramentos son necesarios como base de la vida humana y de la educación de los jóvenes. Esta perspectiva nos permite también entender la importancia que don Bosco da al papel de los dos sacramentos, subrayado sobre todo en las «vidas» y en los opúsculos de instrucción religiosa: la confesión y la comunión son los dos «pilares más fuertes para la juventud»."
88 Giovane provveduto [1847], p. 13-14 = OE II, 193-194.
" Sistema preventivo [1877] I, 2, p. 48 = OE XXVIII, 426.
90 «Lo esort6 a fare la sua prima comunione, ed a comunicarsi di poi moho sovente, assicurandolo che la confessione e la comunione erano i due sostegni piú forti per la gioventii» (Sei domeniche [1854], p. 12); cf. anche Comollo [1844], p. 63 = OE I, 63.
Al vivir en una época anterior al movimiento litúrgico,91 don Bosco sitúa la vida sacramental en el cuadro de una piedad cristiana preferentemente nutrida con prácticas piadosas (oración de la mañana y de la noche, meditación, ejercicio mensual de la buena muerte, ejercicios espirituales anuales...), según la costumbre de su ambiente. Ansioso por la salvación eterna y temporal del joven, en la línea de la teología de su tiempo y a pesar de su discreción sobre el papel de la gracia, considera a los sacramentos como canales o signos de la gracia, como fuentes o medíos de salvación: «Estos sacramentos son otros tantos signos sensibles que Dios ha establecido para que nos salvemos, que es lo mismo que decir que los siete sacramentos son como siete canales por los que se nos comunican los favores celestiales desde la divinidad a la humanidad. He aquí, oh cristianos, brevemente expuestos los grandes medios que Jesucristo ha instituido para nuestra salvación».92
Esta definición no se distingue de la que usan generalmente los catecismos y los libros de instrucción religiosa de su época y que parece típica de la teología escolástica y post-tridentina.93
Para Juan Bosco, los sacramentos son los pilares más seguros y eficaces de la fe. A través de ellos, la Iglesia católica ofrece a todos los que quieren recibirlos la certeza de que poseerán un día la vida eterna.94 Pero como sacerdote-educador, preocupado especialmente con el destino de los jóvenes, presenta los sacramentos en su significado para ellos: «Recordad, mis queridos jóvenes, que los dos pilares más fuertes para sosteneros a caminar por la senda del Cielo son los Sacramentos de la Confesión y de la Comunión».95 Como Savio, Magone, Besucco o la joven valdense, también ellos encontrarán en los sacramentos la paz interior y la tranquilidad del alma, que constituyen la base de una vida virtuosa y del logro de la felicidad humana.96
Omitiendo expresiones teológicas, parece que don Bosco atribuye gradualmente, sobre todo en el tema de la comunión, un valor creciente a la eficacia ex opere operato. Los sacramentos son eficaces, no sólo por la fe que suscitan y exigen, sino también a través del deseo que Dios manifiesta en ellos de conceder su gracia, aunque su eficacia no produce beneficios sin las disposiciones para aceptarla. ¿Reduce la pedagogía de don Bosco los sacramentos a simples instrumentos o medios subordinados al proceso educativo? A nuestro parecer, ciertas expresiones suyas, como también el sentido que atribuye al aspecto milagroso, pueden dar ocasión para que se piense en una cierta forma de instrumentalismo sacramental
" Cf. O. ROUSSEAU, Histoire du mouvement liturgique. Esquisse historique depuis le début du XIX siécle jusqu'au pontificat de Pie X, Paris, Éditions du Cerf 1945, p. 149; cf. también: S. MARSILI, Storia del movimento liturgico italiano dalle origini all'Enciclica «Mediator Dei», en: O. RoUSSEAU, Storia del movimento liturgico, Roma, Ed. Paoline 1961, p. 363-369.
Maggio [1858], p. 55-56.58 = OE X, 349-350.352.
" Cf. L.M. CHAUVET, Du symbolique au symbole. Essai sur les sacrements, Paris 1979,
p. 188-190.
" Tema especialmente desarrollado en los escritos apologéticos.
" Regolamento esterni [1877], p. 36 = OE XXIX, 66.
96 Savio [1859], p. 69-70 = OE XI, 219-220; Magone [1861], p. 1723 = OE XIII, 171.177.
Pero una reducción del sacramento a su valor externo, funcional o instrumental nos parece en discordancia con su mentalidad profunda. Para don Bosco los sacramentos son, sin duda, los medios o los instrumentos de la gracia. Pero sobre todo figuran en su idea de que es absolutamente necesario cimentar toda la obra de la educación en el único movimiento que orienta al joven hacía el ideal de la santidad, hacia su destino eterno. Más que simples instrumentos, los sacramentos parecen constituir la conditio sine qua non para que toda intervención educativa llegue a su éxito en sentido pleno. Tienen, pues, su lugar en el cuadro de un movimiento que incluye momentos de educación, pastoral y espiritualidad en una correlación entre naturaleza y gracia, entre humanismo y fe, que tiene su sentido último en el misterio de la soteriología cristiana y católica.92
STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 470.
ECLE DON BOSCOSTICAS Y RELI Y LA FORMA GIOSASCIÓN DE LAS VOCACIONES SIÁ*
Fausto JIMÉNEZ
Una de las facetas más acusadas de don Bosco es su preocupación por proporcionar vocaciones a la Iglesia. Esta actividad lo retrata como hombre de Iglesia, celosísimo del engrandecimiento del Reino, director espiritual acertado. Bastaría para colocarlo entre los sacerdotes beneméritos en la Historia de la Iglesia.
1. Introducción: experiencia personal de don Bosco
La experiencia vivida por don Bosco durante los años de formación y aprendizaje le proporcionan una serie de valores, cultivables y exigibles en toda vocación sacerdotal o religiosa, que luego aconseja y exige.
En noviembre de 1835 entró en el seminario de Chieri. Los seminaristas provenían prevalentemente de zonas rurales.' Existía la persuasión de que el estado que se había de escoger estaba predispuesto por Dios, y de que de ello dependían la salvación o condenación eterna. La oración, la vida inmaculada, la práctica sacramental, las mediaciones de Jesucristo, de la Virgen y de los santos posibilitaban su consecución? En Chieri se deseaba crear un ambiente que sustrajera a los clérigos del mundo turinés, considerado no apto para la formación. Se temía el profesionalismo, el abrazar la carrera eclesiástica para asegurarse un porvenir; por eso don Bosco prefirió «encerrarse» en el seminario en lugar de seguir en pensión como otros comparieros.3
Nosotros podemos inducir unos rasgos de esta experiencia. El primer rasgo es la seguridad de sentirse llamado por Dios desde pequeño;4 por eso insistirá luego en que hay que certificar la voluntad de Dios sobre nosotros respecto a la vocación.
Esta comunicación fue redactada y leída en castellano por el autor (n.d.e.).
1 Cf. P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica e sociale (1815-1870), Roma, LAS 1980,p. 40.
2 Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 46 (ed. 1968).
Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 54-55.75-76; F. DERAMAUT, Don Bosco et la vie spirituelle, Paris, Beauchesne 1967, p. 23-27. ' Cf. MO 29-30.35.44.89.
El segundo rasgo es el descubrimiento de los beneficios de la dirección espiritual: así ve en don Cafasso la manifestación de la voluntad de Dios;' insistirá luego en que se sigan los consejos del confesor o de los superiores. El tercer rasgo es el aprendizaje de la superación de obstáculos: le ayudaron los sueños y los araigos;6 insistirá luego en que las dudas sobre la vocación y los peligros pueden y deben ser superados. El cuarto rasgo es la formación intelectual;' insistirá luego en la necesidad del estudio.
2. Contexto: situación del clero en el siglo XIX
Hay diversos períodos. Hasta mediados del siglo muchos religiosos viven sin preocupaciones apostólicas, recluidos en sus conventos. Los jesuitas eran detestados por sus relaciones con el partido austrófilo y por su antiliberslismo crudo. Sólo las congregaciones venidas de Francia realizaban un. trabajo más fecundo.
En el clero secular había más de 60.000 sacerdotes para 25 millones de habitantes: un cura por cada 400 habitantes. En Italia había 225 diócesis: sólo algunos obispos sobresalían por su celo, como mons. Moreno, obispo de Ivrea, cuyas circulares eran muy leídas por el clero. Este clero era poco celoso en su ministerio: administraban su patrimonio familiar, servían de preceptores o capellanes a alguna familia rica o noble.8 Otros gozaban de libertad casi absoluta respecto a sus obispos; hasta para los seminaristas no era obligatorio residir en el seminario. Su ciencia era rudimentaria (cf. Rosmini y las plagas de la Iglesia): así no pudieron aconsejar a la burguesía en sus crisis de conciencia. Otros son nacionalistas,9 o fanáticos conservadores, o están contaminados secularmente (deshonestidad, rebelión, círculos masónicos). Esto es válido en línea de máxima, pues hay que distinguir entre diócesis: las del Norte, al
menos Piamonte, ofrecen mejor estarapa.i° También había curas ejemplares: don Bosco, Borel, Cafasso, Pallotti..."
A mediados del siglo se dan leyes muy perjudiciales para la Iglesia: supresión del fuero e inmunidades eclesiásticas y diezmo (1850-1851), Ley de los conventos (1855), que suponía la supresión de 721 conventos y la desaparición de 12.000 religiosos.
Cf. MO 133.
6 Cf: MB I, 123-126.243-244.305-306.424-425; II, 243-244.298-300; MO 51-53.58.
7 Cf. MO 110-111.121.123.
8 Cf. E I, 287.
9 Cf. MO 219-220; por ejemplo don Cocchi: MO 214-215. I° Cf. E L 258.
" Cf. R. AUBERT, Pío IX y su época, Valencia, Edicep 1974, p. 85-86.
El clero había disminuido: en casi todas las diócesis el número de sacerdotes muertos superaba al número de ordenandos;" cosa parecida sucedía en la diócesis de Turín, como comprueba mons. Gastaldi en una carta pastoral de enero de 1873. Entre 1871 y 1901 disminuyen los sacerdotes en más del 25%. Muchos sacerdotes estaban arrestados, muchos obispos exiliados," otros no habían sido reconocidos por el Gobierno: así en 1864 había 108 sedes vacantes." Había cambiado la mentalidad: desaparecen muchos curas sin función parroquial; aparece un nuevo tipo de pastor de mejor conducta moral, más
cercano al pueblo, pero poco preparado intelectualmente.°
Las causas de este fenómeno que se apuntan son: la corrupción había penetrado en las mismas familias. En las escuelas públicas la enseñanza estaba en manos de maestros descreídos. Faltaban recursos económicos, por las desamortizaciones. Había aumentado la separación entre ricos y pobres: éstos no podían sostener a sus hijos en el seminario.
Los remedios tienden a contrarrestar las causas. Puesto que se trataba de un languidecimiento general de la fe en las familias, debía promoverse una re-cristianización con misiones populares, con la fe en las familias, con la instrucción de chicos y chicas en materia religiosa. Había que favorecer la creación de escuelas, asilos, colegios, lugares de esparcimiento. Como habían disminuido las vocaciones eclesiásticas de la nobleza y del ámbito burgués, había que buscar las vocaciones en la población rural, exponiéndose al peligro de rebajar el nivel cultural del clero y su eficacia evangelizadora. Al no estar los seminarios menores reservados a los que aspiraban al sacerdocio, era necesario establecer casas exclusivamente para seminaristas menores. Este problema-se sintió en Valdocco y Mirabello: don Bosco llama hurto al estudio realizado a expensas de don Bosco para volver luego al mundo o marchar a la diócesis;16 pero no tuvo dificultad en cuanto al origen campesino de las vocaciones: él mismo era
uno de ellos.
A finales de siglo existían buenas esperanzas; pero el clero diocesano apenas logra igualar vocaciones y decesos. Las congregaciones religiosas crecieron, especialmente jesuitas, Hijas de la Caridad, salesianos, salesianas.'
Así lo afirman autores contemporáneos, como Frassinetti en 1867 y Liborio Rossi en 1876.
Cf. MB VIII, 62.72.
" Cf. MB VIII, 62; X, 427-429.
'5 Cf. R. AUBERT, L'Eglise dans le monde moderne, Paris, Ed. du Seuil 1975, p. 91-96.
16 Cf. MB XII, 448.
17 Un tratamiento más amplio en: STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 359-367. Véase también el sueño
de don Bosco titulado «Trabajo, trabajo, trabajo», tenido la noche del 29 al 30 de septiembre de 1885 (MB XVII, 383-384).
3. Realizaciones de don Bosco
Don Bosco conoce esta situación; pero no se detiene en lamentos, sino que pasa a las realizaciones inmediatamente.
3.1. De los eclesiásticos a los laicos
Se dirige en primer lugar a sus colegas sacerdotes, jóvenes o no, con tal de que sean celosos. Acabarán abandonándolo, como contempla en el sueño de la pérgola de 1847.18 Desde 1850 disminuye el recurso a los sacerdotes diocesa
nos, y aumenta el empleo de clérigos y sacerdotes «de don Bosco», es decir, residentes con él en el Oratorio."
Entonces busca apoyo en los laicos, e incluso en los jóvenes. Comenzó con ocho o diez maestrillos; luego aumenta el número." Posteriormente inserta a
los laicos en la Sociedad salesiana;21 rechazado esto, propone a los Cooperadores la misma mies de la Congregación.22
3.2. Vocaciones religiosas de varones
Su preocupación por las vocaciones religiosas en general fue constante en toda su vida. Preparando una audiencia papal en abril de 1860, aboga por el establecimiento de los respectivos noviciados y por la inserción de los religio
sos de vida contemplativa en la catequesis de los niños, en la instrucción religiosa a los jóvenes y en la pastoral sacramental."
Aparte los salesianos, tuvo contacto con familias religiosas concretas: rosminianos, barnabitas, filipinos, Cottolengo. Incluso aconseja sobre la fundación de una congregación de hermanos laicos a un sacerdote alemán en 1887.24
" Cf. MO 161.163-164.218-221.
" Cf. E I, 29-30; STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 172.
20 MO 183-184.206-207.
21 Cf. MB VII, 885: Reglas de 1864, capítulo 16 «De externis»; MB X, 889: Reglas de 1873, Apéndice.
" MB XI, 542. Continuará valiéndose de los laicos (E I, 144) y favoreciendo sus asociaciones (E II, 372).
23 Cf. E III, 562.
24 Puede verse la correspondencia con los rosminianos en E I, 12.15.23.24.26.31.32.47.105. El sacerdote alemán Domingo Ríngeisen (1835-1904) había abierto en 1884 en Ursberg (Suabia) un hospicio para deficientes. Para ello fundó una Congregación de Hermanas, y dudaba sobre la fundación de otra Congregación de Hermanos: don Bosco le contesta el 25 de junio de 1887 recordándole que él tiene a los salesianos coadjutores (E IV, 379).
3.3. Vocaciones religiosas de mujeres
Se preocupó de chicas con posible vocación religiosa, como es fácil documentar a través de sus cartas." Aparte las Hijas de María Auxiliadora, tuvo relaciones efectivas con diversas familias de religiosas: Compañeras Fieles de Jesús, Nobles Oblatas, Dominicas, Hijas de la Visitación, Hermanas de la Misericordia, Damas del Sagrado Corazón, Carmelitas de París. Excepto con las Dominicas y Carmelitas, la relación con las otras Familias fue duradera.26
Las condiciones para una vocación de religiosa puedan ser deducidas de las no muy numerosas cartas dirigidas a jóvenes religiosas. Sintetizando el contenido, éstas serían las condiciones: salud, buenas costumbres, buena índole, motivación sobrenatural. Negativamente, no valen para salesíanas las superficiales, las viciadas, las insinceras, según el sueño-apólogo del 31 de diciembre de 81. Y los mdios serían: oración y meditación, confianza en las superioras y en 18 el confesor,e observancia de las Reglas, obediencia y humildad, recuerdo
del premio eterno que nos espera."
3.4. Vocaciones para el estado eclesiástico en Valdocco
Las diócesis que tuvieron seminaristas en Valdocco fueron, al menos, Acquí, Asti, Casale, Chieri, Saluzzo, Turín, Vercelli, Vigévano, con cuyos obispos o Vicarios hay relación epistolar abundante, tratando de sus residentes
respectivos.28
También se preocupó de seculares que pudieran prepararse para las misio
nes. Escribe a don Dionisio Halinan, irlandés, que busque a jóvenes de lengua nativa inglesa con vocación para misioneros, y que se los mande a Turín para enviarlos luego a las misiones bajo dominio de la Gran Bretaña. Estuvo en tratos con mons. Quinn, obispo en Australia, para recibir gratuitamente a jóvenes de allí, educarlos, y devolverlos luego o sacerdotes seculares o salesianos.29
25 E I, 339.355; II, 209.
26 Con las Fieles Compañeras de Jesús: E I, 372518; II, 20.165. Con las Nobles Oblatas:
E I, 430.439.491; II, 281291; IV, 42. Con las Dominicas: E I, 436. Con las Hijas de la Visitación: E II, 55; IV; 281. Con las Hermanas de la Misericordia: E III, 584. Con las Damas del Sagrado Corazón: E IV, 166.185. Con las Carmelitas de París: E IV, 413. Con las Hijas de María Auxiliadora el trato es más abundante: sobre la fundación, cf. Cronistoria I, passim; sobre Momese, cf. E I, 323.336.435; sobre el Oratorio femenino de HMA en Turín, cf. E II, 446.487; In, 30.
27 Su doctrina sobre la vocación religiosa femenina se halla dispersa en estas cartas: E I, 311.419; II, 491-492; III, 633.634; IV, 290. Cf. también MB XV, 364-366, y el Testamento espiri
tual, en: Bosco, Saint pedagogici, p. 347.
Sobre Acqui: E II, 205.477-478. Sobre Asti: E I, 211.265-266.268 y MB VI, 740; VII, 410
411. Sobre Casale: E I, 287; II, 79.81. Sobre Chieri: E I, 21.23-24. Sobre Saltim: E I, 242.281. Para los casos de administración ordinaria en relación con la diócesis de Turín: E I, 112.171.278
279283.357. Sobre Vigévano: E III, 389. Sobre Vercelli: E I, 219. 29 Sobre las misiones: E II, 340.387-388.404.456.
Don Bosco alude varias veces al número de clérigos hospedados." El 26 de junio de 1866 dice que son 50 entre Turín y Lanzo. El 21 de octubre de 1876 habla de 50 clérigos que visten todavía de paisano por imposibilidad de comprarles hábitos eclesiásticos. El 31 de julio de 1878 habla de 300 clérigos al canónigo Clemente Guiol, de Marsella. Esta cifra redonda la repite en 1879, 1880, 1881. Tales cifras parecen propagandísticas, aun cuando se refieran a todas las casas de don Bosco.
P. Stella hace unas precisiones referidas a los años 1847-1870: el número de clérigos nunca fue preponderante ni extremadamente vistoso en el Oratorio. Entre 1847 y 1853 sí hubo hospedados algunos sacerdotes que ayudaban a don Bosco, según el «Repertorio doméstico», autógrafo de don Bosco, pero muy pocos clérigos del seminario: más bien fueron acogidos en la comunidad de los oratorianos de San Felipe Neri. Existe también el «Anágrafe» o «Censo de 1847 a 1869»; pero no se puede esperar de él un número completo de clérigos. Sí parece válida esta estadística para 1868: de 804 residentes en el Oratorio, había 35 estudiantes de teología y 24 estudiantes de filosofía; es decir, el número de clérigos era el 7,34% del total de residentes en Valdocco. No obstante, era el grupo más influyente?'
En cuanto a la edad de los clérigos residentes, los sacerdotes, siempre en número muy restringido, presentan fuertes oscilaciones en la media de edad. Entre los clérigos existen las vocaciones tardías, cuya edad se acerca a los 30 años. Pero la mayor parte son estudiantes de filosofía y teología, cuya edad oscila entre los 16 y los 24 años: su media de edad está entre los 17 y los 19 años.
Económicamente, el sostenimiento de esta masa de jóvenes y clérigos representó para don Bosco una fuente de preocupaciones constantes respecto a su mantenimiento, alojamiento y vestido. Desde 1854 las pensiones mensuales de los clérigos se estabilizaron durante algunos años entre las 40/45 liras. Pero las pensiones se reducían en Valdocco y Mirabello; no en los colegios, en los que se suponía que las familias podían pagar. Ahora bien, las pensiones eran insuficientes para los gastos; por eso don Bosco recurre en muchas ocasiones a la curia de Turín, a párrocos, a bienhechores, a Instituciones oficiales y al mismo rey en demanda de ayuda.32 Otra fuente de preocupaciones económicas fueron el patrimonio eclesiástico y la leva del servicio militar de los clérigos, para los que también pide ayuda a todo tipo de personas.33
3° E I, 406; 111, 69.106.371.463.625.638-639; IV, 77.90.
31 Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economice, p. 182-183.196.
32 Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economice, p. 373-377. Pueden verse las cartas dirigidas al canónigo Vogliotti desde 1855 a 1866 sobre pensiones de seminaristas concretos: E I, 117.172173.188.212.325.337.602; o al párroco de Beinasco: E I, 210; o a Paolo Boselli: E II, 310; o a la condesa Carlotta Callori: E I, 356; o al rey Víctor Manue111: E I, 212-213.223.
33 Para el patrimonio eclesiástico: E I, 243.407-408.411.501-502; II, 6. Para la exención del servicio militar: E I, 392; II, 113.117-118.125.168.172.210.229.309.414.417 .485.
Las dificultades económicas no fueron las únicas. Dificultades jurídicas le provienen de la autoridad civil, que le acusa de que los estudios de los clérigos no están en armonía con las directrices gubernativas, y que le exige presentar el Decreto de aprobación de la Congregación salesiana para el Exequatur regio .34 A pesar de todo, las dificultades más dolorosas y largas le provienen de la autoridad eclesiástica de Turín ante la pretendida autonomía para su Institución. Con la autoridad civil logra capear el temporal; con la autoridad eclesiástica no tiene más remedio que buscar la aprobación de la Congregación directamente por la Santa Sede."
3.5. Seminarios menores
La ocasión le viene ofrecida por la Ley Casati de 1859, que pedía a las Administraciones municipales la instrucción primaria y secundaria. Se presentaba la posibilidad de insertarse en el juego de los ayuntamientos, que buscaban salidas para promover las escuelas públicas sin demasiadas cargas financieras. Don Bosco se mostró sensible a las nuevas perspectivas, ofreciéndose en primer lugar a los obispos para la dirección de seminarios diocesanos; y prefiriendo después el camino de los colegios-internados municipales. Así, después de 1860, amplió las finalidades de la Congregación, añadiendo un artículo sobre el cultivo de las vocaciones eclesiásticas, pero exigiendo el permiso de la Santa Sede para encargarse de seminarios, caso por caso.
La primera experiencia de este tipo fue realizada en Giaveno (1860-1862). Allí existía un seminario menor, floreciente hacia` 1840, pero decaído posteriormente. El Ayuntamiento quería comprar los locales para poner un colegio municipal. Presentada la propuesta a mons. Fransoni, replicó que estaba dispuesto a confiar su renacimiento a don. Bosco. Los tratos comenzaron en mayo de 1859 entre don Bosco y el alcalde. El canónigo Vogliotti y don Bosco fueron a Giaveno el 27 de julio de 1860; pero no llegaron a un acuerdo, porque el Municipio no quiso elevar su cuota de ayuda. Por eso se determinó convertirlo en Seminario menor simplemente.
La curia de Turín nombró director a don Juan Grassino. Don Bosco mandó al sacerdote Juan Rocchietti como director espiritual, y a varios clérigos, que se encargaron de la economía, la disciplina y la asistencia, y a un grupo escogido de jóvenes de Valdocco. Los alumnos subieron desde 110 en 1860 a unos 240 en 1861. Pero surgieron discrepancias entre la línea educativa
" Cf. E I, 270.273.
" Las dificultades con la Curia diocesana de Turín acompañaron al nacimiento de los salesianos: E I, 169-170.291.292.321.510.572-574.590-593.596-597.599. Continuaron tras la aprobación de la Congregación salesiana el 1 de marzo de 1869: E II, 32-33.34.64.240.244.277-278.281282.299-300. Y perduraron tras la aprobación de las Constituciones el 3 de abril de 1874. Puede consultarse STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 150-1.56.
del rector y la de don Bosco. La curia, por otra parte, no quería que se considerase una sola cosa a Valdocco y a Giaveno, como afirmaba don Bosco. Fransoni murió el 26 de mayo de 1862. Con el nuevo Vícario'Capitular, mons. Zappata, se siguió una línea media: se cambió al rector, pero se rompió el contrato con el Oratorio. Algunos de los salesianos pasaron al clero diocesano; Bongiovanni y Boggero volvieron al Oratorio, recorriendo a pie el camino desde Giaveno a Turín: ni para el viaje recibieron dinero.36
Otra experiencia, con éxito, tuvo lugar en Mirabello (1863-1869). La diócesis de Casale Monferrato no tenía seminario menor, por haber sido nacionalizados los locales. El obispo, mons. Calabiana, se puso de acuerdo con don Bosco. Gracias a la cesión de terrenos por Vicente Provera, padre del clérigo salesiano Francisco Provera, y con la supervisión de Buzzetti, se ultimaron los trabajos en el otoño de 1862. La obra costó 100.000 francos?'
El 13 de octubre de 1863 llegaron los salesianos: don Rua como director, cuatro clérigos y cuatro jóvenes como enseñantes, todos de pocos años.38 Internamente había una dificultad: muchos estudiantes acudían sin intención de seguir la carrera sacerdotal. Don Bosco se mostró inflexible en esto en algunas cartas dirigidas a don Rua.39 Con esta exigencia, el seminario mayor de Casale pasó en pocos años de tener 20 clérigos de filosofía-teología a tener 120, gracias a los provenientes de Mirabello.
Otra dificultad fue estatal: Occimiano, del que dependía Mirabello, lo consideraba un colegio privado y, por tanto, sujeto a impuestos. Don Bosco recurrió directamente al ministro de Finanzas, Urbano Rattazzi, que le concedió la exención tributaria. La otra dificultad fue escolástica: el inspector de enseñanza de Alessandria lo calificó de colegio ilegal por no tener la autorización escolar; mons. Calabiana lo reconoció como colegio menor diocesano." Pero a la postre resultó pequeño y alejado de las vías de comunicación; por eso fue, trasladado a Borgo San Martino, abandonando el título de seminario menor y manteniendo el de colegio de San Carlos.°
Otra experiencia tuvo lugar en Magliano Sahino, diócesis suburbicaria de Roma. A instancias de su obispo, cardenal Bilio, asumió don Bosco en 1878 la dirección de estudios y la administración del seminario. Aquí don Bosco no quiso la mezcla de aspirantes y no aspirantes al sacerdocio, formando un cole
36 La correspondencia sobre Giaveno es: E I, 188.192.193.208-209. Cf. también MB VI, 720.731.1043; VII, 137-145.147-149. Buen resumen en: STELLA, Don Bosco nella stork economica, p. 128-130.
37 Cf. MB VII, 409.
38 Cf. MB VII, 522.
39 Cf. E I, 284.347.
4° Cf. E I, 472-473.491-492. Buen resumen en: STELLA, Don Bosco nella stork economica, p. 130-133.
4 E II, 98.103.
gio distinto en una parte alquilada del vasto edificio, quedando don Bosco muy contento. Director era don José Daghero.42
En 1874 falló la fundación de otro colegio en Ceccano (Lado); y algo pare
cido sucedió en Florencia:"
Como nota curiosa para ver esta ayuda de don Bosco a los seminarios, está
el hecho de que, en base a una convención regular, don Bosco mandó a las salesianas a prestar asistencia en cocina y ropería para obras masculinas no a una casa salesiana, sino al seminario episcopal de Biella, en septiembre de 1876; sólo después las envió para el mismo oficio al colegio salesiano de Alassio.
3.6. Vocaciones de adultos
El origen de obras específicas en favor de las vocaciones tardías parece fruto de la maduración de una idea sostenida durante años. Adultos, como as
pirantes y novicios, había ya antes. Incluso parece que la «Obra de María Auxiliadora» en favor de las vocaciones tardías no cambió sensiblemente la proporción de adultos. La tensión con mons. Gastaldi pudo favorecer la maduración de la idea. El sueño tenido a principios de 1875 pudo suponer el espaldarazo, ya que para don Bosco manifestó el «querer divino», y gracias a él comprobó la proporción mayor de perseverancia entre los adultos."
Efectivamente, el 9 de diciembre de 1875 reunió en Sampierdarena estas vocaciones. Allí llega a reunir entre cien y 130 con este fin especifico, y se suscita un gran entusiamso por ir a las misiones.° Simultáneamente continúa en Turín una clase de vocaciones adultas, bajo la guía de don Luis Guanella." En 1876 don Bosco anduvo en tratos para establecer otra casa semejante en Roma, pero no cuajó.47 Desde Sampierdarena fueron trasladados a Mathi Torinese en 1883; y en 1884 volvieron a Turín, pero a San Juan Evangelista."
Don Bosco expuso muchas veces cuál era la naturaleza y finalidad de esta obra: recoger jóvenes adultos, con cualidades para el estudio, y con voluntad de abrazar el estado eclesiástico. Reciben unos cursos específicos acelerados para ellos. Acabados estos estudios, y certificada la vocación, los alumnos quedan libres de volver a la diócesis con sus respectivos obispos, de abrazar el estado religioso, o de dedicarse a las misiones extranjeras. En 1884, hablando a
E m, 177-178.183.297.
43 E II, 370; IV, 86-87.
44 Cf. E II, 96.237-238; MB XI, 32-33. 43 E II, 524.526.530; III, 18.36.95.
46 E III, 39-40.42.104.
47 E 130-131.137.
48 Cf. E IV, 499. Sobre las vicisitudes de la «Obra de María Auxiliadora para las vocaciones
tardías» tras la muerte de don Bosco, cf. E. VALENTINI, Don Bosco y Le vocazioni tardive, en «Salesianum» 20 (1960) 462-466. Esta «Obra» fue siempre muy querida y recomendada por don Bosco: cf. Bosco, Scrittí pedagogici, p. 330-331.
los Salesianos, afirma don Bosco: «Hijos de María están para la acción, mientras que los pequeños que vienen a nuestras casas.
» .49. , la edad (entre 16/30 años) .50
Las dificultades no han sido también ausentes de esta obra: unas condiciones del exterior y otras del interior. Obtención de la bendición e indulgencias de la Santa Sede, "don Bosco prorrogar el programa definitivo, y mandó todo al obispado de Turín para el" Nihil obstat "para su publicación. Aquí está disponible un litigio entre Don Bosco y Gastaldi, al que apoyaba mons. Moreno, obispo de Ivrea.52 Este es un litigio más amplio, pero que también está involucrado en esta obra. En total, Don Bosco se entiende con mons. Manacorda e imprime todo en Fossano.53 En la política, Don Bosco se queja de que No se ha comprendido su idea, y aclara: «Esta obra se dirige al bien general de la Iglesia, y
no parece que pueda ligarse a un ordinario», 54 que era lo que pretendía Gastaldi.
En Valdocco tampoco comprendieron todos la presencia de vocaciones adultas; y se formaron dos bandos: el vicedirector del Oratorio, cediendo a una facción, suprimimos esta "escuela de fuego", como se llama la llama. Don Guanella había sido nombrado director de Trinidad, don Bosco estaba ausente. Los adultos fueron distribuidos entre otras clases o mandados a Sampierda
. "Don Bosco, enterado, lamentó esta decisión, y la hizo resurgir como clase especial en 1877-1878".
El resultado fundamental es la mayor perseverancia de los que han entrado adultos: perseveran 90 sobre cien que tocan; "En el curso 18741875 había recogidos unos 100 jóvenes adultos: de los 35 que acabaron los estudios literarios, ocho fueron misiones, seis al estado religioso, 21 a las respectivas diócesis. En años posteriores han publicado el número. Entre los primeros
salesianos hay casos muy conocidos de vocaciones tardías: Lago, Rinaldi, Ghivarello, Fagnano ...
"MB XVII, 546.
5 ° E II, 529; III, 23.130-131.561-562. El Reglamento puede verse en MB XI, 532-533. Don
Bosco dio a conocer esta obra en el medio de la imprenta: Opera di Maria Ausiliatrice per le vocazioni ello stato ecclesiastico (texto en: OE XVIII, 1-7, que tuvo varias ediciones (cf. P. STELLA, Gli
scritti a stampa di San Giovanni Bosco, Roma LAS, 1977, p. 56.60.111.113.116.133.143. A este opusculo alude don Bosco en sus cartas: EDI, 187.197.431.443.
51 Cf. E II, 473.
52 Cf. E II, 491.
53 E II, 493-494.495.500.502-503.511. Se prohibió la publicación de esta noticia sobre esta
Obra en el periódico «L'Unitá Cattolica»: puede verse al respecto E II, 529; II, 95-96.97.98.100-101.
54 E II, 292.
55 E DI, 110; IV, 115. Su actitud ante estas dificultades puede verse en MB XI, 52.54.77. Y un tratado sintético en MB XI, 31-70.
56 Cf. E III, 130.
"Cf. E III, 131-132.
También le conviene recordar que don Bosco tuvo una buena acogida en el Oratorio, sacerdotes jubilados y varios sacerdotes en el estado irregular
. Es una pequeña parte de un gran movimiento de la promoción de las vocaciones, como las relaciones con José Frassinetti o Almerigo Guerra.6 ° Y tiene siempre un sentido de Iglesia, que explicita en su "Testamento espiritual": «Recordemos que regalamos un tesoro a la Iglesia cuando procuramos una buena vocación: que esta vocación y este sacerdote vaya a la diócesis, las misiones o una casa religiosa, no importa. Es siempre un gran tesoro que se encuentra en la Iglesia de Jesucristo »6 '
4. Pastoral vocacional según don bosco.
F.1 lugar de germinación de las vocaciones era la familia y la escuela. Ahora la corrupción ha invadido a la familia; La escuela está en manos de profesores descreídos. Tras la revolución francesa y las diversas desamortizaciones, escasean las vocaciones de las clases altas: se trata en la necesidad y la tendencia común de dirigirse a las clases populares. Don Bosco, en sus predicaciones por las parroquias de los pueblos, buscar a los chicos con una posible vocación; 62 intentará sacar vocaciones de los trabajadores de la azada y el martillo, y acabaré en un ambiente propicio, diseñado para este fin, afirmando que La Congregación Salesiana ha surgido para promover las vocaciones eclesiásticas entre la juventud pobre y la baja condición »63 Efectivamente, los clérigos reunidos en Valdocco, y los salesianos, provienen en casi su
Toda la parte de las zonas rurales. "
Ya dentro de su casa"
.
"Cf. E II, 155 (Bodrato); II, 231.236; III, 295-296 (Lago); II, 262.357.368-369 (Pavesio); 345.351 (Chiala); II, 455 (Mons. Negrotto); Hl , 146 (Benvenuto); III, 283 (Confortola); III, 372 (Garelli); IV, 295-296.297-298.431-435 (Czartoryski) ... Sobre jubilados: III, 294; IV, 232-233. Sobre sacerdotes en estado irregular: EI, 232-233.283287.370.597; III, 512.
59 Cf. IE, 440.
6 ° Cf. E II, 31.
61 Testamento espiritual, en: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, 330.352. Puede verse también E III, 157.384; IV, 328.333.336. Este mismo sentido edesial aparece en las Constituciones de los Salesianos de 1874: «I. Fin de la Sociedad», y en la parte tercera del Reglamento de los Cooperadores: los textos pueden verse en: BAC, 667 y 735 respectivamente. Hasta en la inconsciencia del sueño está actuando este sentido de Iglesia en el sueño del 15 de marzo de 1875 (MB XI, 34).
62 Cf. MB V, 392-393.
63 Testamento espiritual, en Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 329-330.
" Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco nella simia economice, p. 186-187.306; DESRAMAUT, Don Bosco,
p. 31-32.
radores es la parroquin;63 para salesianos y salesianas, el Oratorio y las casas salesianas. Don Bosco es el primer encargado. Exige a sus colaboradores clima de familia, profunda religiosidad interior, visión religiosa del mundo, cooperación a la salvación de chicos y chicas. Así la respuesta de los jóvenes puede surgir espontánea, por la confianza reinante («hacerse amar»).
Este empeño es más personalizado e intenso si se trata de jóvenes llamados al sacerdocio o a la vida religiosa: los ayuda a desplazar gradualmente el acento desde la propia persona a las de los demás. Así la motivación acabará en entusiasmo y celo por la gloria de Díos y la salvación de las almas.66 Las motivaciones están refrendadas por el testimonio, por el compromiso con que se vive la propia vocación en lo concreto de la vida, proponiéndose como modelo de comportamiento." Uno se convierte en propuesta para los jóvenes que tienen las dotes oportunas. La corroboración de cualquier motivación es don de Dios; por ello, es necesario el recurso a la oración, los sacramentos, la piedad mariana, la dirección espiritual.
Dentro del ambiente hay que promover las asociaciones juveniles («Compañías» en términos de don Bosco), que son, entre otras cosas, el «sostenimiento de las vocaciones eclesiásticas y religiosas».68 Aplica esto también a los artesanos: «Procure cada hermano, con el buen ejemplo y la caridad, inspirar en los alumnos el deseo de formar parte de nuestra Sociedad»." Del mal ambiente reinante proviene el «que muchos no corresponden a su vocación»."
La vocación es una llamada de Dios, a la que el hombre responde. «Dios, en sus eternos designios, destina a cada uno a un género de vida y le da las gracias necesarias a ese estado», dice en El joven cristiano!' Por eso el prerrequisito esencial es moverse por motivos sobrenaturales" y certificar previamente la voluntad de Dios sobre la elección de estado. Lo repite muchas veces a jóvenes y clérigos."
Las condiciones para la vocación están indicadas en muchos lugares; baste recordar las enumeradas en Valentino o la vocazione impedita (1866): honestidad de costumbres, ciencia, espíritu eclesiástico, amor preferencial al sacerdocio por encima de cualquier profesión." El trinomio salud-estudio-piedad es
63 Cf. Reglamento, cap. 5.
66 Puede comprobarse en los consejos que da en las cartas E I, 131.162.298.372; IV, 10.13.
67 Cf. II, 52.
68 Cf. E III, 7-8.164.
69 MB XVIII, 700-701.
78 Cf. Carta desde Roma (1884), en: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 293.
7' La primera edición de El joven cristiano es de 1847. Aquí seguimos la edición 121*, de 1891, que es la última revisada por Don Bosco, en la parte primera, letra D. Repite este pensa
miento en la Introducción a las Constituciones de los salesianos de 1874. Las Reglas primitivas
presentadas por don Bosco a Pío IX se hallan en MB V, 931-940. Los textos latinos de las de 1874, en MB X, 956-993.
7° Cf. E I, 371.
73 Puede comprobarse en E I, 150.411.589; II, 200; TIT, 476; IV, 89.142. " Cf. E I, 194.198.
indispensable." Una vez certificada la voluntad de Dios, y poseídas estas condiciones, hay que poner algunos medios para conservar esta llamada, como el temor de Dios," la práctica de algunas virtudes, como la alegría, la humildad, la caridad, la castidad. Hay que huir de los malos compañeros y del ocio, frecuentar los sacramentos y tener devoción a María. En términos generales, éstas son también las condiciones para ser admitidos como salesianos."
En el período de formación inicial pueden surgir dudas acerca de la vocación: han de ser rechazadas como tentaciones del demonio." Para sostener la vocación hay que emplear los medios naturales (salud, estudio)" y sobrenaturales (oración, meditación, sacramentos, cumplimiento de las Reglas, práctica de algunas virtudes: obediencia, castidad), llegando de esta manera a adquirir un porte eclesiástico en andar, vestir... Y hay que evitar los peligros: vacaciones, periódicos y libros malos, compañeros y conversaciones obscenas, ocio.8°
En el período de la formación permanente sólo enumera medios sobrenaturales: devota preparación y acción de gracias de la misa, meditación, visita al Santísimo Sacramento y lectura espiritual diarias, confesión frecuente, ejercicio
mensual de la Buena Muerte.81
En síntesis,82 podríamos afirmar: el proceso educativo culmina en la elección de estado. E1 proceso vocacional gira en torno e dos polos: un conjunto de elementos psicológicos, especialmente afectivos, que ligan al joven con don Bosco y a sus actividades: sobre esta atracción personal hay muchos testimonios.83 El segundo polo es el conjunto de elementos religiosos y transcendentes. El entregarse a Dios, atraídos por don Bosco, se convierte en atracción hacia el estado eclesiástico y religioso, eligiendo un estado de vida, que es correspondencia a la llamada de Dios, y del que depende el resto de la propia
vida terrena y ultraterrena. 7° Cf. E I, 543.580; EDI, 347.
76 Cf. E I, 194.198.
7° Cf. E I, 195-198.298.299.332; II, 293. Ver MB XI, 573-574; XVI, 264.
78 Así dice en la Introducción a las Constituciones de los salesianos. Texto en: BAC, 663
664. Cf E I, 275; II, 198.442; 111, 28; IV, 179.
7° Cf. Testamento espiritual, en: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 334; E I, 170.195-197; II,
318.422.
a° Santidad en general: E I, 379; II, 341. Oración, sacramentos: E I, 516; II, 84; III,
381.390.303.394; IV, 10. Cumplimiento de las Reglas: E I, 372; II, 106.120.365.446; IV, 299. Obediencia: E II, 115.238; III, 343. Castidad: E I, 118.127.132.146; Testamento espiritual, en:
Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 330. Porte eclesiástico: E I, 194. En El joven cristiano y en la Introducción a las Constituciones de los salesianos y en los Recuerdos a los misioneros trata sintética
mente de los medios para conservar la vocación (textos en: BAC, 543-544 y 646-647 y en: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 123). Peligros: Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 330.
81 E II, 90; DI, 57.
87 Un resumen excelente y suficientemente amplio sobre ambiente, medios, peligros y fases en
la formación de las vocaciones es ofrecido por el mismo don Bosco en su Testamento espiritual:
Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 317.331-334.
83 Cf. E I, 119-120.122-123 y MB V, 375-376; E I, 130-131.151.158.159-160.196.276; II,
57.58.62-63.311; DI, 247.579-580; IV, 10.164.
Podemos preguntarnos: ¿Hasta qué punto el joven se siente libre de don Bosco? Bastaría leer la carta del clérigo José Cagliero al arzobispo de Turín para descubrir los múltiples lazos que lo unen a don Bosco; per allí mismo afirma explícitamente: «Don Bosco me ha dejado siempre libre».84 (Pero fue don Bosco mismo quien redactó la carta, que se conserva autógrafa). Parece compatible atracción y libertad; baste un ejemplo. Escribe don Bosco al padre del joven Teodoro Harmel: «Yo querría que se quedase (su hijo); pero él insiste, y yo no puedo hacerle quedar por la fuerza».85
5. Perseverancia
Don Bosco era consciente de este problema; ante él adoptó una actitud de serena prudencia. Baste recordar esta recomendación a don Rua: «No te
extrañes de las deserciones de algunos hermanos. Es una cosa natural en el gran número ».86
¿Es posible individuar los tantos por ciento de perseverancia entre las vocaciones promovidas por don Bosco? A principios de 1875, en una conferenda al Consejo general, don Bosco dice que el 15%, dos sobre diez, llegan a vestir el hábito eclesiástico; pero que entre los que entran ya adultos ocho sobre diez toman el hábito eclesiástico." Hay otros datos del mismo don Bosco sobre perseverancia, pero parecen propagandísticos.88 Estadísticamente, y referidos a los salesianos, entre 1870-1875, de 471 novicios profesaron 170 = 36%, y abandonarían definitivamente la Congregación 124 = 26,6%." Se conocen bastantes casos concretos de abandono de salesianos, como los hermanos Cuffia, don Pirro, Berra, don José Betti, don Augusto Biancardi."
Y como curiosidad, podemos preguntarnos: ¿Cuántos sacerdotes salieron de los cuidados de don Bosco? El 29 de enero de 1878 escribe don Bosco a don Rua: «Di a Barale que los sacerdotes salidos del Oratorio son más de dos mil quinientos, entre el Oratorio y las casas anejas».91 Y el 14 de febrero del mismo año escribe a don Juan Bonetti: «Has indicado seiscientos sacerdotes salidos de nuestras casas, mientras que debías poner cuatro veces más ».92
84 Cf. E II, 58.
87 E IV, 162-163.
" Cf. E I, 424-425; MB XII, 387-388; XLII, 811-812.
87 Cf. MB XI, 33.
88 Por ejemplo, los comunicados a mons. Gastaldi en carta del 23 de noviembre de 1872 (E
II, 239-240 = MB X, 686-687), o los referidos en MB V, 408-412, o los enviados al canónigo de Marsella Clemente Guiol (E 111, 371= MB XIII, 735).
89 Más ampliamente en: STELLA, Don Bosco 111, p. 394; ID, Don Bosco nella storia económica, p. 319.321.
Cf. E I, 422; II, 394.407-408; III, 61; IV, 24.32.197.252. Es curioso el caso de don Guanella: E II, 423; III, 351.362-363.369.
81 E III, 284.
n E III, 296. Alude aquí explícitamente a un artículo vivaz de don Bonetti, aparecido en el
6. Afirmaciones conclusivas
1. Los consejos que da y el programa que propone coinciden con la tradición de la doctrina ascética tradicional aplicada a clérigos y religiosos.
2. Da la impresión de que don Bosco se cuida más de la cantidad que de la calidad; es decir, sacerdotes capaces de realizar las exigencias pastorales de sa
cramentalización y catequesis fundamentales.
3. Sería necesario un estudio pormenorizado de la educación impartida en
los seminarios diocesanos, que consintiera un juício sobre la originalidad de
don Bosco, si la hubiere.
4. La formación de sacerdotes y religiosos parece una de las obsesiones de
don Bosco; y es una herencia explícita dejada a toda su Familia: salesianos, sa
lesianas, cooperadores, misioneros.
5. De todos modos, es admirable que un hombre sin bases económicas fa
miliares, proveniente de un ambiente rural, sin contactos influyentes anteriores, haya sido capaz de mover tal masa de riquezas, obras y personas jóvenes o adultas en favor del estado eclesiástico y religioso. En términos religiosos esto
suele llamarse celo apostólico.
6. El tanto por ciento de perseverancia en tiempos de don Bosco no es
muy distinto del que arrojan las estadísticas actuales. La diferencia está entre las magnitudes o números de que parte, o de los que se ven impulsados por él
a iniciar el estado eclesiástico o religioso.
7. El problema de la atracción-libertad existió ciertamente, porque el imán
no puede perder su naturaleza; y la excelencia, como el bien, es difusiva. Es decir: don Bosco mismo resultaba la mejor propaganda vocacional.
«Bollettino Salesiano» de febrero de 1878, p. 4, titulado: «La Congregazione salesiana e le vaca
- zioni ecdesiastiche».
DON BOSCO
Y LA CULTURA POPULAR
DON BOSCO
EN LA HISTORIA DE LA CULTURA POPULAR EN ITALIA
Francesco TRANTELLO
1. Cultura popular y ámbito semántico
Hace algunos decenios, Luigi Russo, trazando un perfil de la cultura popular en Italia, observaba con pena que los mazzinianos no habían podido contraponer una cultura popular propia a la de sus adversarios, de modo que «el artificio de la cultura popular católica fue pasando a las venas de cada italiano»? Tomaba una vez más, polémicamente, según su estilo, el tema de la persistencia de este filón subterráneo de la cultura nacional, que se había manifestado en condiciones de resistir, como un zueco consistente, las numerosas transformaciones de la sociedad italiana y dotado de una autonomía propia sustancial respecto de las culturas de los grupos selectos. Un problema análogo había atraído la atención de otros muchos que se habían detenido en la historia de la cultura nacional bajo una óptica civil y política y que habían constatado la deforme polaridad permanente entre cultura popular y cultura de selectos. La cuestión, que se enlaza naturalmente con la de la influencia del catolicismo en Italia, va ininterrumpidamente desde Francesco De Sanctis hasta Antonio Gramsci, que le dedicará análisis precisos en el cuadro de su reflexión sobre los problemas del folklore, del «sentido común» y de la hegemonía.2 Adquiere más fuerza después de la guerra, casi siempre en la ola de las sugerencias de Gramsci, pero en el cuadro más general de los problemas planteados por las interpretaciones del fascismo y del predomonio político conseguido
por fuerzas católicas. Por último, ve un florecimiento reciente, conectado
con la proliferación de estudios antropológicos y del nuevo interés por la historia de las mentalidades o de las «culturas subalternas»?
1 L. Russo, Breve storia della cultura popolare, en «Belfagor» (1952) 708.
2 Sobre De Sanctis cf. especialmente: C. MUSCETTA - G. CANDELORO (eds.), La scuola cattolico-liberale e il romanticismo a Napoli, Torino 1953, p. 231-245; para las notas de Gramsci, cf. V. GERRA'FANA (ed.), Quaderni del carcere, Torino 1975, vol. IV: índice de argumentos: «cultura popolare», «folklore», «letteratura popolare», «senso comune».
Cf. E. DE MARTINO, Intorno. a una storia del mondo popolare subalterno, en «Societá» (1949) 411-445; ID., Etnologia e cultura nazionale negli ultimi dieci anni, en «Societá» (1953)
Es preciso aclarar enseguida que el mismo ámbito semántico de la expresión «cultura popular» resulta afectado por oscilaciones y variaciones considerables, hasta el punto de que la historia del término podría ser no poco- instructiva y reveladora.4 Para el período de que nos ocupamos, es decir, en el contexto de la cultura del siglo XIX, la acepción generalmente aceptada de «cultura popular» aparece sustancialmente distinta de la que prevalece en la antropología cultural y en la etnología de nuestro siglo, como se diferencia igualmente de las más recientes definiciones de «cultura de masas». En todo caso, el sentido predominante de «cultura popular» a lo largo de buena parte del siglo XIX es el que consiente emparejarlo con otras expresiones análogas, con «educación popular», «instrucción popular», «literatura popular», y hasta, con una extensión que abre un abanico de otras cuestiones, «religión popular». Siguiendo este uso, que es, por otra parte, precisamente el que hizo don Bosco, hablaremos de «cultura popular» en el sentido preferente de cultura para el pueblo, de la que el pueblo es el destinatario principal. Lo que no excluye que podamos preguntarnos acerca de los 'efectos de las posibles interacciones entre «aquel» tipo de cultura popular y la persistencia de una cultura popular en sentido antropológico; y tampoco excluir cualquier enlace o continuidad entre «aquel» modo de entender la cultura popular y algunos aspectos de la cultura de masas de una etapa posterior.
2. Cultura popular y proceso de alfabetización
El modo con que se planteó en el siglo XIX la cuestión de la cultura popular está directa y naturalmente conectado con el imponente fenómeno de alfabetización y de escolarización generalizado, aunque todavía parcial, es decir, con el acceso a la lectura y a la escritura de una parte cada vez más amplia de los estratos populares? La palabra escrita y la palabra impresa fueron el principal, aunque no exclusivo, vehículo mediante el que se proyectó entre el pueblo una cultura, es decir, un conjunto de conocimientos y valores que no era en su origen «popular», ya que provenía de categorías sociales y de instituciones formativas «especializadas» y dedicadas a objetivos colectivos. El primero y más evidente de ellos fue la construcción de la nación (nation-building) desde
318ss.; B. BOTTA - F. CASTELLI - B. MANTELLI (eds.), La cultura delle classi subalterne fra tradizione e innovarione. Atti del convegno di studi di Alessandria del marzo 1985, Alessandria 1988. Cf. A. PORTELLI, Culture popolari e cultura di massa, en: G. DE LUNA - P. ORTOLEVA M. REVELLI - N. TRANFAGLIA (eds.), Il mondo contemporaneo. Gli strumenti della ricerca,vol. HL Fi
ren7e 1983, p. 1470-1490; A. NESTI, Culture popolari e complessitá sociale, en: La cultura delle classi subalterne, p. 65-84.
5 D. BERTONI jOVNE, Storia della scuola popolare in Italia, Torino 1954; L. DALLE NOGARE (ed.), Quando il popolo cominció a leggere. Mostra dell'alfabetizzazione e diffusione della lettura in Lombardia, Monza 1973; C.G. LACAITA, Istruzione e sviluppo industriale in Italia (1859-1914), Monza 1973; E. DE FORT, Storia della scuola elementare in Italia, vol. I, Milano 1979.
un punto de vista cultural: que, sin embargo, por la especial situación histórica italiana, no se identificó con la construcción del Estado. Además, muchas investigaciones, hechas sobre todo en estos últimos años, han llamado la atención sobre otras dimensiones, no menos significativas, que adquirió la idea misma de cultura popular, como momento relevante del proceso de desarrollo y de modernización sociocultural posterior y consiguiente a la unificación na
cional.6
Estas sencillas constataciones permiten poner de relieve la naturaleza exce
sivamente compleja y los efectos, en algunos aspectos contradictorios, en el proceso de «elevación» cultural de las clases populares, que fue al mismo tiempo factor de liberación y de promoción social y factor de homologación, de disciplina y,si se quiere, de adoctrinamiento, en cuanto orientado a la difusión de sistemas éticos y de visión del mundo, además de conocimientos y de habilidades, guiados desde arriba. Desde este punto de vista, la difusión de la cultura popular en el siglo XIX tuvo lugar también (y no podía ser de otro modo), a costa de un profundo trastorno y a veces de una verdadera destrucción de culturas populares originales, de la que resultó el forzado y parcial injerto de la lengua nacional en los dialectos locales. Es sólo uno de los ejemplos
posibles.
Todo esto hay que tenerlo presente, al menos por tres razones. La primera, más general, es que hasta entonces ciertos lazos profundos, aunque no
unívocos, habían unido la religión católica con las culturas antropológicas que
estaban empapadas por la nueva cultura popular llevada desde la escuela y la prensa. La segunda razón es que los instrumentos y las instituciones que pre
sentaban al pueblo la divulgación de la cultura contenían un impulso modernizados, aun independientemente de los «contenidos» de los mensajes que difundían: producían con su mera existencia procesos de transformación cultural que tocaban de modo directo la transmisión y la preservación de las culturas tradicionales. La tercera, más decisiva, es que el terreno de la cultura popular iba siendo un campo potencialmente abierto a la convergencia y al conflicto de principios éticos y de sistemas de ideas y de imágenes del mundo, que venían a amenazar por primera vez, de modo global, la influencia y el control que en él ejercía la Iglesia y su estructura institucional capilar.
La percepción precoz de la naturaleza radical del reto inherente a las instituciones, a los instrumentos y a los contenidos de la cultura popular explica mejor que otras consideraciones el delinearse del conflicto, sentido como conflicto «religioso», entre la Iglesia y las modernas ideologías: el liberalismo, visto como ideología de un Estado que entraba en competencia con la Iglesia
6 Cf. G. ARE, Il problema dello sviluppo industriale nell'etá della Destra, Pisa 1965, p. 253ss; S. LANARO, Nazione e lavoro. Saggio salla cultura borghese in Italia (1848-1876). Anticlericalismo, libero pensiero e ateísmo nena societá italiana, Bari 1981; S. PrvATo, Movimento operaio e istruzione popolare nell'Italia liberale, Milano 1985; C. OSSOLA, Introduzione a: C. CANTO, Portafoglio
di un operaio, Milano 1984.
en el plano educativo-cultural, y el socialismo, como cultura estructuralmente conectada con la vida de las clases subalternas y sentida, precisamente por esta razón, como una amenaza, llevada al catolicismo en su propio terreno, de asedio y radicalismo sobre el pueblo.
Las reacciones de los que vieron, durante la Restauración, y ante todo en ella, un atentado contra el orden tradicional son sintomáticas del carácter problemático que la cuestión de la cultura popular suponía para los principios del catolicismo italiano.
Fue la fase de los rechazos con marca reaccionaria a la idea misma de que la instrucción se extendiese a las clases populares.'
Pero la contraposición entre religión tradicional y «nueva» cultura popular no podía sostenerse frente al impulso de los tiempos y a la acción generalizada de difusión de la instrucción, realizada, con frecuencia, por miembros eminentes del clero y de especificas órdenes y congregaciones religiosas. El terreno de la contienda se fue desplazando, hasta perfilarse de manera más precisa, en el cuarto y quinto decenio del siglo, sobre los contenidos, los instrumentos y los perfiles institucionales de los movimientos orientados hacia la educación popular y a la divulgación de la cultura entre el pueblo.
Los primeros signos de la contienda, que duró con muchas formas todo el siglo XIX, se ven con claridad en términos esenciales en el ambiente en el que se sitúan la formación y las primeras actividades de don Bosco: el Piamonte moderadamente reformador de la época de Carlo Alberto, como muestran, por ejemplo, las diferentes orientaciones que, en materia de educación y de cultura popular, se fueron asumiendo en el grupo reunido alrededor de las «Letture di Famiglia» de Lorenzo Valerio, ligado a la «Guida dell'Educatore» de Raffaello Lambruschini y Giampiero Vieusseux, y el del «Educatore Primario», del estilo de Aporti y Rosmini.8 Pero se trataba sólo de los primeros avisos de un hecho de carácter conflictivo más marcado en orientaciones y objetivos, que iría acompañado y teñido en profundidad por los avances de la laicización del Estado de Saboya en la época de Cavour, el nacimiento del Estado unitario y liberal, el siguiente primer paso, parcial y discutido, de un desarrollo en sentido moderno de la sociedad italiana. En este hecho la figura de don Bosco merece alguna atención aun como promotora de cultura popular, por las razones que intentaremos aclarar.
7 Cf. G. TALAMO, Questione scolastica e Risorgimento, en: G. CFnosso (ed.), Scuola e stampa nel Risorgimento. Giornali e riviste per l'educazione prima dell'Unita, Milano 1988, p. 13ss; un cuadro más general en: G. VERUCCI, Per una stork del cattolicesimo intransigente in Italia dal 1815 al 1848, en: I cattolici e il liberalismo dalle «Amicizie Cristiane» al modernismo, Padova 1968.
8 G. CHIOSSO, L'educazione del popolo nei giornali pienzontesi per la scuola, en: Scuola e stampa, p. 34s; ID., L'Oratorio di don Bosco e il rinnovamento educativo nel Piemonte carloalbertino, en: BRAIDO (ed.), Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 83-116. Cf. también: L. BULFERETIT, Socialismo risorgimentale, Torino 1975; D. BERTONI JOVINE, I periodici popolari del Risorgimento, vol. I, Milano 1959; G.M. BRAVO, Torino operaia. Mondo del lavoro e idee sociali nell'etá di Carlo Alberto, Torino 1968.
3. Dos figuras: Cantil y Bresciani
En la historia de la cultura popular de clave católica, asumieron un significado casi simbólico dos figuras, sobre todo por la atención que les dedicaron los dos grandes intelectuales políticos ya recordados. Son Cesare Cantil, considerado por Francesco De Sanctis como el iniciador de una corriente de literatura popular situada en la línea de «descomposición» de la escuela de Manzoni y la católico-liberal,9 y el padre Antonio Bresciani, tomado por Antonio Gramsci como modelo de una tradición de literatura popular católica destinada a hacer brotar en pleno siglo muchos secuaces.1° Pero la historiografía reciente ha desplazado en parte la óptica que aplica al mirar el conjunto de la producción del siglo XIX destinada al pueblo, poniendo en el centro de los propios intereses no ya sólo las obras que pertenecen al género literario, sino el acervo de publicaciones, comprendidas las de literatura, dirigidas a la promoción de la cultura popular en los diversos aspectos. Nos preguntamos en especial sobre el sentido y el grado de los cambios en la ética colectiva perseguidos más o menos conscientemente por las diversas tendencias de esa multiforme producción destinada al pueblo. De esa revisión ha salido afianzada y en cierto sentido consolidada la importancia de la obra de Cantil, recorrida con ojos especialmente atentos por los rasgos que la insertan en el filón franldiniano o del self-help y la conectan, al menos en parte, con una «nuova committenza» industrial bien representada por la figura de Alessandro Rossi.n Por lo demás, el caso Candi parece que se presta eficazmente al relieve de la función mediadora determinante entre una ética tradicional levantada sobre la religión, y las nuevas exigencias de aculturación popular, que fue llevada adelante por hombres y grupos católico-moderados.n En este cuadro, la figura de Cantil se viene a encontrar situada en una pléyade de autores parecidos a él, aunque dotados de fama notablemente inferior.0 Por consiguiente, la reflexión historiográfica ha ido tomando cada vez en mayor consideración, más que a cada autor, el aspecto de la producción editorial, de su difusión y de su público,
9 F. DE SANCTIS, La scuola cattolico-liberale, p. 202ss; sobre sus huellas, B. Croce (Storia della storiografia italiana nel secolo XIX, Bari 1947, vol. I, p. 197ss) colocó también a Cantil entre los
«sviati della scuola cattolico-liberale».
A. GRAMSCI, Quaderni del carcere IV, p. 2195ss. Cf. también: L. BEDESCHI, Letteratura popolare e murrismo, en «Humanitas» (1972) 846-862; A. FERRARI, Bresciani A., en: Dizionario del movimento cattolico in Italia (1860-1980), Casale M. 1984, vol. M/1, p. 130s (Abreviatura:
DSMC).
OSSOLA, Introduzione, p. 20ss.
G. GINZBURG, Folklore, magia, religione, en: Storia Einaudi, vol. I: I caratteri origi
nan Torino 1972, p. 666-668; LANARO, Nazione e lavoro, p. 98s. Para un cuadro más general, G. BAGLIONI, L'ideologia della borghesia industriale nell'Italia liberale, Torino 1974, p. 309-365;
G.. BOLLATI, II carattere nazionale come storia e come invenzione, Torino 1983.
13 OSSOLA, Introduzione, p. 38ss.
abriendo además interrogantes sobre el «mercado» real y sobre la real penetración de ese género de obras en el pueblo."
La apertura de tales horizontes historiográficos ha tocado de momento sólo marginalmente la obra y las iniciativas de don Bosco en el campo de la cultura popular." Esto, a mi modo de ver, por dos razones principales: la dificultad de situar al personaje dentro de referencias historiográficas bien delineadas y la relativa «extrañeidad» del filón salesiano en el cuadro de la historia religiosa y civil nacional.
4. Características de la experiencia de don Bosco
El relieve no precisamente episódico de la obra de don Bosco en el campo de la difusión de la cultura popular, se refiere tanto a los contenidos y los objetivos educativos en los que se inspiró preferentemente aquella obra, como a la elección de métodos, de instrumentos y, sobre todo, de estructuras a que recurrió.
Para el primer aspecto, puede ser útil hojear la obra de don Bosco a la luz de las observaciones críticas de Francesco De Sanctis a propósito de Canta: «Se ha creído que para hablar al pueblo bastaba presentar parábolas, ejemplos, relatos, anécdotas, novelas, es decir, la parte sensible de lo cognoscible, y no otras cosas. Y que no era necesaria la lógica al escribir». Lo que De Sanctis criticaba en la literatura popular de su tiempo, en Taverna, Parravicini, en el mismo Cantil, era el amontonamiento de «conocimientos útiles», de noticias enciclopédica y desordenadamente hacinadas, de exhortaciones morales confiadas a sugerencias flojas, y, en cambio, la falta de un diseño, de «una idea madre dominante»." Don Bosco parece sensible al mismo problema. En su obra resulta acentuada la búsqueda de un eje, o de varios, que sirva de referencia y que sea capaz de imprimir al conjunto un cierto signo de unidad, un carácter más acentuado de mensaje organizado.
He tratado de demostrar en otro lugar que esta idea-madre existe, por ejemplo, en su Storia d'Italia. No se trataba, desde luego, de una idea nueva, porque reproducía una lectura de la historia nacional en la que se veían claramente las raíces de la cultura católica de la Restauración. Era una representación de la historia de Italia, radicalmente conexa con la presencia del papado y de la Iglesia, según una visión clásicamente güelfa y pontificia y sostenida por
" Está atento a estos aspectos: G. VERUCCI, L'Italia laica, p. 116-178.
" Se encuentran muchos datos sobre el tema en: P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica e sociale (1815-1870), Roma, LAS 1980, y en: L. GIOVANNINI, Le «Letture Cattoliche» di don Bosco esempio di «stampa cattolica» nel secolo XIX, Roma 1980; más específico: S. PIVATO, Don Bosco e la «cultura popolare», en: F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella stork della cultura popolare, Toríno, SEI 1987, p. 253-287.
16 DE SANCTIS, La scuola cattolico-liberale, p. 235.
una apologética católica de tipo específicamente social y civil: la verdadera religión sirve en grado máximo a una vida terrena feliz para los individuos y un desarrollo ordenado de la comunidad.
Lo que don Bosco añadía como suyo era la construcción de un continuum entre la historia «alta» de las instituciones y las autoridades y la historia de los humildes, en la que las reglas sencillas y estables de la moral y del sentido común, puesta de manifiesto mediante los exempla y tos episodios edificantes o aterradores, se conectaban orgánicamente con los aspectos centrales del dogma, de la ascética, de la piedad católica y con una eclesiología centrada sobre el primado de la autoridad pontificia.'' En don Bosco se daba el intento de unir el fondo moralizante del sentido común con una visión de la religión católica, momento básico de la vida asociada, organizada alrededor de algunos símbolos centrales, y por eso más eficaz también como «ideología difusa». Todo esto configuraba, como se ha hecho notar," un intento de responder, partiendo de los datos elementales y tradicionales del ethos católico-nacional, a la reducción institucional y cultural del espacio religioso-edesial realizado por el Estado laico y la proliferación de las opiniones y diversas formas de fe.
El punto crítico de la obra de don Bosco hacia la cultura popular era su insistente lejanía de la dimensión política, que reflejaba una aplicación marcadamente tradicionalista del principio de autoridad de tipo providencial-naturalista, sobre el modelo paterno, y tendía a proyectar todo el mundo del poder en una esfera inalcanzable y extraña a los intereses de las clases populares, en una óptica de sumisión escrupulosa. Esto permitía a don Bosco predicar la adaptación «a cualquier clase de leyes y de Gobiemo»," y, por tanto, una lealtad fundamental, lejana, por ejemplo, de los extremos subversivos de los católicos intransigentes; al mismo tiempo, le permitía dar una aplicación a larga escala al principio de la identificación inmediata y natural entre un buen católico y un buen ciudadano, en donde el radio de la «buena ciudadanía» se entendía delimitado por los comportamientos que se levantaban sobre las buenas costumbres de la persona y sobre las virtudes predicadas por la moral católica.
Resultaba de ello una actitud bastante singular, pero sintomática, en relación con el marco institucional que representaba el estado unitario liberal. En ella, los aspectos de adaptación y conformidad a sus normas iban junto al cultivo de un articulado complejo de imperativos y deberes tomados del catolicismo, propuestos como sistema ético alternativo de la moral liberal o socia
" TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 81-111.
18 PIVATO, Don Bosco e la «cultura popolare», p. 256s.
" P. BRAMO, L'esperienza pedagogica di Don Bosco, Roma, LAS 1988, p. 79. Cf. también: G. COSTA, Don Bosco e la letteratura giovanile dell'ottocento, en: BRAMO (ed.), Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 341; P. SCOPPOLA, Don Bosco nella storia civile, en: Don Bosco e le sfide della modernitá (Quaderni del Centro Studi «C. Trabucco», 11), Torino, Stabilimento Poligrafico Editoriale «C. Fanton» 1988, p. 14s.
lista, pero no extraño a los cambios de mentalidad y de valores de una sociedad en fase de transformación capitalista y de nacionalización de las masas.2° En el caso de don Bosco, nos encontramos, pues, frente a un momento
significativo en la historia de la ética católica. Bajo este aspecto, merecen atención al menos dos puntos: la aparición de la que ha sido definida ética del trabajo productivo y la insistencia sobre un modelo de santidad al alcance de todos e intrínsecamente unida al respeto de los deberes inherentes al propio estado y a la propia condición social.
Sobre el tema del trabajo en don Bosco se ha escrito mucho, sobre todo en
época reciente;2' y yo no sabría añadir nada a las acertadas observaciones hechas ya por otros. Sintetizaría esas anotaciones diciendo que el trabajo tiende en don Bosco a asumir un nuevo valor educativo, especialmente porque la imagen que se ofrece de él difiere parcialmente de la que lo presenta como condena o como pena, para adquirir un sentido más completo de creatividad y de autopromoción personal y un sentido más acentuado de utilidad y deber social. Además, en el sistema educativo de don Bosco, el trabajo que, realizado con asiduidad y exactitud, hace «leve la fatiga», introduce en una percepción ordenada del tiempo, la interiorización de reglas de precisión, de disciplina, de colaboración, que tienden a desarrollarse en sentido productivista y socializante, en una franca aceptación de la economía de mercado, pero con los co
, rrectivos de la solidaridad y del asociacionismo de tipo mutualista 22
La ética del trabajo se conectaba, además, directamente en la institución
educativo-popular de don Bosco, con el reclamo del todo especial de modelos de santidad nuevos por muchos aspectos. El perfil del universo hagiográfico de don Bosco no lo hace sólo el favor que se ha dado a los componentes, por decirlo así, activistas de los grandes santos de la historia de la Iglesia,23 sino
también el diseño de un objetivo de santidad personal al que todos deben y
pueden acceder, sin que se pida el ejercicio de virtudes especiales fuera de una fuerte voluntad y una perseverancia tenaz en el cumplimiento de los deberes inherentes al propio estado.24 En el Cenno biografico sul giovanetto Magone Michele, don Bosco recomendaba «vigilar con mucho interés que se practiquen cosas fáciles, que no asusten y no cansen al fiel cristiano, especialmente a la juventud [...J. Atengámonos a las cosas fáciles, pero háganse con perseveran
20 P. BAIRATI, Cultura salesiana e societ,i industriale, en: TRANIELLO, Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 322ss; F. TRANIELLO, Don Bosco e il problema della modernitá, en: Don Bosco e le sfide, p. 39-46.
21 BAIRATI, Cultura salesiana, en: TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 337ss.; L. PAZZAGLIA, Apprendistato e istruzione degli artigiani a Valdocco (1846-1886), en: Ibid., p. 29s; D. VENERUSO, IZ metodo educativo di san Giovanni Bosco alía prova. Dai laboratori agli istituti professionali, en: BRAMO (ed.), Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 133-142.
BAIRATI, Cultura salesiana, p. 339s.
23 F. MOLINARI, La «Storia Ecclesiastica» di Don Bosco, en: BRAIDO (ed.), Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 216s.
24 Sobre todos estos aspectos hay importantes datos en: STELLA, Don Bosco II, p. 205ss.
cia». -En la Vita di Santa Zita serva e di Sant'Isidoro contadino, publicación anónima de las «Letture Cattoliche» (sobre las que volveremos), se encuentra
escrito, de modo aún más explícito: «¿De cuántas cosas, pues, tenemos necesi
dad para hacernos santos? De una sola cosa: hace falta quererlo. Sí; con tal de que lo queráis, podéis ser santos: no os falta más que querer. Los ejemplos de
los Santos, cuya vida nos disponemos a poner ante vuestros ojos, son de per
sonas de baja condición que han vivido entre las tareas de una vida activa. Obreros, agricultores, artesanos, mercaderes, criados, jóvenes, se han santifi
cado cada uno en su propio estado. ¿Y cómo se han santificado? Haciendo bien todo lo que tenían que hacer. [...] En la vida de los Santos, que la Iglesia nos propone como modelo, veremos a veces hechos extraordinarios y acciones asombrosas: pero debemos tener presente que no son esos hechos ni esas acciones los que los han hecho santos, sino su fidelidad en el servicio de Dios y en el cumplimiento de los deberes de su estado»."
Me parece que se puede estar de acuerdo con que en esta imagen de la santidad estaba como escondido un germen anticipador y al mismo tiempo una interpretación unida a la tradición moral católica, del «sistema del precepto» divulgado después también en Italia desde la literatura smilesiana del «querer es poder».26
Será hasta fácil encontrar el componente conservador en el plano social de la llamada de don Bosco a la resignación y la aceptación del propio estado que figuraba en la idea de una ascesis confiada al respeto riguroso de los deberes inherentes a la propia condición, en oposición radical a cualquier impulso de «envidia social». Pero tampoco se pueden despreciar los dit' iamismos potenciales implícitos de aquel modelo de autopromoción voluntarista a la santidad por lo que contenía de llamada a la responsabilidad personal y a la dignidad casi sagrada del propio quehacer en el mundo, especialmente en el plano de la actividad del trabajo. El modelo de santidad según don Bosco, si por una parte aparecía funcional con una imagen de orden social rigurosamente jerarquizado y orgánico,27 exigía, sin embargo, la adquisición de la conciencia de la importancia del bien obrar según reglas «profesionales», cuyos efectos entraban a la larga en colisión con la imagen de un orden estático, fijado providencialmente para todos y para siempre. El envoltorio conservador de la ética de don Bosco contenía siempre los impulsos de una ascesis intramundana destinada a proyectarse en el plano histórico y social.
25 Cf. GIOVANNINI, Le «Letture Cattoliche», p. 96.
26 Era el título de la obra de M. Lessona editada en Turín (1869), precedida, hacía poco
tiempo, por la traducción de S. SMILES, Self-Help, realizada por G. Strafforello, y publicada con el
título: Chi si aiuta Dio l'aiuta (cf. VERUCCI, laica 119ss.), y seguida por Chi dura la vince de
P. Lioy, en 1871. En el caso de don Bosco, se podría también hablar de un «orientamento pre
ventivo» a la santidad entendida como impulso a la elevación social implícita en la moral laica y
liberal del «éxito personal»; con todo, quedan elementos específicos de semejanza entre las dos
ascéticas voluntaristas.
G.F. VENÉ, Letteratura e capitalismo in Italia dal Settecento ad oggi, Milano 1963, p. 276ss.
El tema de las relaciones entre don Bosco y la cultura popular comprende necesariamente todos los problemas relativos a su sistema educativo, a la metodología y a las instituciones formativas realizadas por él. No tocaré estos puntos, que se tratan en otra parte de este congreso, sino para señalar el relieve que asume en la obra de don Bosco la integración de formas educativas plurales, y donde la cultura se entiende también como socialización: pienso en
el papel de la música canlicoratdel teatro (en el que hay que ver una
aplicación «popular» de una tradición marcadamente jesuítica) o en el papel de la educación fisica y, sobre todo, de la gimnasia.28
Querría, en cambio, detenerme sobre otro aspecto que considero central y que definiría en estos términos: la circularidad entre instrumentos de difusión de la cultura popular y plataformas institucionales del «mundo salesiano».
Bajo este perfil, la obra de don Bosco no parecería distinguirse ni por la fundación de una congregación especialmente entregada a la instrucción popular, porque ejemplos del mismo género no faltaban a su alrededor, ni por las intervenciones de amplio radio realizadas en el campo de la difusión de la «buena prensa» y de la producción editorial, campo en el que el mundo cató
I líco del siglo presentaba una vitalidad propia.29
Fi proyecto que se va delineando en don Bosco, como consecuencia de la evolución de su experiencia educativa, fue más ambicioso: no sólo por el hecho de que la prensa como vehículo de cultura popular fue ideada como parte de una instrumentación pedagógica con muchos registros, sino sobre todo por su inserción en un plan institucional que le dotaba de los objetivos y los principales canales de difusión y que, en términos concretos, era la comunidad y el mundo salesiano.
Don Bosco intuyó que la producción de prensa para el pueblo tenía que contar con la inexistencia sustancial de un mercado en condiciones de absor
berla, como demostraban, por ejemplo, en el ámbito piamontés, la difusión limitada de las «Letture» de Valerio o del «Amico della Gioventú».39 La pro
28 PrvAro, Don Bosco e la «cultura popolare», en: TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 280-282, y también: ID., Letteratura popolare e teatro educativo, en: DSMC 1/1, 296-303. Pivato pone de relieve que la preferencia dada a la gimnasia indicaba una concepción de la educación física más centrada en la disciplina de grupo que en la competición individual. Yo notaría, por otra parte, que, aun en este caso, se trataba de un «primado» ampliamente aprobado por las corrientes pedagógicas laicas (cf. VERUCCI, L'Italia laica, p. 126), y añadido después como materia obligatoria en la escuela. Por lo que se refiere a la importancia de las asociaciones y de las actividades gimnásticas en el marco de la nacionalización de las masas, se debe consultar: G.L. MOSSE, La nazionalizzazione delle masse. Simbolismo politico e movimenti di masca in Germania (1812-1933), Bologna 1975, p. 146ss.
29 E. VALENTINI, Don Bosco e l'apostolato della stampa, Torino, SEI 1957; F. MALGERI, La stampa quotidiana e periodica e l'editoria, en: DSMC 1/1, 273 ss; GIOVANNINI, Le «Letture Cattoliche», p. 71ss.
30 Se encuentran datos abundantes acerca del «Amico della Gioventú», del que don Bosco
ducción de una prensa popular es para don Bosco una actividad que debe integrarse y sostenerse por un cuadro organizativo adecuado y que no puede pretender ser remunerativa desde el principio. Las primeras experiencias de don Bosco en el campo editorial son fundamentalmente de tipo escolar, aun presentándose con caracteres de «utilidad» para «toda clase de personas», como lo demuestran los ejemplos de la Storia sacra, de la Storia ecclesiastica y, después, de la Storia d'Italia, además del diálogo sobre el sistema métrico decimal; o bien incluidas en el círculo de la literatura de piedad y de devoción, especialmente dedicada a los jóvenes.” Al producir libros destinados en su mayor parte a la escuela, don Bosco captaba una exigencia real y muy sentida también a nivel politico y que había sido descuidada mucho tiempo?' Pero es el cambio de clima político y cultural que sigue a 1848, la libertad de prensa, la gradual laicización del Estado, la difusión de la propaganda protestante, lo que motiva el ingreso de don Bosco en el campo de las ediciones populares,
con un radio de difusión notablemente más vasto que el de las escolares.33
ejemplo más próximo en el que podía fijarse don Bosco, a propósito, era el de la «Conexione di buoni libri a favore della religione cattolica», editada desde septiembre de 1849 por los «Eredi Botta», en entregas quincenales, pero a un precio aún demasiado alto de 6 liras anuales.34 El estímulo más directo para
descender al campo, lo recibió del episcopado piamontés, y especialmente del obispo Moreno, con el que don Bosco proyectaba hacia 1851-1852 una «Pic
cola Biblioteca popolare» de la que tomó la puesta en marcha en 1853 la em
presa de las «Letture Cattoliche».35
fue «gerente responsabile», en: STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 345s.
" Ibid., p. 331ss. Sobre la importancia editorial de la literatura devocional en la Lombardía de la Restauración, cf. M. BERENGO, Intellettuali e librai nella Milano della Restaurazione, Torino
1980.
32 Un modo muy frecuente de difundir los libros consistía en introducirlos en la escuela como
textos de lectura y para premios: un camino que recorrió don Bosco, el cual, sin embargo, no consideraba su Storia d'Italia un libro propiamente escolar (cf. Peruzzi, mayo 1863, en: E I, 269- 271 y MB V, 503). Cf. sobre el grave problema de los libros de texto escolares: VERUCCI, L'Italia laica, p. 173; D. BERTONI JOVINE, Storia della didattica dalla legge Casati ad oggi, Roma 1976, vol. I., p. 173-191 y vol. II, p. 621-641; G. CANESTRI - G. RICUPERATI, La scuola in Italia dalla legge Casati a oggi, Torino, Loescher 1976, p. 66ss; I. PORaANI, Il libro di testo come oggetto di ricerca i manuali scolastici nell'Italia post-unitaria, en: Storia della scuola e storia d'Italia dall'Unita a¿
oggi, Bari 1982, p. 237-271.
" Sobre el incremento de la actividad editorial y tipográfica en el Turín de la época cavou
liana, cf. F. TRANIELLO, Torino: la metamorfosi di una capitale, en: Le capitali pre-unitarie, Atti de LIII Congresso di Storia del Risorgimento (Cagliari 10-14 ottobre 1986), Roma 1988, p. 65-112 Un indicio de las nuevas posibilidades de la imprenta lo dio el éxito de la «Gazzetta del popolo» que, según los datos presentados por B. GARIGLIO (Stampa e opinione pubblica nel Risorgimento La «Gazzetta del popolo» (1848-1861), Milano 1987, p. 11), alcanzó, antes de la Unidad, 14.00(
suscriptores.
STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 348; GIOVANNINI, Le «Letture cattoliche»
p. 76s.
33 STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 351s.
La iniciativa lanzada con la reedición de los Avvisi al Cattolici, ya publicados en 1850, y después con II Cattolico istruito nella sua religione, aun perteneciendo a un filón ya histórico de buena prensa que se remontaba al menos a las «Amicizie cattoliche», se distinguía, sin embargo, por algunos aspectos especiales. Los fascículos quincenales (y después mensuales), de formato de bol-sino, tenían un precio muy bajo, entre 10 y 15 céntimos, con una suscripción semestral que costaba 90 céntimos, sin gastos de correos, y una lira treinta con esos gastos, y con fuertes descuentos para las suscripciones numerosas.36 De la colección formaba también parte un almanaque anual, Il Galantuomo. Era una gran preocupación para don Bosco que el estilo y el lenguaje fuesen muy sencillos.37 La intención era ofrecer un vehículo de instrucción religiosa, pero entendida en un sentido muy amplio y casi omnicomprensivo, que iba desde los aspectos dogmáticos, sacramentales, doctrinales a los escriturísticos, de historia de la Iglesia, de hagiografía, de devoción, culto y liturgia, relatos edificantes, especialmente de conversiones, apologética y polémica antiprotestante (especialmente en el primer decenio),38 la ilustración de temas y sucesos contemporáneos que se referían a la vida de la Iglesia: los bienes eclesiásticos, el poder temporal, el matrimonio civil, el dogma de la Inmaculada, el concilio Vaticano, etc. Los géneros literarios usados eran de lo más variado: catequístico, parenético, dialógico, novelístico, dramático, tratados bajo la forma de breves «entretenimientos».
El fin del empeño era evidentemente afianzar, pero tal vez también suplir la formación religiosa muy deficiente que daba el clero con cura de almas, mediante un instrumento dotado de continuidad periódica y de fácil uso también en estratos sociales sin conocimientos de literatura y hasta analfabetos, mediante una lectura hecha por otros. Aunque la colección, en su conjunto, dé la impresión de no abarcar campos y métodos especialmente escogidos, se presentaba con el deseo de adaptar y orientar el mensaje a los diversos estados y condiciones de vida, con atención especial a las figuras de mujeres (la madre de familia, la esposa, la viuda, la criada) o juveniles (el huérfano, el peón, el pastorcillo, el joven que entra en el mundo) y a las realidades rurales o artesanales (el campesino, el pastor, el zapatero, el ebanista);" pero no sin intención
36 STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 358. Es posible hacer una comparación con el precio de los fascículos mensuales editados por la «Libreria propaganda», cercana a los ambientes anticlericales de la «Gazzetta del popolo»; para suscribirse era preciso pagar 0,50 liras mensuales ó 6 liras anuales (cf. GARIGLIO, Stampa e opinione pubblica, p. 152).
37 GIOVANNINI, Le «Letture Cattoliche», p. 87.
" Ibid. 92ss; M. STRANLERO, Don Bosco e i Valdesi. Documenti di una polemica trentennale (1853-1883), Tocino, Claudiana 1988.
" STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 355s, donde se subraya que las «Letture Cattoliche» estaban orientadas a los jóvenes «dei ceti popolari e in particolare quelli delle aree rurali in rapport() migratorio periodico con la metropoli». Parece que se puede advertir, sin embargo, cierta evolución, a medida que aumentan, entre los suscriptores, los individuos provenientes de Lombardía y Venecia.
de ofrecer reglas a todo el universo cristiano-popular visto en su conjunto,
como en el caso del Porta teco cristiano, «o avisos importantes en torno a los deberes del cristiano, para que cada uno pueda conseguir la propia salvación
en el estado en que se encuentra».4° Del acervo correspondiente de temas, de estilos, de autores, se delinea un diseño, la imagen de una vida según la religión católica, cuyo impacto en la historia de las ideas fue muy amplio a la larga, y que hay que poner en relación con la continua expansión de las estructuras y la influencia salesiana, aunque sin encerrarla dentro de sus limites.
Un paso significativo en la creación de un sistema integrado, en el que el ciclo de la redacción, de la producción y de la difusión tendía a cerrarse, es
tuvo constituido por la transición de la impresión confiada a tipografías exter
nas, especialmente Paravia y De Agostini, a la imprenta del Oratorio: paso que tuvo lugar en 1862.4' Más significativa aún es la atención intensa que don
Bosco ponía en los problemas de la circulación. Estudios recientes han consentido llevar a cifras más realistas y más precisas, respecto a las que se tenían, la entidad de las tiradas de las «Letture Cattoliche» y de los libros de don Bosco; pero han confirmado también la sustancia de una difusión mucho más
amplia que la de publicaciones católicas, para el pueblo, análogas. Se sabe que los casi 3.000 ejemplares de la tirada inicial de las «Letture Cattoliche» fueron
insuficientes para satisfacer la demanda con la necesidad de reimprimir varios
fascículos.42 Pietro Stella ha hecho notar que, después de una cierta disminución debida también a la crisis económica de Piamonte en 1854-1855, se veri
ficó un constante incremento de tiradas de las «Letture Cattoliche», de los casi 5.500 ejemplares de media después de 1857 a más de 8.000 en 1860 y 15.000 en los años siguientes a la unificación.'"
Pero II Galantuomo tenía siempre una tirada próxima al doble de la media; y las producciones de mayor éxito, excluyendo también las obras utili
zadas en las escuelas, tuvieron frecuentes reimpresiones y reediciones: la Chiave del Paradiso, librito impreso en 1856 con 6.000 copias iniciales, tuvo más de cien ediciones en diversas lenguas con un total, según parece, de
800.000 ejemplares.44
En cambio, tenemos informaciones todavía relativamente escasas sobre el
área .y los ambientes de difusión de las «Letture Cattoliche» y, en general, de la producción salesiana. Los datos de que disponemos indican, al menos hasta los años 70, un área más bien limitada a los territorios de los antiguos Estados
40 GiovANham, Le «Letture cattoliche», p. 149s.
41 STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 366s.
42 Ibid., p. 358-361.
43 Ibid., p. 361-365; ofrece cifras un poco elevadas, sobre todo para los primeros arios: GIO VANNINI, Le «Letture Cattoliche» p. 197-200. Sin embargo, en la época cavouriana, eran más nu» merosos los fascículos de la recordada asociación «Libreria propaganda», que alcanzaban, comc
media, 20.000 ejemplares (CARTGLio, Stampa e opinione pubblica, p. 154).
44 GIOVANNINI, Le «Letture Cattoliche», p. 201.
sardos, que correspondía a la zona en que estaba entonces establecida la congregación. Las cosas cambiaron en los años 80. Hay que notar que, al menos
al comienzo, las mayores dificultades de penetración se tuvieron precisamente en la diócesis de Turín.45 Parece que, en general, prevalecieron como centros de difusión las localidades urbanas menores.46 A la relativa limitación del área geográfica inicial correspondía, en cambio, un notable grado de difusión.
Don Bosco fue de los primeros que entendieron que la estructura de la Iglesia podía ofrecer una óptima red de distribución, y por ello se dirigió a obispos, vicarios y párrocos para que se asociasen, recomendasen y procurasen suscripciones para las «Letture Cattoliche». Es típica la llamada de 1863 enviada a 10 cardenales, 85 obispos, 60 vicarios de zona.47 Además, siempre procuró utilizar los mismos fascículos de las «Letture Cattoliche» para una acción de autopromoción. Una gran ayuda le vino por el autorizado apoyo de hojas y periódicos católicos, como «L'Armonia» y «La Civiltá Cattolica». Igualmente importante fue el recurso a personajes y familias de la nobleza católica (pero también no católica) a los que se dirigía para poner en marcha campañas de suscripciones y adquisiciones en bloque, con la función de distribuidores.48 No descuidó, evidentemente, las escuelas, de la Iglesia y públicas. Pero vio, sobre todo, que una actividad editorial de aquel género y con aquellos destinatarios, con una total carencia de centros de venta, tenía que organizarse también con la distribución en formas de asociación y de voluntariado. Desde 1859 había lanzado una «Societá per la diffusione delle Letture cattoliche ed aüri libri cattolici», que tenía entre sus fines, también, la distribución gratuita o al menor precio posible de libros buenos, y confiaba a cada socio el cometido de «impedir la lectura de libros malos a sus dependientes» y el de escoger un lugar o un grupo de personas «entre las que debía difundir buenas lecturas».49 En general, todo el movimiento asociativo de carácter salesiano tuvo entre sus fines el de la difusión de la prensa, comprendida la`intención de asegurar cauces a las iniciativas de nuevas colecciones de libros, especializadas según las catego
rías sociales."
Poco a poco fue haciéndose más estrecho el lazo entre el sistema institucional y asociativo salesiano con la producción editorial y su difusión. En esta dirección, un papel de importancia, todavía no suficientemente estudiado por lo que yo conozco, debió de tener desde el momento de su nacimiento, en
45 Carta de 20 deciembre 1855 de don Bosco al can. Filippo Ravina, en: E I, 121.
46 Cf. las listas de los «Benemeriti Raccoglitori», citados por Giov~, Le «Letture Cattoliche», p. 201s; otros datos en: STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 363s.
47 Citado por Giov~, Le «Letture Cattoliche», p. 218. Sobre las intervenciones episco
pales (y papales) a favor de las «Letture Cattoliche», cf. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 362s.
49 STELLA, Don Bosco nella stork economica, p. 365s. 49 GIOVANNINI, Le «Letture Cattoliche», p. 207.
" Brumo, L'esperienza pedagogica di don Bosco, p. 74.
1877, el «Bollettino Salesiano», enviado individualmente «a quien lo quiere y a quien no lo quiere»," canal de unión y de identificación de un mundo que giraba alrededor de don Bosco. En la misma óptica habría que estudiar la labor desplegada por los cooperadores salesianos. Su estructura funcional elástica, su dependencia orgánica de la figura carismática del fundador, la falta de rigidez en sentido confesional,'" la acentuada «neutralidad» política parecían configurar para la Unione dei cooperatori un movimiento paralelo, pero difícilmente identificable con el movimiento católico intransigente, susceptible de notable expansión «ya que estaba apoyado por los salesianos y dependía del mismo centro»."
6. Observaciones conclusivas
Podemos en este momento sacar ya alguna conclusión. La primera es ésta: si la obra de don Bosco para la difusión de la cultura popular de base religiosa no se puede separar del conjunto de las instituciones educativas que levantó, tiende, sin embargo, a superar estos limites, aun por la naturaleza más fluida y difusiva de los medios de comunicación utilizados. Si es correcto, pues, dar importancia al conjunto educativo de don Bosco, poniendo atención especial en el aspecto de la formación y la instrucción juvenil, no parece, no obstante, que se pueda despreciar el efecto de irradiación de mayor alcance ejercido por el «sistema» salesíano al plasmar o replantear sectores sólidos, aunque difícilmente cuantificables, de los modos de pensar y de los modelos de comportamiento
del pueblo cristiano.
Una segunda observación se refiere a la percepción por parte de don Bosco de nuevas dimensiones y nuevos instrumentos de la obra educativa, llamados a integrarse entre los medios tradicionales de la evangelización. Don Bosco se sitúa en primera fila a la hora de comprender que en la época de la alfabetización intensa, no basta con imprimir «buenos libros», sino que hace falta tambíén difundirlos, inventando canales idóneos; que la educación escolar no( podía desinteresarse de la educación permanente; que la escuela tenía necesidad de libros, igual que los libros tenían necesidad de escuelas que estuviesen' a sus espaldas.
Una tercera y última observación se refiere a la intuición precoz dedon Bosco de que la actividad dirigida a la educación popular requería un cierto grado de, especialización, formas organizadas mejor orientadas hacia su objetivo. De ahí nacía la conciencia animosa de la función estimulante de la congregación salesiana y del archipiélago asociativo conectado con ella, un «sis
" STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 219s. Ibid., p. 216s. " Ibid., p. 225.
tema», como ya he dicho, centrado en la figura carismática de su fundador. De ello derivan una sensación de eficacia, pero también algunas dificultades notables de relación con la estructura eclesiástica de nivel diocesano que marcó en Italia la historia salesiana.54_
En don Bosco se cruzan muchos de los problemas relacionados con la di
, fusión de instrumentos de comunicación cultural y de formación religiosa que se superponen y, en cierta medida, sustituyen a los tradicionales. Por eso el puesto de don Bosco en la historia de la cultura popular es también el que ocupa en la historia de las transformaciones de la mentalidad religiosa.
•
54 Sobre las dificultades con mons. Gastaldi, cf. G. TUNINETIT, Lorenzo Gastaldi (18151883), vol. II: Arcivescovo di Torillo (1871-1883), Torillo, Piemme 1988, p. 259s. No parece completamente fuera de lugar establecer algunas analogías con las vicisitudes referentes a las difíciles relaciones entre el asociacionismo intransigente (especialmente los comités de la «Opera dei Congressi») y algunos obispos septentrionales, más o menos por las mismas fechas: Bonomelli de Cremona, Scalabrini de Piacenza y Nazari di Calabiana de Milán.
DON BOSCO Y EL TEATRO POPULAR Stefano PIVATO
1. Teatro y educación popular
En octubre de 1882, uno de los órganos más batalladores del anticlericalismo turinés comentaba en estos términos la figura y la obra de don Bosco:
«No es ya el evangelio el inspirador del Santo de Valdocco. Es el sillabo de Roma [...] por él se difunden libros, periódicos para la propaganda clerical; se organizan círculos y comités. [...] Por él se inventan historias de jóvenes que se han hecho santos, como la de Domingo Savio; de jovencitas que han llegado a beatas, como las hermanas
Rigolotti».'
Hace falta precisar, además, que en aquellos años no eran sólo las voces del anticlericalismo más desbordado las que criticaban la obra de don Bosco. En términos aún más claros, e indirectamente dirigidos contra don Bosco, considerado como un abanderado de la literatura popular católica, se expresó
así Francesco De Sanctis:
«Si presentáis ahora como modelos a San Luis Gonzaga, a San Carlos Borromeo, a San Alejo y aquellas virtudes como remedio de todo, y enseñáis que no hay que sentir las ofensas, las necesidades, la misma hambre, forjáis tal ideal que cuando los jóvenes entren en la vida real, menos los predestinados a la santidad y al heroísmo, que son un número muy pequeño, darán con el peor de los males que pueda sufrir un pueblo: distinguir la escuela de la vida, lo que han aprendido en abstracto de lo que se hace de
veras; se harán hipócritas».2
Ni hay que creer, por último, que en ciertas ocasiones el juicio de parte de algunos católicos haya sido más indulgente. Ésta es, en efecto, una de las acusaciones de contenido teológico en el proceso para la canonización de don
Bosco:
«Don Bosco compuso la Vida de Domingo Savio sirviéndose de recuerdos persona
' Don Giovanni Bosco, en «Gesii Cristo, Grido popolare antidericale», 22-29 ottobre 1882.
2 F. DE SANCTIS, Cesare Cantü e la letteratura popolare, en: La letteratura italiana nel secolo XIX, vol. U: La scuola liberale e la scuola democratica, Bari 1954, p. 251-257
«curiosos» o «extravagantes», sino para reconstruir de un modo más completo el intento de educar la mentalidad popular, el modo de proceder educativo, el
sentido común, en definitiva.
A ese espacio, pues, hay que referir el nacimiento y el desarrollo del teatro
popular católico, definido de varios modos en su larga parábola de existencia como «teatrino» (término usado con frecuencia por don Bosco), «teatro educativo», «teatro filodramático» y, con un término dirigido a subrayar más tarde la pertenencia católica, «nuestro teatro». Los orígenes del fenómeno, al menos para los tiempos recientes, hay que atribuirlos a don Bosco; y los éxitos sucesivos los obtuvo una larga fila de autores que, parafraseando una frase muy conocida de Gramsci, no dudaría en definir como los «nietecitos de don Bosco». Y esto también porque las Regole per il teatrino que don Bosco re
dactó en 1858 constituirán un cañamazo rescindible e ideal para toda la
larga y afortunada trayectoria de los grupos de aficionados católicos.'
2. La idea inspiradora
Vale la pena, por tanto, detenerse en la idea inspiradora de la iniciativa que se atribuye unánimemente a don Bosco. Pero a este propósito conviene poner
en claro que la pedagogía teatral de don Bosco estaba lejos e cualquier pre-
ta
tensión artística en sentido tradicional, y se entregaba más biedn a una espon neidad creadora sostenida por una constate preocu stpación de carácter moral. No es casualidad que una de las sugerencians más insientes de don Bosco haya sido subrayar el carácter didáctico que debía tener el teatro en sus casas. En este sentido, los pequeños proscenios ocupados por aficionados se consideraban escuelas, medios de enseñanza de los principios católicos a través de la
declamación de diálogos y encuentros en los escenarios.
El mismo don Bosco se aventuró en la redacción de algunos textos, como la Disputa col pastore protestante o los Dialoghi popolari su alcuni errori di religione, convirtiéndose en cabeza de uno de los géneros de mayor éxito en el «teatrino»: la afirmación de la supremacía del catolicismo sobre los «enemigos
de la Iglesia».8
Sin embargo, más explicíto todavía sobre los fines de los escenarios aficio
nados es el mismo «manifesto» del teatro educativo, que d Bosco redactó en 1858 con el fin de dar cierta disciplina a una actividad que él, no sólo animaba, sino que promovía organizando representaciones en el comedor del Oratorio de Valdocco. En los 20 párrafás en los que se subdividen las «re
Para un análisis más detenido del «teatrino» y de las cuestiones tocadas en esta comunicación, cfr. S. PIVATO, Il teatro di parrocchia. Mondo cattolico e organizzazione del consenso durante
il fascismo, Roma, FIAD 1979.
Sobre la producción teatral de don Bosco, cf. M. BONGIOANNI, Giochiamo al teatro. Dalla
invenzione drammatica al teatro espressivo, Leumann (T orino), Elle Di Ci 1977.
glas», subrayaba ante todo el carácter educativo, instructivo y recreativo del «teatrino ».
Y para responder a esta primera regla fundamental, don Bosco recomendaba que «los textos sean amenos y aptos para recrear y divertir, pero siempre instructivos, morales y breves. La excesiva duración, además de mayor molestia en los ensayos, cansa generalmente a los espectadores y hace perder el mérito de la representación y produce cansancio aun en las cosas de estima». Además — proseguía don Bosco — «Evítense los textos que presenten hechos atroces. Se puede tolerar alguna escena un poco seria, pero suprímanse las
expresiones poco cristianas y las palabras que, dichas en otros lugares, se considerarían poco educadas o demasiado plebeyas».
Pero don Bosco no sólo prestaba atención a los aspectos éticos o de contenido, sino que daba normas de comportamiento que debían observar los grupos. El «teatrino» no era, pues, sólo lugar de enseñanza para los espectadores, sino también «escuela de vida para los actores». A este fin, don Bosco recomendaba que: «Entre los jóvenes a los que se destina a actuar, escójanse los mejores en conducta». Pero advertía también que «no se den premios o señales de estima o elogio a los que Dios dota de aptitudes especiales para decla
mar, cantar o tocar. Ya tienen premio en el tiempo que se les deja libre y en las lecciones que se les facilita».
Éstos son los puntos fundamentales de las Regole, que se entretenían también detenidamente en aspectos técnicos (preparación de escenarios o diálo
gos, acompañamiento musical de las obras, preparación de una biblioteca de textos de teatro y otras cosas).9
Con estas Regole el teatro iba convirtiéndose en uno de los elementos privilegiados del sistema educativo salesiano. Es más, se convertía en parte integrante de aquel método preventivo en el que la actividad lúdica — recuerdo que en las Regole don Bosco insiste en que el teatro debe sobre todo «alegrar, ser recreo, divertir» —, según algunos estudiosos, «se pone tan en alto y se valora tanto, que de ella se hace depender no sólo el buen funcionamiento de la escuela, sino hasta la vida religiosa del muchacho».'°
3. Difusión de la experiencia
La primera representación teatral de la que se tiene noticia en las Memorias biográficas se remonta al 29 de junio de 1847." Las Regole pel teatrino son de once años más tarde: lo que si hace suponer que don Bosco se sintió movido a escribirlas con la intención de reglamentar una actividad recreativa que
9 Regole pel teatrino, en: MB VI, 106-108.
lo G. Bosco, Il sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventú, Torino 1877, p. 42. " MB III, 592.
poco a poco iba afirmándose en los colegios y en los oratorios salesianos, hace pensar aún con más realismo que intuía el desarrollo que alcanzaría el teatro en los años sucesivos. Por lo demás, los catálogos de las editoriales populares católicas nos ofrecen diversos indicios sobre la expansión del fenómeno. En efecto: si en la colección de las «Letture Cattoliche», inaugurada, como se sabe, en 1853,12 empiezan a aparecer episódicamente pequeños volúmenes de comedias," es en 1885. cuando los salesianos empiezan a publicar sistemáticamente obras de teatro para esta actividad educativa.
En 1885, con Le Pistrine, un texto sobre el paganismo romano, se inauguraba en la Tipografía Salesiana de San Benigno Canavese una colección de publicaciones periódicas, «Letture drammatiche», que se puede considerar como la primera iniciativa editorial de altos vuelos en el campo del teatro aficionado. Son más de cien los títulos que figuran en el catálogo de las «Letture draramatiche» al final del sigo. Pero hay otras casas editoras que publican textos para los grupos de aficionados católicos: entre ellas, la Serafino Majocchi de Milán, la Libreria Salesiana Editrice de Roma y la Tipografía dell'Immaco
lata Concezione de Módena.
Pero, ¿qué tipo de comedias contenían los textos para los grupos de aficio
nados? ¿Qué géneros tenían más amplia difusión?
Una rápida lectura de los títulos de las «Letture drammatiche» publicadas
entre 1885 y 1889 nos permite una primera respuesta a la pregunta. De cincuenta comedias, veinte son de carácter sagrado, doce de carácter histórico y el resto del catálogo pertenece al teatro anecdótico-moral, frecuentemente con
comedias de contenido social y familiar.
Y el análisis de otros catálogos confirma la ventaja de esos tres géneros.
Por tanto, representaciones sagradas, cuadros edificantes, bocetos cómicos, cuyo intento pedagógico era, sobre todo, «moralizar» a los espectadores. Finalidad que se capta también en la división de los títulos de las comedias para «sólo hombres» o «sólo mujeres», según un concepto teatral que sólo en casos
excepcionales admitía la promiscuidad escénica."
En realidad, como ha notado certeramente Gabriele De Rosa, «estas co
medias tienen poco que ver con la historia del teatro. Tenían un fin pedagógico práctico: edificar al militante de acción católica, rebatir la propaganda adversaria, rechazar los modelos propuestos por el teatro positivista y miniburgués, exaltando a la familia católica con sus tradiciones, su fe y sus vir
tudes»."
Fi teatro educativo expresaba módulos y contenidos que no derivan en ab
soluto de la cultura teatral contemporánea y anterior y su retaguardia era la de
'2 Sobre las «Letture Cattoliche», cf. L. GIOVANNINI, Le «Letture Cattoliche» di don Bosco.
u Ibid., p. 157-175.
" F. TOMA, Moralitá avanti tutto!, en «Il Carro di Tespi» 1 (1908) 1, 3-4.
15 G. DE ROSA, Risposte agli interventi, en: II movimento cattolico e la societá italiana in cento anni di storia, p. 88.
la pedagogía católica absolutamente autónoma e impermeable a las ideologías y a los movimientos culturales de su tiempo. Exactamente, como escribió uno de los promotores del teatro educativo, las comedias eran «trabajos de autores católicos para representarse en ambientes católicos, por actores católicos,
frente a públicos católicos y, además, eran trabajos recomendados y publicados por editores católicos y por revistas católicas»."
Sin embargo, creo que no se comprendería del todo la importancia del teatro como instrumento educativo sí no se mirase el desarrollo posterior a la obra de don Bosco y de los salesianos de Turín. En realidad, el teatro acompaña a la expansión del movimiento católico en la sociedad italiana. Más aún, se convierte en uno de los instrumentos que los obispos, la Acción Católica y los educadores recomiendan constantemente. Bastan, además, pocos datos para entender que en pocas décadas el teatro se transforma en un vasto movi
miento con estructuras y organización complejas desde la tarea de don Bosco, inicial y artesanal.
Nacen al comienzo de este siglo las primeras revistas dirigidas a los grupos de teatro aficionado: Su la scena (1903), II carro di Tespi (1908), Teatro, musica e sport (1912). Y se fundaban, además, varias asociaciones de autores, como la
«Societá degli autori del teatro cattolico» (1905) y la «Societá Italiana tra gli autori del teatro cattolico» (S.I.A.T.E.), aparecida en Roma en 1911."
Sin embargo, en el aspecto organizativo, fue determinante el nacimiento de la «Federazione Associazioni Teatrali Educative» (F.A.T.E.) en 1912. Ésta,
que comenzaba en 1913 la publicación de II Teatro nostro, alcanzaba en 1914 a contar cerca de trescientos círculos federados.
Las dimensiones de fenómeno de masas del «teatrino» se captan mejor si se examinan los catálogos de las editoriales católicas. En 1916, la casa editora vicentina Giovanni Galia presentaba al público un muestrario de casi 5.000
trabajos teatrales para «seminarios, colegios, institutos, sociedades, círculos y asociaciones de recreo católicos»."
A lo largo de los años 30, hasta cinco casas editoras imprimían exclusivamente textos para el teatro educativo.' Una producción total que, mediados los años 30, se calculaba alrededor de ochenta nuevos trabajos editados cada año, con el lanzamiento al mercado de doscientos mil volúmenes de comedias
16 E. ANSELMETTI, Determinismo e libero arbitrio en «Scene e Controscene» (1933) 8-9, 7. 12 PIVATO, Il teatro di parrocchia.
" Catalogo di 5.000 lavori teatral:: Commedie. Drammi. Tragedie. Farse. Scherzi. Monologhi per seminari, collegi, istituti, societá, circoli e ricreatori cattolici, Vicenza, Libreria Giovanni Galia
1916. Véase también: Il teatro cattolico, Vademecum indispensabile per i direttori di scena dei teatrini cattolici maschili e femminili, San Benigno Canavese, Libreria Salesiana 1906.
19 Estas eran: Serafino Majocchi de Milán, Paolo Viano de Turín, Libreria Editrice del Ricreatorio de Bagnacavallo, Libreria Editrice Salesiana de Florencia, Libreria Editrice Salesiana de
Roma. Cf. Case editrici cattoliche, en: Il ragguaglio dell'attivitá culturale letteraria ed artistica dei cattolici in Italia, Milano, Istituto di Propaganda Libraría 1941, p. 469-471.
para el teatro de aficionados.2° Fue notable, además, el número de pequeños teatros, que algunas estadísticas elevaban, al comienzo de los años 30, a diez mil. Cifra sin duda aceptable, aunque estadísticamente no se pueda comprobar, dada la facilidad con que se podían eludir los derechos fiscales en las salas que no tenían carácter propiamente industrial o en los colegios en los que se puede suponer que se continuase la costumbre — como se lee en las Memorias
de don Bosco — de montar el escenario en el comedor vez por vez."
Es también amplia la lista de autores. Y no pocos de ellos eran personajes
de relieve, ligados a la marcha del movimiento católico italiano, tanto político como religioso. Fue el caso de Luigi Sturzo,22 Saverio Fino23 o Luigi Corazzin,' escritores de comedias o promotores de numerosas iniciativas en el campo del teatro. O bien obispos como Fortunato De Santa," autor de dramas sacros. Pero también de personajes menos conocidos en el mundo nacional y, sin embargo, protagonistas con frecuencia en cada una de las realidades locales de la vida católica. Entre ellos, Carlo Trabucco, sin duda alguna artífice principal del teatro educativo en el período entre ambas guerras, autor prolí
fico y presidente de la Juventud Católica de Turín a partir de 1927.
Pero como prueba del peso de la herencia de don Bosco en este mundo tea
tral, hay que subrayar que no pocos autores provienen del mundo salesíano: comenzando por Angelo Pietro Berton, al que pertenece una de las obras clásicas de los escenarios católicos, II piccolo parigino. Para seguir con Augusto
20 C. REPOSSI, Teatro cattolico. 11 teatro delle nostre associazioni, en «11 Ragguaglio» 8 (1937) 97-103.
21 MB III, 105-106.
22 Véase selección de algunos textos teatrales de Sturzo en: L. STURZO, Scritti inediti, vol. I:
1890-1924, a cura di F. Piva, Roma, Cinque Lune 1974, p. 53-103 y p. 108-186. Algunas indicaciones sobre esta actividad, en: F. PIVA - F. MALGERI, Vita di Luigi Sturzo, p. 121-123. De Rosa
observa: «Le sue commedie erano costruite a sostegno della lotta che conduceva nelle cam
pagne, contro i gabellotti, le cosche o anche per denunciare mentalitá e costumi dell'odiata borghesia laicista. Insomma commedie, per col dire, meridionalistiche, e del meridionalismo di un cattolico intransigente, come era Sturzo negli anni giovanili» (G. DE ROSA, Luigi Sturzo, Torillo,
UTET 1977, p. 121).
" Saverio Fino (1874-1937). Diputato del Partido popular en dos legislaturas de 1919 a
1924. Fue uno de los promotores del teatro educativo. En 1931 fundó la revita «I Quademi del Teatro Cristiano», con la intención de llevar el drama sacro a los escenarios del «teatrino». Entre sus trabajos más famosos para las filodramáticas católicas: Qui si bestemmia, La Madonna del sorriso, La camera rossa, II prete della forra. Cf. la bibliografía completa de sus escritos en «Boccascena» 2 (1937) 3, 28-29. Firmó algunos de sus trabajos con el pseudónimo: «Di Mario Valli». Sobre su figura, véase también el perfil biográfico de E. WALTER CRIVELLIN, Saverio Fino tra popolarismo e fascismo. Spunti per una biografía, Torillo, Centro Studi C. Trabucco 1987, p. 23-43.
24 Luigi Corazzin (1888-1946), diputado del P.P.I., fue autor de dramas religiosos para el «teatrino». Entre otros: Frate Tupo, Trecento, La grande vigilia, Il fabbricatore d'oro, Vita. Este úl
timo sobre la persecución religiosa en Rusia.
25 Fortunato De Santa (1862-1939), sacerdote de Udine y obispo de Sessa Aurunca (1914) y
autor, en 1901, de una Passione di Cristo. Cf. Un Vescovo autore drammatico, en «fi Teatro Nostro» 4 (1914) 7, 100.
Micheletti (La madre, Uno che s'incammina) y Amilcare Marescalchi (La vittoria di don Bosco).
La Societá Editrice Internazionale y la Libreria Editrice Salesiana de Roma siguieron, además, en los años siguientes, publicando a algunos de los autores
más aceptados: entre ellos, y sólo por citar alguno, a Virginio Prinzivalli, Giuseppe Fancitillr, Onorato Castellino.26
En las recientes celebraciones sobre el Centenario, varias intervenciones han acentuado la capacidad de don Bosco y de los salesianos para estructurar
la comunicación de la pastoral en diversos niveles: desde el escrito al hablado y, en un tiempo más reciente, al cine.
Se conoce también que, en la pastoral salesiana, la prensa ostenta una cierta primogenitura respecto del teatro. Pero también es verdad que hacia la mitad del siglo XIX el medio escrito, la prensa, aun redactada en forma «sim
ple y llana», padecía un evidente límite de difusión frente a los elevados índices de analfabetismo de los estratos populares.
Téngase presente, además, que aun en 1871, en Piamonte, el área de mayor difusión de las «Letture Cattoliche», el analfabetismo alcanzaba todavía el 58% de la población." Pero este tanto por ciento, de por sí ya elevado, no
permite hacer pensar automáticamente en el resto como un área potencial de lectores.
En realidad, como se ha hecho notar agudamente, entre el que sabe leer y el analfabeto, se sitúa la masa gris y numerosa de los semianalfabetos. Se dan.., los que saben leer, pero no saben escribir... Y hay quienes saben leer y
escribir, pero que difícilmente entienden lo que leen y a duras penas escriben algo que vaya más allá de su firma.'
Según los cálculos hechos por De Mauro, en 1861 los «italohlantes», es decir, los que podían hablar y entender la lengua italiana, sumaban apenas el 2,5% de la población total de Italia." Esto nos hace entender que hacia finales del siglo XIX el mercado de las ediciones populares podía contar con un público muy restringido con capacidad de leer y «entender». 3° Precisamente estas observaciones vienen bien sobre la «lengua popular» de don Bosco, que hay que entender no tanto como un medio literario original, sino más bien
26 Cf. PIVATO, Il teatro di parrocchia.
21 Sobre el analfabetismo en Piamonte a finales del 800, cf. G. VIGO, Istruzione e sviluppo economico in Italia alla fine del secolo XIX, Torino, ILTE 1971.
28 Cf. C.M. CIPOLLA, Istruzione e sviluppo. Ii declino dell'analfabetismo nel mondo occidentale, Torino, ILTE 1971, p. 44.
29 T. DE MAURO, Storia linguistica dell'Italia Unita, vol. I, Bari, Laterza 1979, p. 43.
3° Finalmente, es muy significativo lo que escribe el redactor de la monografía para la encuesta Jacini relativa a Piamonte, a propósito de la instrucción impartida en las escuelas elementales: «L'istruzione consiste nel saper leggere qualche po' e scrivere scorrettamente. Tenuissimo ne riesce il profitto tantoché dogo pochi anni di codesti allievi non cono piú in grado di capire una
scrittura e di scrivere intelligibilmente forse neanche il proprio nome!» (Asti della Giunta per l'Inchiesta Agraria, C.M. CWOLLA, Istruzione e sviluppo).
como norma, como criterio para hacerse entender por un público apenas alfa
betizado.
El mismo don Bosco había precisado, por otra parte, que en la redacción
de una obrita popular eran preferibles «las impropiedades [...] y la ausencia de
elegancia en el estilo al riesgo de que el pueblo no entendiese» 3i
Se podría, pues, concluir resumiendo que, en una escala hipotética de los
instrumentos de la cultura popular salesiana, el teatro fue el «escalón más bajo»; es, en definitiva, el instrumento educativo más inmediato, que permite hacer llegar también a un público analfabeto, al público que no es capaz de
acceder a la prensa, los mensajes de la pastoral católica.
Esta observación nos viene bien para enfrentarnos con uno de los temas mas controvertidos de la experiencia de don Bosco: el que se refiere a su pre
sunta modernidad.
4. Modernidad de don Bosco
Desde luego que si nos pusiésemos a leer los textos del teatro de don Bosco, no haríamos más que confirmar el juicio de quien ha escrito que «su modernidad no supone análisis y opciones ideológicas».32 Don Bosco sigue, en efecto, profundamente anclado en un «catolicismo de marcadas tendencias ultramontanas, devocionales y moralistas», que muestra, en definitiva, «la insti
tución tradicionalista en la que se movía».33
En realidad, la modernidad de don Bosco no hay que tomarla a través de puntos de referencia ideológicos y doctrinales, sino, en todo caso, en un plano más pragmático y concreto. Precisamente en aquel sector de la «cultura popular» que hoy, con un término más actual, definiríamos como mass-media.
Y su modernidad consiste precisamente en su contemporaneidad por lo
que se refiere los instrumentos de la comunicación. Es decir, en haber sabido propagar un lenguaje tradicional, el de la pastoral católica, a través de un nuevo instrumento — el teatro — que tenía presente, sobre todo, por parte del
público al que se dirigía, la capacidad de recepción.
Pero la modernidad de don Bosco resalta más si se considera el teatro, no sólo como medio de comunicación, sino también como instrumento de socialización. Es cierto que sí se lleva aquel teatro a un campo de investigación totalmente nueva conio el de la historia de la sociabilidad,34 no puede negársele el
31 E IV, 321.
32 M. GUASCO, Don Bosco nella storia religiosa del seo tempo, en: Don Bosco e le sfide della
modernitá (Quaderni del Centro Studi «C. Trabucco», 11), Torino, Stabilimento Poligrafico Edi
toriale «C. Fanton» 1988, p. 29.
33 F. TRANIELLO, Don Bosco e il problema della modernitá, en: ibid., p. 43.
34 Sobre el concepto de «sociabilia», cf. G. GEMELLI - A. MALATESTA, Forme di sociabilitá nella storiografta francese contemporanea, Milano, Feltrinelli 1982.
papel que tuvo en una sociedad que, a partir del final del siglo XIX, veía tambalearse los ritmos y los modelos sociales, que antes plasmó y vivió la sociedad rural. Por lo demás, todo el sector de la cultura popular, pero especialmente el teatro, puede constituir un campo de estudio entre los que recientemente se señalan como los más prolíficos para la historia asociativa del mundo católico, donde se subrayaba que «en la mayor parte de los casos, la historiografía sobre el catolicismo contemporáneo ha acabado olvidando precisamente los dinamismos interiores del asociacionismo religioso».33
En realidad, los estudios sobre el movimiento católico no han dado todavía el justo valor a los nuevos lugares de la socialización popular que el mundo católico ofrece, frente a la disgregación de la sociedad rural. Y ciertamente en una historia de la sociabilidad del mundo católico en la edad industrial, hay que considerar a don Bosco como un significativo incipit.
Piénsese, sólo para fijarnos en un ejemplo, en uno de los lugares y momentos más significativos de la sociabilidad de la edad industrial: el deporte.36 Es más, se trata de un sector que, tal vez, demuestra más que la prensa y el teatro, que don Bosco percibía con mucha anticipación, no sólo respecto a las oligarquías liberales, sino también al movimiento obrero, la capacidad educativa y de asociación del deporte. Y a este propósito viene oportuna la observación de Piero Bairati en una intervención discutida, en la que escribió que don Bosco percibe, precisamente porque vive metido en una realidad como la de Turín, los cambios que la revolución industrial introduce, no sólo en los ritmos de producción, sino también en los sociales.37
Y el deporte, que en 1902 recibiría el saludo profético del barnabita Giovanni Semeria como «la afirmación popular de la sociedad industrial de maña
na»,38 pone en evidencia la clase de modernidad pragmática de don Bosco o, aún mejor, la intuición de la pedagogía salesiana para comprender la utilidad de ciertos instrumentos educativos y asociativos sobre los que se iba modelando la naciente realidad urbana e industrial.
«Dése amplia libertad para saltar, correr, gritar a placer. La gimnasia, la música, la declamación, el teatro, las excursiones son medios eficacísimos para obtener disciplina, facilitar la moralidad y la santidad», había escrito don Bosco.39
Y en este aspecto particular de la actividad deportiva resalta más tarde el tipo especial de modernidad de don Bosco. La red de las actividades deporti
35 R. MORO, Movimento cattolico e associazionismo: un problema storiografico, en «Quaderni di Azione Sociale» (1988) 19-39.
36 Cf. S. PIVATO, Sia lodato Bartali. Ideologia cultura e miti dello sport cattolico 1936-1948, Roma, Edizioni Lavoro 1985.
39 P. BABATI, Cultura salesiana e societá industriale, en: TRAME .LO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 331-357.
" G. SEMERIA, Giovane Romagna (sport cristiano), Castrocaro, Tip. Moderna 1902, p. 8. 39 G. Bosco, Il sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventú, p. 39.
vas salesíanas tiene ya un increíble desarrollo a comienzos del siglo XX: se promueven reuniones gimnásticas, se organizan torneos deportivos, se acostumbra a los muchachos de los oratorios al movimiento, al juego.
Y todo esto cuando — estamos en los comienzos del presente siglo — el movimiento socialista se opone profundamente a la actividad deportiva: más aún, la considera una actividad «burguesa», hasta el punto de que en más de una ocasión la ve como lícita sólo para los «burgueses» y los «vagos», y, por tanto, incompatible con los fines del socialismo. Hubo de llegarse hasta 1924 para que Filippo Turati hiciese autocrítica a esa afirmación, comprendiendo con mucho retraso la capacidad de asociación y educativa del deporte.'
Y no cabe duda de que el éxito que encontró el deporte en las filas del movimiento católico a partir de los comienzos de este siglo, recibió también la enseñanza de don Bosco. Él, como encontramos testimoniado en las Memo
rias:
«Muchísimas veces, y especialmente en el año 1859-60, ponía en fila a cientos de jóvenes en el patio, y se ponía delante después de haber dicho: — Seguidme siempre, poniendo cada uno el pie en la huella del que va delante. Daba palmadas a ritmo, imitado por los que le seguían y torcía hacia la izquierda, iba derecho, seguía en diagonal y, al volverse, hacía un ángulo agudo o uno recto o un círculo. De repente decía: ¡Alto! — Los jóvenes que le habían seguido en todas estas vueltas caprichosas quedaban formados, uno junto al otro, en grupos raros de los que cualquier observador no habría captado el porqué. Pero otros jóvenes, que habían entendido por estos movimientos la intención de don Bosco, iban corriendo al balcón y descubrían que cada grupo formaba una letra cubital y con ellas leían claramente las palabras: Viva Pío Nono. Como no era prudente gritar esas palabras mientras el Pontífice estaba amenazado y asaltado, él lo escribía con las cabezas de sus lújos».41
Una práctica «moderna» como la deportiva, le servía a don Bosco para reafirmar principios e ideas tradicionalistas. Precisamente, como se ha dicho, ideología pasada y modernidad pragmatista.
4° Sobre estos temas, cf. F. FABRIa10, Storia dello sport in Italia. Dalle sodetá ginnastiche
all'associazionismo di massa, Firenze, Guaraldi 1977. 41 MB VI, 343.
DON BOSCO Y LA PRENSA Francesco MALGERI
1. Nuevo interés por el tema
El tema de esta comunicación ciertamente no es nuevo para los estudiosos de don Bosco. El empeño editorial y las notables cualidades manifestadas por don Bosco en la preparación y difusión de una varíadísima serie de textos, opúsculos y publicaciones periódicas no han dejado de atraer la atención de los investigadores, sobre todo en estos últimos años. Los estudios del fenómeno salesíano han salido de una cierta «oleografía» para entrar, dedicidamente, por el camino del más serlo y calificado enfoque científico, gracias, sobre todo, a los trabajos de Píetro Stella,' de Pietro Braido2 y de otros muchos estudiosos presentes en este Congreso.
Uno de los primeros trabajos dedicados a nuestro tema vio la luz en 1957. En esta fecha, Eugenio Valen-dril, publicó un ensayo titulado Don Bosco e l'apostolato della stampa,3 al que siguió, en 1961, un nuevo ensayo del mismo autor sobre La prima scuola grafica salesiana.4 Pero fue necesario esperar veinte años y, sobre todo, esperar a que se publicara el volumen de Píetro Stella sobre Don Bosco nella storia economíca e sociale (1815-1870), para ver, finalmente, afrontado, en el capítulo XV, el tema de la «empresas editoriales» de don Bosco. En dicho capítulo se estudia el asunto sobre la base de un rica documentación de primera mano, con especial atención a poner de relieve tanto los aspectos empresariales como el significado pedagógico y apostólico que caracterizaba a aquellas iniciativas.5
En 1984, Luígi Giovanniní publicó el trabajo más amplío sobre la iniciativa editorial más significativa: las «Lecturas Católicas» (de las que nos volveremos
Cf. especialmente: P. STELLA, Gli scritti a stampa di don Bosco, Roma, LAS 1977; ID., Don Bosco nella storia economica e rocíale (1815-1870), Roma, LAS 1980.
2 Cf. P. BRAIDO, Il sistema preventivo di don Bosco, Zürich, Pas-Verlag 1964; lo., L'esperienza pedagogica di don Bosco, Roma, LAS 1988; G. Bosco, Il sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventú. Introduzione e testi critici, a cura di P. Braido, Roma, LAS 1985.
E. VALENTINI, Don Bosco e l'apostolato della stampa, Torino, SEI 1957.
E. VALENTINT, La prima scuola grafica salesiana 1861-1961, Torino, SEI 1961.
STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 327-400.
insignificantes iniciativas sociales, pedagógicas, asistenciales y recreativas, el no insignificante peso que suponía (desde el punto de vista económico y desde el punto de vista personal) la impresión de numerosas y varias publicaciones periódicas.
La respuesta a este interrogante puede venir de dos motivos. El primer motivo se puede encontrar en una especie de pasión no disimulada de don Bosco por la prensa, por el libro, por la actividad editorial, por el trabajo tipo- gráfico; casi una fiebre que le lleva a multiplicar sus iniciativas en este campo, a hacer proyectos de ediciones, de colecciones, de publicaciones periódicas, aun cuando los recursos sean escasos y las fuerzas limitadas; y que le lleva a crear tipografías llamadas a crecer y a multiplicarse milagrosamente. Pero es claro que esta pasión, esta fiebre es también el reflejo de un problema que don Bosco detecta claramente en la realidad social, política, cultural de aquellos años. Es decir, la exigencia que el mundo católico de aquellos años — desde la primera década del Ochocientos en adelante — había manifestado, cada vez más claramente, de impulsar, desarrollar y difundir la «buena prensa», como se decía entonces.
Eta un viejo tema que encontramos ya a principios del siglo en Piamonte, en el seno de la asociación de las «Amicizie cattoliche», dirigidas por Cesare , d'Azeglio, cuyo fin principal era la difusión de buenos libros." Una asociación que, como es sabido, se caracterizaba por su visión legitimista objetivo de la vida palí- printica, que tenía una estructura aristocrática, y se proponía, como
cipal, la difusión de «buenos libros». o
Los acontecimientos psterires, desde los movimientos de 1821 en adelante; el afirmarse de las corrienteso liberales y de una política eclesiástica de los gobiernos sardos encaminada a limitar el ámbito de movimiento de la Iglesia; el irrumpir de una prensa violentamente anticlerical, que ponía en discusión los antiguos valores de la Iglesia y de la religión; el espacio que encontraba la propaganda protestante, especialmente de los valdenses, son todos elementos que concurren a preocupar más al mundo católico, que se siente asediado de libros, gacetas, periódicos que insinúan ideas lejanas y contrarias a los valores de la fe católica.
Se trata de una preocupación que llega hasta la jerarquía eclesiástica piamontesa. En el mes de julio de 1849, se reúnen en Víllanovetta, diócesis de Saluzzo, los obispos del Piamonte, para solicitar la «difusión de buenos libros», con el fin de oponer a las «armas de la irreligiosidad y de la inmoralidad el antídoto de las buenas lecturas».' Los obispos piamonteses, entre los que se distinguió mons. Moreno, obispo de Ivrea, encontraron sin duda en don Bosco una valioso ejecutor de las directrices emanadas por ellos. Es más, don Bosco había anticipado muchas de las indicaciones del episcopado piamontés.
" Cf. G. DE ROSA, Storia del movimento cattolico in Italia, vol. I: Dalla restaurazione all'etá
giolittiana, Bari, Laterza 1966, p. 1 3 -38.
12 Cf. GIOVANNINI, Le «Letture Cattoliche», p. 71s.
3. Las «Letture Cattoliche»
1
La experiencia poco positiva de don Bosco con «L'Amico della Gio- ventii», que dejó también tras sí problemas de carácter financiero y judicial, fi debió de convencerlo, seguramente, de que la fórmula del periódico tradicio- I nal no respondía plenamente a sus exigencias de mediación cultural y relí-
losa.Mediación que había ya, en parte, logrado con los pequeños volúmenes / publicados en los años precedentes. Con otras palabras, la solución adoptada por don Bosco daba mayores garantías de responder a los objetivos que él se \ ,,,1); proponía alcanzar: ofrecer un producto en grado de ser, al mismo tiempo, - medio de inculturación, de guía espiritual y de entretenimiento. Este objetivo era más fácilmente alcanzable a través de la publicación periódica, pero no de , un periódico, sino de un pequeño libro de bolsillo, que no tenía el carácter I efímero, transitorio y ligado a la actualidad del periódico tradicional. Al con- t nado, los libritos ofrecidos mensualmente por don Bosco - mediante la feliz fórmula de las «Letture Cattoliche» - no perdían con el tiempo su frescura; y constituían la base para una bibliotequita que ofrecía conocimientos de historia sagrada y de historia civil, noticias sobre la vida de los santos, lecturas amenas, narraciones divertidas o edificantes, noticias prácticas y útiles. No faltaban ejemplos de publicaciones de este tipo en la prensa católica del Ocho- , cientos."
Las «Lecturas Católicas» fueron una fórmula muy feliz, que don Bosco logró realizar en 1853. Con ella venía a secundar, por una parte, las directrices de los obispos piamonteses (encontrando en m ons. More libno un el apoyo no des-
éxito deñable), y, por otra, venía a cubrir un campo dejado re por escaso obtenido por la «Collezione di buoni libri a favore della religione cattolica», publicada por el editor Botta, que no había tenido tampoco mucha aceptación de parte del episcopado piamontés, a causa de un cierto enfoque filoaustríaco de la misma, por la escasa capacidad de traducir en un lenguaje comprensible conceptos y problemas de carácter religioso, y por la falta de contenidos más ., ligeros o amenos, capaces de suscitar la atención y el interés de los ambientes populares.'
Ciertamente no es posible analizar, en este momento, con la atención que merecerían los centenares de pequeños volúmenes que forman la colección de las «Lecturas Católicas». Se puede decir que éstas respondieron constantemente al enfoque sugerido e indicado por don Bosco al lanzar la iniciativa en el «Piano dell'Associazione delle Letture Cattoliche». En dicho plan habla de libros «de estilo simple y lenguaje popular», dedicados a «materias que se refieren exclusivamente a la Religión católica»." Si se quisiera cuantificar, aun. Cf. GIOVANNINI, Le «Letture Cattoliche», p. 70-88
24 Cf. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica, p. 348-350.
" Cf. VALENTINI, Don Bosco e l'apostolato della stampa, p. 13.
que fuera en modo aproximado, los géneros propuestos durante el período
comprendido entre el comienzo de la publicación y la muerte de don Bosco, se
podría afirmar que cerca de la mitad de los volúmenes se referían a argumentos de instrucción dogmática y moral; la parte más consistente de la otra mitad estaba dedicada a las vidas de santos y a la historia religiosa; mientras que la parte restante estaba compuesta de historias amenas y lecturas entretenidas. De todas formas hay que precisar que, más allá del género elegido, prevalece siempre, de un lado, la preocupación educativa y religiosa, y, de otro, el esfuerzo de ofrecer textos muy claros_ycomprensibles. Se usa frecuentemente el diálogo entre diversos personajes, para hacer más viva la narración y para poner mejor de relieve los diversos aspectos de una cuestión.
En el prefacio a la Vita di San Pietro, publicada en el número de enero de 1857, don Bosco precisaba: «Yo escribo para el pueblo y, por tanto, evitando todo amaneramiento de estilo, toda duda y toda discusión inútil, trataré de reducir el estilo y la materia a aquella sencillez que exige la exactitud de la historia unida con la teología y con las reglas de nuestra lengua italiana».26 No se debe olvidar tampoco las frecuentes referencias a los problemas conexos con los diversos oficios, a las relaciones que existían entre pobres y ricos frente a la vida y frente a los comportamientos religiosos, a la práctica y a las exigencias de la fe.
De los 432 fascículos publicados desde 1853 a 1888, don Bosco escribió personalmente cerca de 70, sirviéndose, para los demás, de la colaboración del prior de Santa Sabina (Génova), Giuseppe Frassinetti, del padre Francesco Martinengo, del padre Carlo Filippo da Poirino, del canónigo Lorenzo Gastaldi, más tarde arzobispo de Turín, y de otros. De la escuela de don Bosco provenían varios escritores de las «Lecturas Católicas», como Giovanni Battista Lemoyne, Giovanni Bonetti, Giulio Barberis, Giovanni Battista Francesia y Stefano Trione.
Hay que recordar, junto al problema de los contenidos y de los autores, el tema de la difusión de estas publicaciones, sobre el que se ha detenido ya Francesco Traniello en su ponencia, dando importantes indicaciones. Aunque no siempre las cifras coinciden, ha sido subrayado por numerosos estudiosos que, desde los primerísimos años, don Bosco logró difundir muchos miles de ejemplares de las «Lecturas Católicas». Las cifras relativas a los años sucesivos son todavía más consistentes. Las suscripciones alcanzaron cifras significativas (de 12 a 14.000 cada año); pero, sobre todo, algunos de los fascículos más afortunados tuvieron numerosísimas reimpresiones.27 Según un cálculo aproximado, en los primeros cincuenta años, el total de los volúmenes impresos superó 1.200.000 ejemplares. Indudablemente favoreció no poco la difusión de
26 G. Bosco, Vita di San Pietro..., Tocino, Tip. Paravia 1856.
27 No todos los estudiosos de don Bosco concuerdan en la evaluación de las cifras relativas a la difusión real de las «Lecturas Católicas». Nos parecen atendibles y documentadas la cifras que indica STELLA, Don Bosco nella simia economica, p. 357-366.
las «Lecturas Católicas» su precio extremadamente reducido, fijado en L. 1,80 anuales en 1853, y que sufrió mínimas variaciones en el curso de los años si
guientes.
En 1888, a la muerte de don Bosco, el precio era de L. 2,25 anuales. Pero el problema de la difusión y del precio se relaciona íntimamente con el problema de la distribución, un antiguo problema para todos los editores, que '1 don Bosco logró resolver con notables intuiciones organizativas. Utilizó, por una parte, sobre todo las estructuras eclesiásticas, en particular el clero y los párrocos, con su capacidad de convencimiento y de penetración en el tejido socia1.28 Por otra parte, la utilización de correspondientes, encargados de recoger las suscripciones se demostró un sistema muy eficaz para mantener contactos con los pueblos o regiones más lejanas.
Las «Lecturas Católicas» constituyen, en último término, el núcleo central / y más importante de la actividad editorial de don Bosco por lo que se refiere a las publicaciones periódicas. No hay que descuidar, sin embargo, la iniciativa emprendida por don Bosco de dar vida en primer lugar, en 1877 al «Bollettino Salesiano», cuya función era muy diversa respecto a las «Lecturas Católicas». El «Boletín Salesiano» se convertía, como ha subrayado E. Valentini, en «un vínculo», que debía unir estrechamente entre sí y al mismo tiempo con el centro los cooperadores salesianos desparramados por todo el mundo.29
28 Al parecer, don Bosco había manifestado, en 1876, la intención de reimprimir los Bolandistas. A los que le hablaban del coste insostenible de la iniciativa, replicaba: «Io sostengo che con 12 coila lire di fondo mi sentirei di intraprendere la stampa, sicuro che si verrebbe a guadagnare
assai. [...] Andrei a Roma per ottenere la benedizione pontificia ed un Breve che mi autorizzasse ed incoraggiasse a ció; si manderebbero manifesti a tutti i Vescovi della Cristiana; ci metteremmo in relazione con tutti i librai d'Italia ed i principali d'Europa; manderemmo intorno alcuni viaggiatori che trattassero personalmente coi nostri corrispondenti. Si farebbe un'associazione avvertendo che chi s'associa all'opera di principio, la otterrá a mea prezzo di quello che costerebbe guando fosse compíuta; e cosi con l'acquisto che molti farebbero del primo volume, potremmo far fronte alle spese del secondo. Condizione d'associazione sarebbe non pagare tutta l'opera da principio, ma volume per volume in ragione di tanto per foglio, ed ogni armo uscirebbe un volume. Io credo che con queste precauzioni si arriverebbe a stampare, con un vantaggio inmenso per l'Italia e per l'Europa, la pió grande delle opere che si possegga. Ora costa circa due coila lire o almeno mille cinquecento; ed io mi sentirei di darla a seicento lire, prelevando ancora il mio guadagno netto di sirca la mea» (MB XI, 438s.).
29 Cf. VALENTINI, Don Bosco e l'apostolato della stampa, p. 24. En la conocida circular del 19 marzo 1885 don Bosco hacía este balance de sus numerosas iniciativas editoriales, dirigidas sobre todo a los jóvenes: «Colle Letture cattoliche mentre desiderava istruire tuno il popolo, aveva di mira di entrar nelle case, far conoscere lo spirito dominante nei nostri collegi e trarre alla virtó i giovanetti, specialmente colle biografie di Savio, di Besucco e simili. Col Giovane provveduto ebbi in mira di condurli in Chiesa, loro istillare lo spirito di pietá e innamorarli della frequenza dei sacramenti. Colla collezione dei dassici italiani e latini emendati e colla Storia d'italia e con altri libri storici o letterari volli assidermi al loro flanco nella scuola e preservarli da tanti errori e da tante passioni che loro riuscirebbero fatali pel tempo e per l'eternitá. Bramava come una volta essere loro compagno nelle ore della ricreazione, e ho meditato di ordinare una serie di libri amen che spero non tarderá a venire alla luce. Finalmente col Bollettino salesiano, fra i molti miei fini ebbi anche questo: di tener vivo nei giovanetti ritornati nelle loro famiglie l'onore dello spirito di San Francesco di Sales e alle sue massime e di loro stessi fare i salvatori di altri giovanetti» (circu
.
4. La prensa de don Bosco en el cuadro de la prensa católica
Encaminándonos hacia a la conclusión, es oportuno preguntarse de qué modo viene a colocarse la prensa de don Bosco en el más amplio cuadro de la prensa católica de aquellos años de la segunda mitad del Ochocientos. Es conocido el desarrollo de esta prensa, especialmente en su componente intransigente, en todas las regiones italianas. Es una prensa que se mueve en el ámbito de la tenaz oposición al Estado liberal y en la denodada defensa de los derechos «imprescriptibles» de la Santa Sede. Estos aspectos están ausentes de los escritos de don Bosco, a pesar de que en el Almanaque anual de las «Lecturas Católicas», titulado «Il Galantuomo», junto a noticias varias, datos, informaciones útiles, no faltaban frecuentemente algunos escritos de actualidad que se referían claramente a los problemas de la realidad social italiana y recordaban tonos familiares a la intransigencia católica. Se leía en el primer fascículo del «Galantuomo»: « ¡Pobre de mí! Yo oigo hablar todos los días de libertad e igualdad; y, mientras tanto, veo continuamente a señores que viajan en bellos carruajes, habitan en suntuosos palacios, se sientan a opíparas mesas; y yo — si por lo menos me encontrara solo, pero desgraciadamente somos muchos—, yo camino a pie, obligado a hacer servir la piel de mis calcañales como tacones de zapatos; todos los meses tengo que cambiar de casa, porque no puedo pagar el alquiler, y apenas logro disponer de un poco de polenta para dar de comer a mis cuatro hijos, cuya camisa les sirve de casaca, de camiseta y hasta de pantalón ».3°
Pero, más allá de estas realistas imágenes de un país marcado por profundos desequilibrios sociales, no hay en don Bosco ni en sus publicaciones aquel muestrario muy del gusto de la intransigencia católica. Don Bosco no lanza sus dardos contra el estado liberal y la monarquía de la casa de Saboya, no reivindica los violados derechos del Papa prisionero en el Vaticano. La mayor parte de los estudiosos de don Bosco subrayan que su posición es ajena a la política. Con todo, es indudable que no aparece completamente extraño al área de la intransigencia católica, a pesar de que estaba lejos de ciertas acentuaciones an
! tünstitudonales, y frecuentemente se mostraba propenso a la colaboración con las autoridades civiles. Pero su acción estaba también encaminada a conservar en torno a la Iglesia y a la parroquia a aquel mundo rural, que parecía marginado respecto a los problemas de la unidad nacional. En el fondo, don Bosco dirige sus publicaciones y se mueve dentro de la misma área del devocionalismo y de la piedad popular, es decir, en aquel contexto sociorreligioso en el cual operó el catolicismo intransigente. Hay que recordar que el movimiento católico decimonónico fue sólo parcialmente un fenómeno político. El catoli
lar reproducida en: Don Bosco a carattere di stampa, Roma, SDB 1985, p. 9-12; cf. también, en la misma obra, los dos ensayos de E. Frzzarn, Perché quella lettera circolare y Produzione editoriale di don Bosco).
'° [G. Bosco], Ai miei lettori, en «Ji Galantuomo». Almanacco nazionale pel 1854, p. 37.
císmo militante, en muchos aspectos, se encontró comprometido en un abanico de intereses y de actividades que, en realidad, no están muy lejos de los seguidos por don Bosco. No era una casualidad que, entre las múltiples actvidades de la Obra de los Congresos, no estuviera ausente el tema de la difusión de la «buena prensa».
De todos modos, se trata de una hipótesis aún por estudiar y verificar. Se trata, con otras palabras, de releer las vicisitudes del movimiento católico, teniendo presente esta excepcional presencia salesiana en la historia de la Italia católica del siglo XIX. Los estudios sobre el movimiento católico, los estudios sobre la historia social y religiosa de nuestro país, los estudios sobre la prensa católica en el Ochocientos — yo trato de resarcir daños — han olvidado hasta ahora la rica y estimulante presencia de don Bosco y de sus iniciativas, que marcan profundamente, no sólo la historia religiosa, sino también la historia de nuestra sociedad civil, la historia de nuestro país.3'
" Sobre este problema, se pueden leer las lúcidas observaciones de P. STELLA, Le ricerche su don Bosco nel venticinquennio 1960-1985, en: BRAMO (ed.), Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 373-377.
DON BOSCO Y LA MÚSICA Giulio SFORZA
La musique creuse le riel.
La musique souvent me prend comme une mer.
Que no parezca irreverente este estremecimiento de Baudelaire. A lo largo de mi breve intervención se justificará. No he venido aquí a contaros lo que todos vosotros sabéis mejor que yo acerca de la disposición natural de don Bosco hacia la música, su formación en ese sentido, la obra de promoción que hizo de ella y su andadura. Estoy aquí para comunicaron las reflexiones y comparaciones que esa pasión musical me ha sugerido. Reflexiones y comparaciones que podrán parecer parciales, orientadas a llevar el agua de la concepción de don Bosco al molino de mi filosofía de la música; pero que, lo juro, han surgido de buena fe con el deseo de identificar los principios y conceptos que puedan servir de fundamento a la pasión de la que he hablado y el papel insustituible reservado por don Bosco a la música en la formación del hombre.
He leído en algún lugar que la música es uno de los siete (sic) secretos educativos de don Bosco. En realidad, a mí me parece que él la consideraba algo más y que tenía de ella aquella concepción totalizante que tuvo la filosofía romántica.
Si fuese así, no habría que asombrarse. Don Bosco vive en el corazón del siglo romántico, y no hay que excluir que los aún prohibidos Alpes llevasen hasta él un poco del clima y de la atmósfera que la grandiosa música alemana y no alemana y la reflexión que de ella hicieron los Hegel, Wackenroder, Hoffmann, Heine, Schelling, Schopenhauer, Schumann, Beethoven en los Cuadernos de conversación y por último, Wagner, crearon en Europa y en el mundo. Para aquella reflexión, la música es algo más que un puro ébranlement nerveux (Marcel): principio supremo de conocimiento, más aún, fuente de salvación, razón participativa que de algún modo consiente la experiencia del Absoluto y de la Totalidad, que por definición se prohibe a la razón objetivante. Antes que a Marcel hay que darle a ella «una universalidad que no pertenece al orden conceptual y esta universalidad es el secreto de la idea musical».
Así pues: Don Bosco es del siglo XIX, el siglo de la gran música y de la gran reflexión sobre ella (produce placer por una vez subrayar el deslumbra
miento en el Hegel de la Estética: parece exactamente que el pájaro de Minerva no esperó el crepúsculo para elevar su vuelo). Él respira la música con el... tiempo. Cuando nace don Bosco, Ludwig está en la plenitud de la madurez creadora; y aquel Richard ve la luz que las premisas beethovenianas arrastrarán hasta allá, más de lo que no será posible osar; y aquel Verdi nace para discutir al Lipsiense durante mucho tiempo el primado. No se puede imaginar que no le llegue a Bosco ningún temblor de aquel fervor creativo: de atmósfera, dije, a la que es imposible sustraerse. Prejuicios filosóficos y teológicos no podrán permitirle, parece obvio, hacer de la experiencia musical la experiencia, aquella a la que se revela la esencia; hacer de la música el templo de la Isis oculta, a cuya denudación de la verdad y descubrimiento del misterio sólo a sus sacerdotes les es dado asistir. Pero no le impedirán tenerla como primera entre las siervas, si bien sierva de la fe, razón participativa también ella: y ¡pocos secretos de la señora quedan ocultos para la sierva!
«Ne impedias musicam». Don Bosco parece convencido de que, como educación y vida coinciden, son igualmente inseparables educación, música y vida. De la música teme, sin duda, el poder demoníaco, y el episodio del violín hecho añicos lo demuestra. Pero más que a la música, parece temer su uso impropio: ella es fin y no medio, elevación del alma y no caricia de pasiones inferiores. Al contrario, si es música, es exaltación y purificación de pasión. Y si es grande, ¿para qué noche del alma podrá creer Tolstoj que es pecaminosa La Sonata a Kreutzer, una de las más puras criaturas de Beethoven?
«Ne impedias musicam», pues. Porque «un oratorio sin música es como un cuerpo sin alma».
Pietro Braido entiende de tal modo la fundamentalidad y el poder de la afirmación, casi como temiéndola y sintiéndose en la obligación de situarla en un contexto que la explica.
Yo he ido a ese contexto y me parece que, gracias a Dios, no explica nada. Toda la obra de Juan Bosco, en el testimonio general de sus biógrafos, informa de una fe suya en la música, no como simple instrumento entre los instrumentos, sino como atmósfera, estilo, ambiente en los que sólo es posible una acción positiva y una positiva reacción educativa. Lo que afirma el don Cenia de los Annali: que se debe buscar la razón principal de aquella afirmación «en la saludable eficacia que le [a la música] atribuía sobre el corazón y la imaginacion de los jóvenes con el fin de ennoblecerlos, elevarlos y hacerlos mejores», no es en realidad suficiente para justificarla. Don Bosco dice más. Dice que la música es el alma del Oratorio, y el Oratorio es la totalidad de la educación, y, por tanto, la música es, si me lo permitís, la entelecheia e prote del soma educativo, la forma primera, el primer principio vital. Sín música, a la educación le falta la respiración, el proceso de crecimiento es asfictico, los fines que se propone una educación auténtica «desvelar», ante todo, «el reino de lo prodigioso y de lo inconmensurable y el deseo nostálgico de lo infinito» (los caracteres, según Hofmann de la música beethoveniana) no se pueden alcanzar.
La altísima consideración en que don Bosco tiene a la música explica tam
bién la seriedad con que él pretende que se enseñe. La aproximación, tan común en ciertas esferas religiosas, no le agrada. Música recreativa no significa para él música de mal gusto. Sabe muy bien que ninguna música es recreativa sí no es creativa y que, por tanto, sólo la gran música recrea. Y el Oratorio, el lugar del aprender gozoso y lúdico, del aprender, lo diré, músico y musical, es también el lugar que sabe producir complejos vocales en condiciones de proponerles los Cherubini, los Haydn, los Gounod, los Palestina, el lugar en que se enseña el gregoriano según la gran escuela solesmiana de los Poithier y de los Mocquereau, que visitan el Oratorio y no desdeñan enseñar en él, el lugar en el que surge un conjunto de música instrumental de alto nivel dispuesto a colaborar, hasta la prohibición del arzobispo, en las funciones religiosas, como para consagrar aquel encuentro de instrumentalidad y vocalidad, aquel místico connubio entre palabra y sonido que, en la Fantasia per Coro pianoforte e orchestra op. 80, se llama hacerse la luz:
Wenn der Tóne Zauber walten und des Wortes W eihe spricht mufa sich Ehrliches gestalten Nacht und Sturme werden Licht.
Es el lugar que genera maestros como Cagliero, Costamagna, Dogliani, que no sólo ofrecen una producción propia óptima, sino que abren la puerta a los Donizetti, los Verdi, los Rossini. Es el lugar cuyas veladas son una ocasión de grandiosa elevación de aquel arte «che a Dio par figlia e non quasi nepote» (el endecasílabo es involuntario; no querría se creyese que es la primitiva versión de Dante). Y si no es hija, seguro que sí es embajadora: cada vez que envía misioneros, los embajadores de Dios, don Bosco se preocupa de que entre ellos haya también un buen músico.
Escribe don Cenia: «Quien no haya oído al menos a alguno de los que vivieron en aquel tiempo en el Oratorio, no puede hacerse una idea de la pasión que allí reinaba para todo lo que era música». El subrayado es mío, y vale la pena. Aquí don Cena abandona toda prudencia. Pasión dominante, dice. Y esto es grandioso. Grandioso y terrible. Y me asombra que el promotor de la fe no lo señalase y que la pasión dominante oratoriana y de don Bosco no figurase entre las animadversiones del proceso de beatificación...
Fuera de toda broma, la realidad es que don Bosco se hizo santo también gracias a la música (como también mediante la música se encaminó hacia la santidad el jovencito destinado a ser el patrono de los Pueri Cantores). Había afirmado: «La música es un medio eficacísimo para sostener la moralidad y la santidad». Como el Goethe del testimonio de Mazzini, confía a la música el mismo papel que tiene la santidad: «el descubrimiento, y la vida va en ello, de un mundo que los sentidos no lograrán nunca expresar». La misma piedad, la misma humildad, la misma disponibilidad, que constituyen la base del proceso de ascesis se exigen a quien pretenda orientar sus pasos hacia la música. Fija
en el Regolamento: se excluye de la formación musical a aquellos «que fuesen negligentes en las funciones religiosas del Oratorio o que tuviesen notoria mala conducta». Aquí, si parece que hay, y tal vez haya, una contradicción de fondo (ano sirve, entonces, la música para dulcificar las conductas?), es evidentísima una vez más la alta estima de don Bosco por la música, realidad tan pura y tan grande que la insensibilidad religiosa y la grosería moral prohiben que se practique y se comprenda.
Es que en la visión de don Bosco música es oración: no un leibniciano raptus animae se nescientis, ¡ay!, numerare, y mucho más que un schopenhaueriano exercitium methaphysices occultum nescientis se philosophari animi: sino que es raptus animae se scientis orare.
También para don Bosco cantar es propio del que ama. El enamorado de Dios es el cantor de Dios: él lo alaba, lo admira, exalta y participa en su misterio. Y como lo sagrado es el lugar del misterio participado, el canto sagrado es la más alta expresión de la música que es también siempre y toda, en sus cumbres, sagrada. Entre los géneros musicales, el género sagrado es el propio de los «que se maravillan sonriendo y gozan de corazón del hecho de que Dios sea mucho más grande que ellos» (Wackenroder). Gratias agimus tibi propter magnam gloriam tuam. No es casualidad que las pocas composiciones de don Bosco de que se tiene noticia se inspiren en el principio de la alabanza, de la maravilla, de la admiración: Ah si canti in suon di giubilo, Lodato sempre sia, Gloria, Magníficat. Y que su cuidado mayor se dirija al gregoriano y a la polifonía de Palestrina, los monumentos insuperables de un sentimiento de la sacralidad que se exalta en forma de canto. Se lee: Animaba (soy yo el que subraya) las clases con lecciones sobre el canto gregoriano y después hacía aprender a los internos el canto firme E...] y no permitía que entrasen a formar parte de la escuela de música si no conocían antes el canto gregoriano» (ano pidió tal vez a Pío IX una indulgencia especial para los maestros y cantores del mismo?). Y las ejecuciones polifónicas de Palestrina cuidadas por él o sus colaboradores eran tales que se pudo escribir: «Ejecuciones musicales y cantos religiosos tales no se oyen más que en Roma en el más grande de los templos del mundo. Después de Roma, sólo don Bosco es capaz de ejecutar en sus iglesias obras musicales de esa altura, hacerlas gustar al pueblo cristiano y embellecer el culto católico» («L'Unitá Cattolica»).
«Pensad que con el canto divino alabáis a Dios y que los ángeles del cielo hacen eco a vuestra voz. [...] Un cantor no debería tener otro fin más que alabar a Dios y unir su voz a la de los ángeles».
Cantar es orar, y orar es asombrarse. Don Bosco lo entendió con aquel «al que Dios había cerrado el oído para que no hubiese más sonidos que los suyos» y que «coronó el mundo con una cúpula de música» (Rilke); aquel para el cual «Zum erstaunen sind wir da». Estamos aquí para admirar.
NOTA BIBLIOGRÁFICA: P. BRAMO, L'esperienza pedagogica di Don Bosco, Roma, LAS 1988; G.F. HEGEL, Esthétique, Paris 1984; R. COLOMBO, La musica, mezzo educativo in Don Bosco (Tesi di Magistero in Canto gregoriano), Roma 1982; E.T.A. HOFFMANN, Kreisleriana, Roma, Bibl. Unív. Rom. 1984; L. MAGNANI, Beethoven nei suoi quaderni di conversazione, Torino, Einaudi 1977; M. RIGOLDI, Don Bosco e la musica, Carugate 1988; A. SCHOPENHAUER, Scritti sulla musica e suite arti, Milano, Discanto 1981; G. SFORZA, Studi Variazioni Divagazioni, Pavia, La Goliardica 1978; W.H. WACKENRODER, Fantasie sulla musica, Milano, Discanto 1981; RM. RILKE, Quaderni di Malte Laurids Brigge, Milano, Garzanti 1974.
ORIGINALIDAD DE LAS MISIONES PATAGÓNICAS EN DON EOSCO*
Jesús BORREGO
Esta última comunicación oral del Congreso se refiere al quehacer misionero de don Bosco. Se ha escrito que intencionalmente su vocación — y hasta su estrategia — misioneras nacieron con él, con su vocación de apóstol de la juventud, pero temporalmente constituyó la etapa final de su proyecto «oratoHan°. »,' hecho realidad precisamente en las misiones de la Patagonia, la única experiencia gestada y vivida por don. Bosco — en sus hijos, se entiende — en tierras de misión propiamente dicha. Y la vivió, e hizo vivir, con tan entusiasmante entrega que, al medio año de llegar los salesianos a Argentina, aseguraba ya al prefecto de Propaganda Fide que, «expuesto el humilde proyecto [sobre la evangelización de la Patagonia], deseo consagrar los restantes días de mi vida a esta única misión», que es «el objetivo prioritario de la misión salesiana», «la empresa más grande de nuestra Congregación»?
Así pues, el objetivo prioritario de la misión salesiana, esculpido en su Testamento espiritual — «el mundo nos recibirá con complacencia mientras nuestra solicitud vaya dirigida a los salvajes, a los muchachos más pobres y en mayor peligro de la sociedad» — encuentra en las zonas misioneras «un lugar privilegiado donde logra su plena realización».3 Siendo la obra de don Bosco, en su origen y en la realidad, una institución esencialmente educativa, toda su con
* Esta comunicación fue redactada y leída en castellano por el autor (n.d.e.).
Annali, p. 245: Summarium... beatificationis et canonizationis, Servi Dei Joannis Bosco... Po-sitio super introductione causae..., p. 254.306.319.401.527...; MB II, 20; R. CASTILLO LARA, Il piccolo seme é diventato albero gigante, en: Centenario delle Missioni Salesiane 1875-1975 - Discorsi commemorativi, Roma, LAS 1980, p. 83; A. FAVALE, 11 progetto missionario di don Bosco, Roma, LAS 1976, p. 4-10.
2 E III, 61 (carta al card. Franchi, 10.5.1876); III, 34 (Súplica de don Bosco a Pío IX en favor de don P. Ceccarelli, párroco de San Nicolás de los Arroyos, 9.4.1876); IV, 14 (carta a don Fagnano, director de Carmen de Patágones, 31.1.1881).
3 Memorie dal 1841 al 1884-5-6 pel Sac. Gio. Bosco a' suoi figli salesiani [Testamento spirituale], en RSS 4 (1985) 127: MB XVII, 273; L. RICCERI, Le missioni, strada al rinnovamento, en ACS 267 (1962) 20. Respecto al término «salvaje» E. Cenia puntualiza: «Selvaggi sotto la peana di Don Bosco é termine comprensivo, indicando tutti gli abitatori del territorio patagonico, non piú tutti Irsdi alio stato selvaggio, il che spiega come si potesse sperare di trovar figli di Irsdi suscettivi di essere preparati al sacerdozio» (E III, 95).
cepción misionológica — advertía Alberto Caviglia — «asume su carácter y, sir más, su valor en el hecho de ser desarrollo y dilatación de la idea germinal, d( la que ha dimanado toda su multiforme actividad apostólica»: la idea de salvas la sociedad, también la infiel, «ante todo mediante la educación de la juventud y mediante el estilo y los medios concebidos para ella en el pensamiento pedagógico de don Bosco».4 Ello será su aportación específica, bajo la forma de «proyecto operativo», o «estrategia misionera ».5
1. Patagonia, ¿proyecto original?
Desde los albores de la aventura misionera — siempre como fondo la Patagonia — habla pomposamente de «nuevo proyecto», de «serie de proyectos que parecen fábulas o cosa de locos a los ojos del mundo, pero [...] Dios los bendice»; con lo que manifiesta que no se trata de un proyecto definitivamente estructurado, sino que, como siempre sucede en don Bosco, la elaboración y ejecución progresiva de iniciativas y proyectos se amplia y se enriquece ininterrumpidamente con su experiencia vital y con la de cuantos actúan con él en unidad de espíritu y de métodos.'
El llamado proyecto patagónico — ideado entre 1876-1879 basándose en sus conocimientos juveniles, estudios, «en el amaestramiento de la historia que tiene en cuenta cuanto otros han dicho o hecho», y hasta en la iluminación sobrenatural' — estaba definido con claridad sólo en su doble objetivo: evangelización' con la plantatio Ecclesiae en las Pampas y Patagonia, precedida de la ayuda, sobre todo espiritual, a los emigrados italianos. Este segundo objetivo, además de servir de trampolín natural para la penetración misionera en la Patagonia, significaría el medio más apto para radicarse los salesianos en el pueblo argentino, como luego en el uruguayo, brasileño, egipcio, iraní... Entremezclado el elemento nativo con el inmigrado, se escribirá uno de los capítulos más fecundos de la actividad salesiana."
A. CAVIGLIA, La concezione missionaria di don Bosco e le sue attuazioni salesiane, en «Omnis Terra adoret Te» 24 (Roma 1932) 5.
• 5 STELLA, Don Bosco 1, p. 174; P. PAESA, Planes y métodos en la evangelización de la Patagonia después de 1879, en: La expedición al desierto y los salesianos, 1879 (de J. BELZA - R. EN'TRAIGAS - C. BRUNO - P. PAESA), Buenos Aires, Ediciones Don Bosco Argentina 1979, p. 206-240; P. BRAIDO, Ilprogetto operativo di Don Bosco e l'utopia della societá cristiana, Roma, LAS 1982, p. 24
28; J. BORREGO, Estrategia misionera de don Bosco, en: BRAMO, Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 143202.
6 E LIÉ, 52.72 (cartas a don G. Cagliero, 27.4 y 3.7.1876); BRAMO, 11 progetto operativo...,
13.- 5.
' E 111, 257 (Memorandum al card. Franchi, 31.12.1877); FAVALE Il progetto, p. 4-14; MB I, 328.415; STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 168-169.
G. ROSOLI, Impegno missionario e assistenza religiosa agli emigrati nella visione e nell'opera di don Bosco e dei salesiani, en: F. TRANTELLO, Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, To
La originalidad del proyecto ideal se verá condicionada por su escasa experiencia misionera; se sirvió de la ajena. Durante el concilio Vaticano I
confiesa él mismo — varios obispos le pidieron «con insistencia la apertura de
una casa en Asia, Africa y América» y otros lo visitaron en Turín, como los de Santiago y Concepción — «la diócesis más meridional de la República Chilena», precisa —, a quien en julio de 1876 ya escribía pidiendo licencia para «intentar un experimento de anunciar el Evangelio entre los patagones y los
pampas» .5 Tuvo contactos personales y epistolares con grandes misioneros — Massaia, Lavigerie — y, particularmente con Comboni, quien visitó varias veces el Oratorio de Turín, le remitió su Moción en favor de los negros de Africa Central, presentada al concilio Vaticano I y le había dado a conocer su escrito fundamental — Plan para la regeneración de Africa, — que se reducía a crear en torno al continente africano un cinturón de institutos de educación para ambos sexos, donde pudieran vivir y trabajar los misioneros, tanto europeos como autóctonos. De tales institutos, formados jóvenes de raza negra, partirían hacia el interior grupos de personal masculino — religiosos, catequistas, maestros (artesanos, agricultores) — y de personal femenino — religiosas, catequistas, maestras, — grupos destinados a penetrar gradualmente en las regiones de Africa central y crear centros — familias, «misiones-colonias», comunidades que irradiasen la presencia del cristianismo y de la civilización.'" Don Bosco hace suyo el Plan comboniano, no ocultando, ya en agosto de 1876, que el método adoptado por él en la evangelización de la Patagonia «es idéntico al que intenta poner en práctica mons. Comboni en el centro de Africa».'1
Helo aquí hilvanado con pespuntes de textos complementarios, que muestran a simple vista, que la identidad con el plan comboniano pasa por su experiencia personal e institucional dé estilo inconfundible:
rino, SEI 1987, p. 289-329. La actividad salesiana, a la muerte de don Bosco registraba, aparte los centros misioneros de la Patagonia, diecinueve casas en Argentina, Uruguay, Brasil, Chile y Ecuador: parroquias, oratorios, escuelas para estudiantes y artesanos, internados, imprentas, librerías
(cf. STELLA, Don Bosco 1, p. 182-183).
9 La imprevista suspensión del concilio Vaticano I° impidió llevar a término la publicación del decreto sobre las misiones — Schema Constitutionis super missionibus apostolicis (MANSI col. 45-53) —, y las numerosas propuestas presentadas por los padres conciliares, en las que emergían las de la escuela, bajo formas diversas: necesidad de multiplicar las escuelas, los seminarios, las casas de formación para el clero nativo; urgencia del apostolado educativo en las zonas geográficas comprendidas entre Austria e India, entre las costas argelinas y Abisinia; exhortación al concilio de aprobar y recomendar al mundo católico la difusión de la Obra de las Escuelas cristianas de Oriente (MANSI DIE, col. 152-153.349.571-574). Peticiones de fundación: MB IX, 891-892; X, 546.626.658.732.739.769-771.1270-1272.1358-1375; E In, 79-80 (carta de don Bosco al obispo de Concepción, mons. José Hipólito Salas, 29.7.1876).
l° Con el card. Lavigerie: MB IX, 472. 734. 769-771. 940; MB IX, 888-889, carta, escrita desde Roma, el 30.7.1870, y en la que don Comboni le anuncia el envío de su Postulatum (MANSI LIE, col. 633-634). Cf. P. CinocaLETrA, Daniele Comboni:" Carte per l'Evangelizzazione dell'Africa, Bologna, EMI 1978, p. 215-233 (Piano...), p. 235-247 (Postulatum...).
" ASC 110 (1-Quaderno 8) Cronichetta-Barberis, p. 87.
«111 metodo che noi abbiamo adottato [...]: piantar case á confini e cercare di allevarsi un clero indigeno [...]. Fra 7 anni avremo come per certo missionari indigeni giá preti [...]. Noi possiamo [...] credere che si andrá avanti in queste missioni, perché cí attacchiamo alla gioventú povera [...] attaccarsi alla massa del popolo coll'educazione
della povera gioventü».12
«L'unico mezzo che pala atto a mettersi in esecuzione sembra sia il sistema di colonizzazione, impiantando van paeselli e piccoli forti sui confini, e qui cominciare ad aprire collegi, case d'educazione, ricoveri, ospizi ed orfanotrofi per fanciulli dei selvaggi, che siano affatto abbandonati, e per mezzo loro tentare poi col tempo il sistema di evangelízzare i Patagoni coi Patagoni stessi; poiché attirati i giovani, si potra coll'educazione dei figli farsi a diffondere la religione Cristiana anche fra i genitori».13
Apenas llegaron los salesianos a la Patagonia, «le prime loro sollecitudini furono dirette alla erezione di chiese, di case di abitazione, di scuole pei fandrilli e per le ragazze. Mentre alcuni si occupano cosi ad insegnare arti, mestieri e l'agricoltura alle colonie costituite, altri continuano ad avanzarsi tra i selvaggi per catechizzarli, e, se é possibile, fondare colonie nene regíoni piú interne del deserto. [...] Cose da farsi [...]: 1° Una prefettura o un Vicariato Apostolico [...]; 3° Formulare una proposta con cui, accettando le buone disposizioni del Govemo Argentino [aprile 1880], si assicuri lo stato religioso e civile degji Irsdi che vengono alla fede»."
Proyecto tácticamente ingenioso, análogo al que en su larga experiencia de educador y dirigente de obras educativa ha encontrado eficaz. Si bien en su
conjunto el proyecto resulta primorosa utopía, brinda los rasgos determinantes de su estrategia misionera.
2. Argentina-Patagonia, tierra de promisión
Se me antoja el primer rasgo determinante. En el comportamiento de don Bosco se ve palpable — advierte Pietro Stella — que el Euntes in mundum universum docete omnes gentes «no es sólo objeto de conocimiento y de fe [mandato apostólico], sino un mandato de misión jurídica, solicitado y obtenido
Está tomado de una larga conversación con don Barberis, 12.8.1876 y en ella dejó el meo
llo de la estrategia misionera. ASC 110 (1-Quad. 8), Cronichetta-Barberis, p. 75-76.87. Resumido en MB XII, 279-280.
" G. BARBERIS, La Repubblica Argentina e la Patagonia, en «Letture Cattoliche» nn. 291-292 (1877) 93-94. Es reflejo de lo dicho por don Bosco a los salesianos el 6.6.1876 (MB XII, 221223), al card. Franchi el 10.5.1876 (E III, 58-60) y el 31.12.1877 (E III, 257.261) y lo escrito en BS
2 (1878) 11, 1-2. Rememorado por el mismo don Barberis, Resoconto delle missioni salesiane. Atti del 1° Congresso Intemazionale dei Cooperatori Salesiani tenutosi in Bologna al 23-25 aprile 1895, Torino, Tip. Salesiana 1895, p. 196-197.
14 E III, 569.573-574: Memorkle intorno alle missioni salesiane, a Leone XIII, 13.4.1881. A finales de marzo de 1882 manda otro Memorandum «All'Opera della Propagazione della Fede a
Lione» — «Relazione completa salle missioni patagoniche» — y expone su estrategia (E IV, 123-127).
del Papa, padre de toda la familia de los creyentes», y que se transforma en «una motivación de su trasplante a América», convencido de que con la inserción de su Sociedad en el movimiento misionero, ésta adquiría una «realidad mucho más vasta, proporcionada al campo de apostolado misional ofrecido
por la Iglesia a la actividad salesiana»" en Argentina.
Ante las ofertas de los obispos conciliares y las instancias africanas de
Comboni, sopesadas las fuerzas — sugiere don Bosco — se prefirió Argentina «principalmente porque nuestra Congregación está en sus comienzos». Lo que para él significaba: cercanía en «costumbres, cultura, lengua» — sin olvidar la religión — y «el hecho de que allá los suyos no se encontrarían aislados sino entre amigos, entre innumerables compatriotas con los que se podría crear un clima análogo al de la patria lejana»." Es decir, a factores de vecindad, paisanaje y apoyo afectivo se unían razones más profundas de evangelización del
prójimo por cercanía cultural y por deber de solidaridad.
Además, en él sur argentino merodeaban «sus» salvajes, los pampas y pa
tagones, en los que le pareció descubrir — tras arios de estudio «serio y diligente», de presagios e informaciones — a los vistos en el sueño tenido entre 1870-1872, a los que, por si fuera poco, desde el lejano 1848, consideraba los pueblos «más abandonados»17 de la tierra, ya que, aún a finales de 1875, no había «penetrado la religión de Jesucristo, ni la civilización, ni el comercio; donde ningún pie europeo logró hasta hoy dejar huella alguna» y «donde el
gobierno, si lo hay, cuenta poco»."
Narrado el sueño en plena euforia patagónica (julio-agosto 1876), entonces
no sabe a eufemismo retórico la confesión de don Bosco a don Barberis: «He vivido más de 60 años sin haber oído mencionar apenas el nombre de la Patagonia, ¡y quién me iba a decir que me vería obligado a estudiarla ahora, palmo a palmo, en todas sus circunstancias! ».'9 En mayo ha expuesto a Propaganda Fide su proyecto patagónico, que incluye «la creación de una Prefectura Apostólica», y Propaganda, que poseía «conocimientos muy vagos de estos lugares»,20 le exige un amplio Informe sobre dicha zona. El Informe — intitulado
1-5 MB XII, 14; STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 169-170; FAVALE, Il progetto, p. 21-29.
16 MB XI, 384; BARBERIS, La Repubblica Argentina, p. 182; STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 171.
17 En el sueño le pareció encontrarse en una región completamente desconocida — luego con su estudio «serio», e informaciones, sabría que se trataba de Patagonia: MB X, 1267-1273 — en la que salvajes crueles mataban a misioneros de diversas Ordenes religiosas, los descuartizaban, clavando los trozos de carne en sus lanzas; luego aparecieron los misioneros salesianos que se acercaron a «los salvajes con rostros alegres y precedidos de una falanje de jovencitos», con el rosario en mano, acogidos benévolamente y escuchados (MB X, 53-55). En cuanto a ser «los más abandonados» (MB III, 363), cf. J. BORREGO, Primer proyecto patagónico de don Bosco, en RSS 5 (1986)
43-47.
" MB XI, 385-386 (plática de despedida a la 1' expedición).
ASC 110 (1-Quad. 7) Cronichetta-Barberis, 17.5.1876, p. 55-56.
20 EDI, 58-60 (Memorandum al card. Franchi, 10.5.1876). Barberis el 15.5.1876 anota en su Cronichetta: «Secondo le spiegazioni che mi diede dopo a voce questo lavoro é per mandarsi a
La Patagonia e le terne australi del Continente Americano, descubierto en 1983 — está basado, según propia confesión, «en los autores más serios qué han tratado este tema». Cita a D'Orbigny, Lacroix, Guinnard, Daily, V. Quesada, Ferrado, junto con las «Lettere Edificanti», la revista «Museo delle Missioni Cattoliche» y «particularidades de cartas escritas por nuestros misioneros ya desde su campo de trabajo». Tras una información minuciosa de la Patagonia física, histórica, antropológica y religiosa y de sus escasos experimentos evangelizadores, como conclusión ofrece su «estado presente» — con noticias atendibles sobre la lamentable situación sociorreligiosa — y su «Nuevo Proyecto» para realizar una experiencia evangelizadora en la Patagonia?' Es el documento más extenso del pensamiento misionero de don Bosco, que refleja, sin duda, la Patagonia tal como era conocida en Europa en 1876.
Estas ansias de saber patagónico no se apagarían jamás. Son patentes en sus informes a la S. Sede o Propaganda, en su correspondencia y en artículos del Bollettino Salesiano, donde desde 1881 al 1884 aparecerán actualizadas las tres primeras partes del Informe, recogiendo las aportaciones de los recientes exploradores: Luis Piedra Bueno (1859), Ernesto Rouquaud (1872), Francisco Moreno (1878) y Giacomo Boye (1883).23 Lo reflejó en la conferencia dada el 14 de abril de 1883 a la Sociedad Geográfica de Lyon, que le otorgaba «la medalla de plata por sus benemerencias en el campo de la ciencia geográfica tal como se entiende en nuestro tiempo, es decir, como contribución al estudio y al progreso de los hombres y de las cosas en países extranjeros». Algunos geógrafos y científicos han considerado toda esta labor patagónica de don
Roma alfa Congregazione di Propaganda poiché il Sto Padre affidó al Sig. D. Bosco doé al Salesiani la cura spirituale di quelle regioni, non phi ancor corse da alcuna missione. La Congregazione di Propaganda non ha nessuna cognizione — [«nozioni assai vaghe», atenúa en E IIL 58] di quei luoghi; ed ora si lavora per erigerla in Prefettura Apostolica». ASC 110 (1-Quad. 7), p. 49.
21 G. Bosco, La Patagonia e le Terne Austral' del Continente Americano, Torino 1876. Manuscrito de 164 páginas, con fecha y firma autógrafos de don Bosco. Ha sido descubierto en 1983, en la biblioteca de la Pontificia Universidad Urbaniana de Roma, por el salesiano p. Ernesto Szanto, que lo ha publicado en facsimil con traducción castellana: E. SZANTO, La Patagonia y las Tierras Australes del Continente Americano. Presentación, traducción y notas del «Proyecto Patagonia Don Bosco». Bahía Blanca, Archivo Histórico Salesiano de la Patagonia Norte 1986. Edición crítica por J. BORREGO, en RSS 7 (1988) 255-418.
22 E III, 58-60 (Memorandum a Propaganda Fide, 10.5.1876), 275 (Otro del 31.12.1877), 569574 (Relazione... a Leone XIII, 13.4.1881). Significativas las cartas escritas, en agosto-septiembre 1885: E IV, 313, 328 (a mons. Cagliero, 102. y 6.8.1885), 333 (a don Costamagna, 10.8.1885), 334 (a don Fagnano, 10.8.1885), 336 (a don Tomatis, 14.8.1885), 339s (a don G.B. Allavena, 24.9.1885), 341 (a don L. Lasagna, 30.9.1885).
23 BS 4 (1880: nn. 2.4.5.6.9.11); 5 (1881: nn. 4.7.10); 6 (1882: n. 4); 7 (1883: mi. 2.4.9.); 8 (1884: nn. 1.4.7.10). Sobre G. Boye, MB XVII, 454. 644. Cf. J. BORREGO, Primer proyecto patagónico, p. 32-35. Para todo esto: J. BEI.ZA, Sueños patagónicos, Buenos Aires, Instituto de Investigación Histórica Tierra del Fuego 1982.
Bosco la primera aportación «científico»-geográfica de las misiones salesianas.24
3. «No había misiones salesianas en el Sur [argentino y rbileno] sino colegios, granjas, iglesias... »25
Es uno de los dos reproches fundamentales, que se hacen, apenas muerto don Bosco, a su estrategia misionera, cuando, por el contrario, plasma su rasgo más original.
«El rasgo original de la fisonomía salesiana — recordaba el card. Baggio es la opción de clase, una opción constante, coherente, indeclinable que se mueve entre las dos paralelas de los pobres y de los jóvenes [...]. En los lugares de misión esto es de una claridad meridiana»; opción mantenida por don Bosco desde el quinto consejo a los primeros misioneros hasta su Testamento espiritual: «A su debido tiempo tendremos misiones en China [...] mas no olvidéis que vamos para los muchachos pobres y abandonados», prioritaria-mente, y «con ellos para un pueblo entero». Sobre el terreno comprobarían que no existía otro camino para preparar una plebs christiana.26
La evangelización y plantatio Ecclesiae, fines específicos de toda animación misionera, lo fueron también para don Bosco. La evangelización propia y directa se hace dominante fin salvífico-religioso en sus discursos de despedida a las expediciones misioneras y en su correspondencia epistolar. Sus salesianos sacerdotes, coadjutores y hermanas — son «enviados» a «anunciar la palabra
de Dios», a «propagar la fe», a «llevar», «promulgar», «dilatar el Evangelio entre los pampas y patagones». Sufrirán al no poder ofrecer en su plenitud el
24 MB XVI, 69; XVIII, 31-32.637. Considerado «científico» por Alberto De AGOSTINI, Don Bosco geógrafo, BS 84 (1960) 6-8; D. GRIBAUDI, en «Bollettino della Sodetá Geografica Italiana» (1961) 312; P. SCOTTI, Missioni Salesiane: contributi geografici, en: Missioni salesiane 1875-1975. Studi in occasione del centenario, Roma, LAS 1977, p. 267. Sin olvidar los discursos en ocasión de la fundación de la ciudad de Brasilia («Agen7ia Missionaria Salesiana» 1960/1) y su «XXV Anniversario» 12-14 dicembre 1985 a Roma.
26 Las misiones salesianas de la Patagonia. Su labor durante los primeros cincuenta años. Bahía Blanca 1930, p. 54-56; G.B. FRANCESIA, Francesco Ramello, chierico salesiano, missionario nell'America del Sud, S. Benigno Canavese, Tip. e Lib. Salesiana 1888, 117: «Alcuni osservano che D. Bosco, che le sue missioni in America non consistino ormai che in aprir Collegi e far Ospizi...». Entre ellos el escalabriniano p. Pietro Colbachini, quien escribía a un sacerdote de Vicenza el 28.2.1887: «I Salesiani di Rio, di S. Paolo, dí Montevideo, Buenos Aires, e tutti i Salesiani del mondo non si occupano di missione, eccetto pochi della Patagonia [...]. Essi vengono a fare da maestri e da prefetti dei collegi di arti e mestieri che tengono in queste partí: 1 una grande missione, ma é in tutto diversa da quello che dai piú si persa...» (M. FRANCESCONI, Inizi della Congregazione scalabriniana L1886-1888i, Roma, CSE 1969, p. 104).
26 MB XI, 381; XVII 273; Annali I, p. 243; S. BAGGIO, La formula missionaria salesiana, en: Centenario delle missioni salesiane..., p. 43; L. RICCERI, Il progetto missionario di Don Bosco, en: Ibid., p. 14.
mensaje evangélico, debiendo «atenerse a las cosas más esenciales del catecismo».27
Supuesto esto, «el fulcro de la acción y el principio vital de la misionología salesiana es — en sentir de Alberto Caviglia — la redención de los infieles por medio del ministerio educativo entre la juventud y la niñez [...]. Donde la miá:5n es salesiana al lado y junto al ministerio sacerdotal [anuncio directo del mensaje evangélico] ha de existir el ministerio y magisterio de la escuela Todas las casas salesianas — [parroquias, oratorios, de enseñanza, técnica, profesional, agrícola, de orientación laboral] — son una escuela [...] un instrumento especifico de penetración cristiana».28
De acuerdo que la escuela, más o menos valorada, nunca permaneció ajena a la actividad misionera. Don Bosco mismo hará escibir en las «Letture Cattoliche» que la obra evangelizadora de los misioneros en Latinoamérica cotizó mucho el «educar a la juventud — [aunque sabemos que no a toda] — y abrir cuantas escuelas pudieran para instruirla»; y procurará recalcar que «en cada reducción [jesuita] había dos escuelas: una para los rudimentos básicos de letras, la otra para la gimnasia y la música» 29 Pero en don Bosco sabe a novedad la escuela porque no constituye un elemento más o menos utilizable, sino que la función educativa «forma parte de la organización y de la estructura de la actividad misional»: «Tniciada una misión extranjera — precisa en su "Testamento espiritual" — esfuércense en crear escuelas»,3° con el acompañamiento consabido: iglesias, viviendas, internados, residencias, hospicios de beneficencia, facilitando simultáneamente «entre los indios el conocimiento y la práctica de las artes, de las profesiones, de la agricultura» y «el comercio», «de la ciencia, la moralidad y la civilización».
La referencia, sin embargo, a módulos clásicos no resulta mera repetición mucho menos en las zonas misioneras, — al insertarlas en la perspectiva global, fundamentalmente humanístico-cristiana, que caracteriza todo su proyecto operativo. Y, en efecto, para don Bosco la garantía máxima de conseguir una Patagonia cristiana y civilizada está en formar, entre la juventud — como en Europa — «buenos cristianos y honrados ciudadanos». Se lo revela a los exaluimos del Oratorio en el encuentro anual de 1884:
«Quando [...] le migliaia di fanciulli saranno raccolti nei nostri collegi, i loro prin
27 MB XI, 390. Baste pensar a las pláticas a la primera (MB XI, 383.387) y tercera expedición (MB XIII, 375); a su correspondencia (E III, 261.331.572-574.606 con nota 22); a los artículos en
BS 4 (1880) 11; 5 (1881) 6; 7 (1883) 7; 10 (1886) 7 y 8; 12 (1888) 1; L. CARBAJAL, La Patagonia -Studi general!' - Serie Quarta..., vol. IV, S. Benigno Canavese, Scuola Tip. Salesiana 1900, p. 150151.
28 CAVIGLIA, La concezione missionaria, p. 8-10.12.20.24-26.
29 G.B. LEMOYNE, Fernando Cortez e la Nuova Spagna, en «Letture Cattoliche» nn. 279-280(1876) 37-44; C. CHULA, Da Torino alla Repubblica Argentina. Lettere dei missionari salesiani, en «Letture Cattoliche» nn. 286-287 (1876) 208.
30 MB XVII, 273; CAVIGLIA, La concezione missionaria, p. 8.
cipii saranno quelli stessi che voi avete imparati nell'Oratorio. In un secolo cosi poco curante di religione, essi puye faran vedere al mondo come si possa amar Iddio ed essere nello stesso tempo onestamente allegri: essere Cristiani e nello stesso tempo onesti e laboriosi cittarlini».3'
Este binomio clásico de don Bosco — «honestos ciudadanos y buenos cristianos» — lo traduce, en perspectiva individual y social misionera, al no menos repetido en los años 80: «evangelización y civilización», «bien de la humanidad y religión», «religión y verdadera civilización». Evidentemente, para él se trata de la «civilización cristiana», persuadido de «que no hay civilización fuera del catolicismo, la única religión verdadera», la cual «santifica, unifica y civiliza a los pueblos». Pone, pues, en evidencia el concepto, entonces en boga, de sociedad civil por cristiana — en el caso patagón: de sociedad civilizada por evangelizada — en cuanto constituida como tal en fuerza de la asimilación de la cultura de los pueblos civilizados y, en concreto, de la civilización europea occidental, forma histórica del cristianismo.32
Para actuar esta empresa misionera, desde siempre don Bosco contó con todas las fuerzas vivas de su familia religiosa. Los cooperadores, calificados por él «co-apostóles de la Patagonia», — frente externo de hombres y mujeres, en el antiguo y en el nuevo Continente — son el apoyo moral, espiritual y hasta material33 de la gran empresa, en la que — proclama — «todos, todos — sacerdotes, estudiantes, artesanos y coadjutores — podéis ser obreros apostólicos» 34 Desde la primera expedición, en ninguna faltarán a la cita los salesianos coadjutores — que don Bosco llama significativamente «catequistas» — y entre los ocho pioneros de la Patagonia (en enero de 1880) — cuatro salesianos y cuatro Hijas de Maria Auxiliadora — iba un coadjutor, sin cuya presencia, acrecentada de inmediato, además de la labor catequística y educativa, «habría sido imposible realizar tantas obras» de tipo social, como «la enseñanza de la agricultura con las artes y oficios más corrientes» 35
31 Festa di Famiglia, en BS 8 (1884) 8, 113; 5 (1881) 10; 7 (1883) 5; 8 (1884) 4; 9 (1885) 1, 11; 11 (1887) 2; E DI, 572.577.606.615; IV, 129.238-239.289; L. CARBAJAL, Le missioni salesiane nella Patagonia e regioni magellaniche — Studio storico-statistico, S. Benigno Canavese, Scuola Tip.Salesiana 1900, p. 53-54.71-72.166.
32 E III, 331 (Audiencia con León XIII, 23.3.1878), 576-577 (carta a don F. Bodratto, Inspector de América, 15.4.1880); IV, 364 (carta a un cooperador, 1.11.1886); BS 3 (1881) 2, 3; (Conf. a los Cooperadores de Turín, 20.1.1881); R. ENTRAIGAS, Los Salesianos en la Argentina,vol. III, Buenos Aires, Editorial Plus Ultra 1969, p. 84-85; BRAIDO, Il progetto operativo, p. 24-26.
33 Riquísima fuente su Epistolario sintetizada en E IV 360-363, arcolare ai Cooperatori Salesiani, Tocino 15 ottobre 1886; BS 10 (1886) 3, 32 (Tre pensieri di Don Bosco ai Cooperatori,21.1.1886); 4 (1880) 1; 10 (1886) 10. La praxis es seguida en América: «La missione di Mons. Cagliero in Concezione [del Chile] era terminata: aveva giá fondato il Taller de S. José, aveva giá formato quel gruppo di Cooperatori, che é quasi una necessitá per ogni casa salesiana, perché abbia vita e riceva incremento...» (Monsignor Cagliero nel Chili, en BS 11 (1887) 9, 111).
34 MB XII, 141.626 (Conf. a los salesianos de Valdocco, 19.3.1876).
" CHULA, Da Torino, p. 28.30.36-37: «Don Bosco diede loro il titolo uffidale di catechisti»;
Elemento caracterizante en la estrategia misionera de don Bosco es la presencia temprana y numerosa de la religiosa, Hija de Maria Auxiliadora, — entonces todavía no usual en la Iglesia, — causando estupor en la opinión pública bonaerense por «tratarse de la primera vez [...] que se ven monjas en aquellas remotas tierras australes», y siendo, a poco, calificada su presencia de «verdadera providencia», ya que sin su actuación «no se habría podido hacer el bien hecho a la mujer y a las muchachas» patagonas. Entra, pues, en su proyecto sistemático la ardiente exhortación (ya en 1885): «Todas las solicitudes de los salesianos y de las Hijas de Maria Auxiliadora vayan dírigidas a promover vocaciones eclesiásticas o religiosas, tanto para hermanas como para salesianos »36 en las zonas misioneras.
He aquí una de sus intuiciones fundamentales. «En una época en la que las misiones, no sólo católicas, eran con frecuencia la avanzada del colonialismo europeo — ha matizado el prof. Scoppola — don Bosco intuye que la obra de evangelización de la Iglesia no echará profundas raíces en las tierras de misión si no llega a formarse un clero indígena estable».
Aleccionado por su prolongada experiencia de educador cristiano, don Bosco está convencido de que también en los países de misión los jóvenes, recibida «una educación científica y cristiana», constituirán «el instrumento más apto para atraer a los adultos a la fe y dar a la sociedad patagónica su nuevo rostro cristiano y civilizado» y «los patagones evangelizarán a los mismos patagones».3' Desde 1876 se aventura a pronosticar que «el proyecto de formar misioneros indígenas parece ser el bendecido por el Señor», por lo que «den
BS 9 (1885) 11, 165; CARBAJAL, Le missioni salesiane, p. 39-40. A la vista de Patagonia, en efecto, don Bosco promete al arzobispo de Buenos Aires «que, cuanto antes, cada pueblo de ambas márgenes del río Negro tendrá su sacerdote y maestro; que en Carmen de Patagones se establecerá un asilo para Indios y otro para chinas [sic], a cargo de nuestras hermanas, Hijas de María Auxiliadora; y que, en lo sucesivo, zarparán para Patagones hermanos coadjutores que enseñen la agricultura con las artes y oficios más corrientes» (carta a mons. Aneiros, 13.9.1879: cf ENTRAIGAS, Los salesianos 111, 85). Hasta la muerte de don Bosco trabajaron en la Patagonia 19 «salesianos laicos o coadjutores» (cf. CARBAJAL, Le missioni salesiane, p. 41.61.71-72).
36 «Ancora all'inizio del secolo XIX era quasi inconcepibile pensare di associare le suore altro de siete años contaremos ciertamente con misioneros indígenas».
missionari; íl loro inserimento ha quasi di prodigioso Le prime suore italiane furono le Francescane missionarie d'Egitto nel 1859» (M. LUDOVICI, II movimento missionario in Italia nel secolo XIX, Milano 1952, p. 315-334). «A los misioneros salesianos se unen esta vez las también dignas hijas de don Bosco, las hermanas de la caridad del instituto de Maria Ausiliatrice [...]. Es la primera vez que se verán hermanas [...] en aquellas remotas regiones, y sus dulces maneras, su caridad proverbial contribuirán sin duda muchísimo a la conversión de los indios a la religión católica, única verdadera» (Los verdaderos héroes del desierto, en el diario bonaerense «La América del Sur», 4 (1880) 1152). Cf. C. BRUNO, Los Salesianos y las Hijas de kl° Auxiliadora en la Argentina, vol. I, Buenos Aires, Inst. Salesiano de Artes Gráficas 1981, p. 201s.; BS 3 (1879) 11; 7 (1883) 2; 8 (1884) 4; MB XVII, 305; E IV, 333. A la muerte de don Bosco habían recibido instrucción religiosa unas 6000 muchachas: cf. CARBAJAL, Le missioni salesiane, p. 63-64.
" MB XII, 659; XVII, 299-305; E III, 59.90.257.320.456.569; IV, 124; BS 9 (1885) 1, 3; P. SCOPPOLA, Commemorazione civile di Don Giovanni Bosco nel centenario della sua morte, Torino 30 gennaio 1988, Roma, Tip. don Bosco 1988, p. 22.
Transcurrido dicho período su correspondencia sigue siendo paterna insistencia, plasmada en su Testamento espiritual: «Abierta una casa en el extranjero [...] esmérense constantemente en despertar vocaciones al estado eclesiástico, o Hermanas entre las niñas». Don Bosco no vio en vida realizado su sueño de contar con indígenas entre sus filas, pero «el que lo contemple — repetía ilusionado — podrá asegurar que este punto hace época, y una gran época, en la historia de las misiones »?8
4. Los salesianos «no formaron verdaderas "reducciones" al estilo de las jesuíticas del Paraguay»
Segundo reproche recriminatorio de su estrategia patagónica. Sin embargo no fue por no soñarlo, idear. lo y, en cierto sentido, intentarlo. En la aculturación de los pampas y patagones don Bosco se mostraba entusiasta del método evangelizador practicado por los jesuitas en Paraguay, familiar a la colonización y evangelización hispana en América. Ésta rememoraba — siempre en sentir de don Bosco — «el método de los misioneros del medievo, que, al convertir a los pueblos germanos, identificó la conversión de aquellos pueblos salvajes con la formación política y con el desarrollo del mismo país — [es decir, la antigua idea de "reductio ad Ecclesiam et ad politicam et humanam vitam"; así los jesuitas, en Paraguay], estableciendo poco a poco reducciones o parroquias cristianas, organizaron una especie de estado independiente, al que por su índole tan peculiar se dio el nombre de República Cristiana».39
Adaptado al enclave argentino, don Bosco lo transforma en el sugestivo proyecto patagónico, presentándolo en abril de 1876 al ministro de Asuntos Exteriores de Italia, para implantar, en una zona de la costa atlántica entre el río Negro y el estrecho de Magallanes, una colonia totalmente italiana — con «lengua, costumbres, gobierno italianos», — basado en el convencimiento, adquirido por «errónea información», de que allá no existía «ni vivienda, ni puerto, ni gobierno con derecho alguno».
36 E 111, 90 (Appello per la 2' spedizione missionaria, 25.8.1876), 95 (carta a don Cagliero, 12.9.1876); ASC 110 (1-Quad. 8); Cronichetta-Barberis, 12.8.1876, 75; MB XVII, 273; nota 22. Don Bosco no vió relizado el sueño, si bien, en 1900, en el aspirantado de Bernal (Buenos Aires) había «doce jovencitos de las zonas de Río Negro [...] dos de los cuales hijos de padres indios»; y las salesianas contaban en Viedma y Patagones con «varias jovencitas Indias profesas [.J. Algunas de las Patagonas eran maestras y misioneras en otros lugares, distantes de los que las vieron nacer» (cf. CARBAJAL, Le missioni salesiane, p. 63-64.104). Sin olvidar que está introducida la causa de beatificación del hijo menor, Ceferino, del cacique Manuel Namuncurá. R ENTRAIGAS, El mancebo de la Tierra. Ceferino Namuncurá, Buenos Aires, Instituto Salesiano de Artes Gráficas1974.
» CHIALA, Da Torino, p. 207. Descripción de las reducciones del Paraguay, que concluye: «II Muratori dipinse con una sola parola questa Repubblica cristiana intitolandola [...]. 11 cristianesimo felice [...]. O malizia dell'umana specie! Perché non lasciar vivere in pace chi a quest'ora avrebbe resa felice tutta la parte meridionale d'America» (p. 215).
Al mes siguiente propone al prefecto de Propaganda Fide «establecer allá una Prefectura Apostólica, que en caso de necesidad ejerza la autoridad eclesiástica sobre los pampas y los patagones», y motiva la propuesta también en el hecho de que «en aquella vastísima región [...] ninguna autoridad, civil o eclesiástica, pudo extender su influjo o dominio [...] no perteneciendo por ahora a ningún Ordinario diocesano ni a régimen alguno de gobierno civil»."
Pese a recibir de sus hijos «americanos» la advertencia de que se trataba de un proyecto «bueno pero aquí inoportuno e imposible» por lo que la prudencia recomendaba «diferirlo para tiempos mejores», don Bosco — aun reconocido el error — continuará opinando que «el sistema de colonias» era «el medio más adecuado para reducir [la Patagonia] a pueblo cristiano y civilizado», y jamás perderá de vista la erección regular de uno o varios Vicariatos, por juzgarlo imprescindible para «consolidar, de modo estable, la difusión del Evangelio» con la culminación de la plantatio Ecclesiae, y para «dar aún mayor solidez a la obra civilizadora entre aquellos pueblos, siendo [el Vicariato Apostólico] centro de las colonias presentes »41 y futuras.
Con la erección del Vicariato de la Patagonia septentrional y central (1883) y de la Prefectura Apostólica de la Patagonia meridional (islas Malvinas y Tierra del Fuego), don Bosco ve, por fin, que se delinea realmente su ideado proyecto de ofrecer «a Dios, a la Iglesia, a la Sociedad la Patagonia cristiana y civilizada», organizada socialmente: — partiendo de la reducción de los indios a comunidades básicas, aldeas y colonias; — con personal propio y autóctono «gran número de sacerdotes, de catequistas y de hermanas» — y con suficientes medios materiales indispensables para la vida social y el culto divino»; — y contando con abundantes «estaciones», «residencias fijas de misioneros», sin las cuales «es casi imposible la plena evangelización y civilización de aquellas tribus dispersas ».42
4° E III, 44-45 (Memorandum a Melegari, 16.4.1876), 60 (Memorandum al card. Franchi, 10.5.1876); BORREGO, Primer proyecto patagónico, p. 24-39.
41 ASC 126.2, cartas a don Bosco de don Fagnano, 2.3.1876; de don Cagjiero, 5-6.3.1876, y de Malvano, secretario de Melegarí, 18.8.1876: «Rispetto al progetti di colonizzazione in Patagonia il Ministro si riserva di pensarci ancora [...]. Esacerbata in questi ultimi tempi l'antica controversia tra il Chil.i e l'Argentina per lo spartimento del rispettivo dominio in quelle regioni, parrebbe quindi cosa prudente di differire ogni disegno fino a tempi migliori».
42 BS 10 (1886) 10, 113; 8 (1884) 7, 94; 11 (1887) 2, 15; 12 (1888) 10, 123. Expresa claramente las condiciones requeridas para constituir en el mundo indígena convertido un estable «pueblo cristiano» al anunciar la ida de mons. Cagliero: «Mons. Cagliero in Patagonia non troverá nulla di quanto abbisogna all'eserciz' io del pastorale ministero e alla formazione di una cristianitá [...]. Dovrá pertanto fabbricare, se non delle chiese, almeno delle cappelle in varii punti del suo Vicariato e fornirle di sacri arredi; dovrá nei luoghi piú popolati e centrali erigere ospizi per ricoverare giovanetti, onde poterli pin facilmente ammaestrare ed incivilire, e per mezzo loro gettare solide fondamenta di una popolazione cristiana, e ridurre alla fede i padri coll'aiuto dei figli; dovrá crearsi almeno un seminario, per formarsi dei sacerdoti indigeni, che a suo tempo
«Con una buena dosis de imaginación — observa P. Braido — se hubiera deseado encontrar de nuevo en don Bosco la ansiada utopía de una "sociedad cristiana", que coincidiera con la nación patagona evangelizada, versión más creible que "la sociedad cristiana", ideada en 1876, trasplantada de Italia. Pura fantasía. Al norte y sur del Trópico de Capricornio existían presupuestos históricos, políticos y culturales, y de una y otra parte del Océano tales esquemas mentales hacían simplemente absurda semejante concepción».43
Baste pensar que por las mismas fechas, en las que, sin darlo a conocer al Gobierno argentino, se erigía el Vicariato (1883) y hacía su ingreso en el el Vicario Apostólico (1885), el 1 de enero de 1885 se producía el total sometimiento indígena del sur argentino. Desde entonces los grupos indígenas subsistentes — menguados notoriamente por falta de lo indispensable, por la emigración forzada y voluntaria (su congénito nomadismo), por las enfermedades — cesaron de ser fuerza militar, motivo de molestias, obstáculo a la colonización, que sería forjada por elementos de dispares nacionalidades — con americanos convivieron italianos, españoles, alemanes, rusos, franceses —, a los que ya el presidente Sarmiento invitaba a sentirse «no extranjeros», sino «habitantes» del país. Los salesianos, encarnados en la realidad establecida, ejercieron benéfico influjo entre inmigrados y aborígenes.
Es cierto que el presidente Roca prometía a don Bosco protección ininterrumpida para las misiones patagonas, que «ocuparían siempre el puesto de las empresas civilizadoras»; pero la nueva política colonialista, seguida con los grupos aborígenes por todos los Estados latinoamericanos, se esforzará por «civilizarlos» e «integrarlos» a la cultura nacional, por lo que «jamás [...] Roca ni las Cámaras — delataba don Milanesío, misionero salesiano in situ — habrían consentido [...] ni, una vez planteado, favorecido [...] el sistema de los reverendos padres jesuitas en el Paraguay, a manera de reducciones independientes y bajo completo gobierno de los misioneros»."
En dos únicos casos — con los grupos onas de la isla de Dawson (misión de San Rafael) y de Río Grande (misión de la Candelaria), ambos en la Tierra del Fuego — los salesianos pudieron aplicar, en parte, el «sistema de reducción». Para los demás — insiste don Milanesio, — «si se quiere hacer algo positivo por su educación [...] no pudiendo reducir a los indios con el sistema de reducciones ni establecer escuelas entre ellos, tuvieron que limitarse a visitarlos en sus chozas y grupos donde se hallaban» (intensificando las "misiones volantes"), aprendano la direzione delle nuove parrocchie [...]; dovrá insomma ordinare il suo Vicariato in modo che [...] si salvino le anime»: BS 9 (1885) 1, 3-4.
" BRAMO, Il progetto operativo, p. 27-28.
44 E III, 572.634 (carta del presidente Roca a don Bosco, 10.12.1880); IV, 238-239 (carta a Roca de don Bosco, 31.10.1885); MB XVI, 379; D. MILANESIO, Notas históricas, t. XII (arch. Bahía Blanca, R. 1 [12] M, p. 11-13): cf. BRUNO, Los Salesianos I, p. 191-192; CARBAJAL, Le missioni salesiane, p. 16ss; R. ROJAS, El profeta de la Pampa. Vida de Sarmiento, Buenos Aires, Editorial Losada 21948, p. 637-638.
ampliar las residencias fijas, a abrir casas en las colonias y centros de población, adonde acudían los aborígenes. Y así en el caso de Patagonia la plantatio Ecclesiae por la acción de los salesianos, históricamente no se limitó al sólo hecho edesial, sino que resultó parte fundamental de su historia civil, de su desarrollo cultural y estabilización socia1.45
5. Perspectivas de futuro
A la muerte de don Bosco su obra en Latinoamérica se asentaba ya en Argentina, Uruguay, Brasil, Chile, Ecuador. Su proyecto operativo misionero, utópico en su concepción global, se reconocía válido en algunos elementos que la historia salesiana se ha encargado de reivindicar. Se indican como pistas de investigación:
1) La Congregación salesiana, desde siempre, consideró y considera tan dentro de su misión juvenil y popular la actividad misionera que «le missioni estere» aparecían (hasta 1966) en el artículo 7 de las Reglas, como una de las obras apostólicas «en pro de la juventud, especialmente pobre y abandonada». Las Constituciones renovadas (1972) vuelven a subrayar (art. 24), en la actividad misionera, «la formación de los jóvenes»; señala el Capítulo General Especial, como característica peculiar de dicha acción, «la educación liberadora de la juventud», que el art. 30 de las actuales constituciones (1984) transforma en la obra — «rasgo esencial de la Congregación» — que «moviliza todos los recursos educativos y pastorales típicos de su carisma».46
2) La aplicación, «en toda su amplitud, del sistema educativo en las misiones — recomendado encarecidamente por Pío XI a don F. Rinaldi, Rector Mayor, — a saber, de sus planes, medios y espíritu», harían de la institución de don Bosco — en sentir del jesuita, J. Grisar — «un estimable factor en la gran obra de las Misiones católicas».47 Y, reseñados los contenidos y modalidades de la acción salesiana misionera, reflejan— con una carga mayor de connatural promoción humana — los que don Bosco realizó proporcionalmente en todas sus obras educativo-pastorales en régimen de «civilización cristiana» europea, pues para él «la cristiana Europa es la gran maestra de civilización y de Catolicismo». Si bien su intuición tenaz de contar con clero indígena, garante de una plantatio Ecclesiae estable — sostieñe el prof. 'Scoppola, — «contribuirá a un cambio de mentalidad en la obra misionera, que, en los decenios más próximos a nosotros, dará una aportación importante al mismo proceso de descolonización y un comportamiento nuevo de la cultura europea frente a las culturas del Tercer Mundo ».48
45 Annali I, p. 415; BS 11 (1887) 1, 3s; P. PAESA, Planes y métodos, p. 214-236; BRUNO, Los Salesianos I, p. 488-493; E. SzANTo, Solidaridad de la Iglesia con los indígenas - Documentario patagónico 1, Bahía Blanca, Archivo Histórico de la Patagonia Norte 1988, p. 30-44.
46 Atti del Capitolo generale 20 (1971-1972), nn. 472-476.
ACS 19 (1923) 77; J. G1USAR, Die Missionen der Salesianer Don Boscos í.tl, Wien, Verlag der Salesianer Don Boscos 1924; cf. BS 49 (1925) 300-301.
3) Es obvio que en la estrategia misionera de don Bosco faltaron en su visual los problemas más imp.ortantes y arduos inherentes a las relaciones entre evangelización, aculturación e inculturación. En su proyecto la dimensión propiamente misional implica extender el reino de Dios «en las regiones de los Pampas y de la Patagonia, donde un pueblo inmenso espera [...] con la civilización la salvación eterna». Mas las exigencias impuestas por la supremacía de la cultura y de la política colonial en don Bosco se ven atenuadas por los conceptos mitigados de civilización y sociedad cristiana, de cultura y «estado salvaje», que jamás aceptarían la fórmula propuesta por el poder Ejecutivo argentino al Congreso en su mensaje anual de 1876: realizar «una cruzada contra la barbarie hasta conseguir que los moradores del desierto acepten, por el rigor o la templanza, los beneficios que les brinda la civilización».49
Pese a tener que esperar a muy entrado el siglo veinte para hablar de «encarnación» del Evangelio en las culturas étnicas, los salesianos, desde su primer encuentro con los indios — o, en general, con otros pueblos o culturas dieron pruebas de «saber desarrollar insospechadas dotes de percepción y adaptación», de hacer esfuerzos de inculturación y de poseer — «salvo siempre excepciones fruto de iniciativas individuales y arbitrarias — aqüella humanidad y respeto al modo de vivir de los otros que está en la base del sistema educativo salesiano», cimentado en la razón, religión y amabilidad: «Conviene, por tanto, — sugería don Bosco en 1885 — tratar [a los aborígenes] con dulzura, tomarse a pecho su bienestar y, en particular, ocuparse con solicitud de sus hijos»... «Con la dulzura de San Francisco de Sales los salesianos llevarán a Jesucristo las poblaciones de América»."
4) Es obvio también que mentalidad diversa, vicisitudes ligadas a la contemporánea conquista militar de algunas regiones — todavía en vida de don Bosco — obligasen a los misioneros, «por amor o por fuerza», a soportar situaciones, que hoy no aceptaríamos." Pero nunca les faltaron la humanidad y el respeto, fundamento de toda pretendida cultura y ciencia. Por supuesto, en los inicios la actividad cultural del misionero salesiano «no es el estudio sino la transformación de los indios y de la región que habitaban, el aprendizaje de sus lenguas y, con frecuencia, la exploración de tierras desconocidas, la descripción de sus usos y costumbres». Luego llegarían también — en caudal apreciable — las «aportaciones científicas de las misiones salesianas».52
" MB XVI, 385; SCOPPOLA, Commemorazione civile, p. 22.
" BS 1 (1877) 4, 1; BRAMO, II progetto operativo p. 24-26; A. PADILLA, Presidencia Avellaneda - Vicepresidencia Mariano Acosta (1874-1880), en: R. LIVILLIER, Historia Argentina IV, Buenos Aires, Plaza y Janés de Argentina 1968, p. 2957.
" MB XVI, 394; BS 8 (1884) 1, 17; 8 (1884) 7, 101; STELLA, Don Bosco I, p. 185.
" ASC 273, cartas de don Costamagna a don Bosco, 27.4.1879; de don Fagnano a don Lasagna, 3.3.1887; BS 3 (1879) 5, 5; 5 (1881) 10, 8; 6 (1882) 4, 67; 8 (1884) 1, 8; Missionari salesiani in partenza: «Nelle spedizioni falte dai governi, eziandio per fine di civilizzazione, si preparano fucili, spade, cannoni, torpedini, ma nelle spedizioni religiose non vedete un'arma sola che rechi la morte, ma quella che porta la vita! Ed é la croce che conquista le nazioni a Dio e alla civiltá» (BS 9 [1885] 3, 36).
5) Es cierto, en fin, que se hablará de salvar almas o personas más que de salvar pueblos con su historia, su cultura, su derecho a un espacio vital. Hoy, por el contrario, desde el «proyecto Africa» hasta la confederación shuar, la metodología misionera salesiana — teniendo en cuenta cada pueblo y su entorno cultural, — puede verse radiografiada en el proyecto educativo pastoral - a actuar entre los yanomamis, — que «pretende entablar un diálogo entre la cultura yanomami y otras culturas [por supuesto, la cristiana] para que realicen una síntesis [...], puedan ser protagonistas de su propia historia»."
La credibilidad de don Bosco fue tan absoluta, que no dudó en vaticinar (1876) al método un futuro halagüeño: «Con el tiempo será adoptado también en las demás misiones. ¿Cómo hacer diversamente en Africa y Oceanía?». Y los salesianos e Hijas de María Auxiliadora que hoy trabajan en América, Asia, Africa y Oceanía — como los de ayer y hoy hicieron y hacen en Europa — se esfuerzan por ofrecer a la Iglesia, «sobre todo mediante la educación de las nuevas generaciones y el interés por los problemas juveniles [...], junto con el mensaje evangélico, el espíritu, la misión, el método educativo y las opciones preferentes de la Congregación ».54
R FARINA, Contributi scientifici delle missioni salesiane, en: Centenario ¿elle missioni salesiane... Discorsi, p. 97-141. Se trata de una magnífica síntesis, con abundante bibliografía, hasta 1979.
" Pastoral Amazónica — Semana de estudos missionarios, Campo Grande 5-10 Sept. 1988, Roma, Dicastero per le Missioni Salesiane 1988; Veinte años con los yanomamis (Entrevista a sor Isabel Equillor, HMA), BS (español) 101 (1988) 6, 28.
" ASC 110 (1-Quad. 8) Cronicbetta-Barberis, 12.8.1876, p. 87; MB XII, 280. El Proyecto de vida de los Salesianos de Don Bosco. Guía de lectura de las Constituciones salesianas, Madrid, Editorial CCS 1987, p. 337-338.
EL ORIGEN DE LA LIIERATURA SALESIANA EN ESPAÑA EN VIDA DE SAN JUAN BOSCO
María Fe NÚÑEZ MUÑOZ
Los sondeos de investigación realizados hasta el presente, en torno a los orígenes de la literatura salesiana en España habían quedado fijados, después de la publicación del libro de Ramón Alberdi, Una ciudad para un Santo,' en las noticias que sobre la obra salesiana difundieron, de forma más o menos sistemática, la «Revista Popular» de Barcelona, dirigida por el P. Félix Sardá y Salvany, y el opúsculo' del entonces obispo de Milo y auxiliar de Sevilla, Marcelo Spínola y Maestre, titulado Don Bosco y su obra, publicado también en Barcelona en 1884.2 Quedaban, no obstante, algunos puntos por esclarecer, ya que en las Memorias biográficas se hacía constar la existencia, en España, de otro centro de difusión de noticias salesíanas, aún en vida de don Bosco, distinto del de Barcelona, centro que encarnaba el arzobispo de Sevilla mons. Lluch y Garriga.3 La procedencia de esta información, su naturaleza y contenido reclamaban, sin duda, una investigación aún no realizada, que concretara fechas y higares así como también personas, a las que atribuir la originalidad de las fuentes y los motivos de la difusión.
El vacío de información indicado estimuló mí interés, eligiéndolo como tema de participación en este Congreso, a fin de contribuir, aunque sólo sea con el esclarecimiento científico de un aspecto apenas relevante, a la elaboración de esa Historia que desde la figura gigante de don Bosco se puede hacer o se está haciendo, del entorno y del mundo que le fueron contemporáneos.
Los limites de espacio y tiempo del estudio se perfilaban claros, de acuerdo con los objetivos establecidos previamente: La archidiócesis de Sevilla, sede del cardenal Lluch y Garriga y los años de su estancia en ella: 1877-1882. Pos¬teriormente amplié los límites cronológicos de la investigación hasta 1888, año en el que, con el fallecimiento de don Bosco, quedaban acotados los objetivos del estudio, ya que la literatura salesiana posterior correspondería a la difusión del espíritu y de la obra que el Santo dejaba tras de sí.
1 R. ALBERDI, Una dudad para un Santo. Los orígenes de la obra salesiana en Barcelona, Barcelona, Ediciones Tibidabo 1966, p. 69-81.
2 Don Marcelo Spínola y Maestre, obispo de Milo y auxiliar de Sevilla en 1881, de Coña en 1884, de Málaga en 1886 y, finalmente, arzobispo de Sevilla en 1895 y cardenal en 1905, publicó su libro sobre Don Bosco y su obra en Barcelona en 1884. La edición que he consultado es la tercera, publicada en Sevilla en 1947, en las Escuelas Profesionales Salesianas de Artes Gráficas. Sobre don Marcelo Spínola, puede consultarse el libro de J.M.* JAVIERRE, Don Marcelo de Sevilla, Barcelona 1963.
3' MB XV, 321.
1. El establecimiento de los salesianos en España: El arzobispo Lluch y Ga. tila y la fundación de la casa de Utrera
La archidiócesis de Sevilla durante la segunda mitad del siglo XIX se honró con prelados de gran talla, entre los que cabe destacar durante los años de 1877 a 1882, de acuerdo con los objetivos de nuestro estudio, a mons. Joa¬quín Lluch y Garriga, a cuyo intenso celo pastoral debe la Congregación sale¬siana su carta de naturaleza en suelo español.4
La Sevilla eclesiástica de la Restauración, sin embargo, adolecía aún de la carga de conservadurismo que la edad y la formación de los prelados que ha¬bían ocupado su sede le habían imprimido, habiéndose convertido de algún modo, ya desde la segunda mitad del siglo, en bastión del tradicionalismo, cuya defensa mantuvieron incansablemente, entre otros, el canónigo sevillano Francisco Mateos Gago y el catedrático y publicista católico, León Carbonero - y Sol, fundador y director de la revista confesional «La Cruz», órgano oficioso de la jerarquía y de una iglesia española que intensificaba su proceso de roma¬nización y que encontró en Sevilla el lugar idóneo para su nacimiento y despe¬gue.5
Los aires de bonanza en las relaciones Iglesia-Estado que corrieron en los primeros años de la Restauración borbónica,6 permitieron a mons. Lluch cuando ocupó la sede híspalense desarrollar una eficaz labor de acogida y pro¬tección de las órdenes y congregaciones religiosas que, o bien surgían como
4 Mons. Joaquín Lluch y Garriga nació en Manresa (Barcelona), el 22 de febrero de 1816 y falleció en Umbrete (Sevilla), el 23 septiembre de 1882. Ingresó en la Orden carmelitana, en el convento de Barcelona, en 1830. Exiliado poco después de España, a causa de la política religiosa de los gobiernos de la Regencia de María Cristina, pasó al convento de Lucca (Italia), donde estu¬dió Teología y desempeñó diversos cargos dentro de la Orden. Reanudadas las relaciones diplo¬máticas entre España y el Vaticano, regresó a Barcelona, donde permaneció realizando una im¬portante labor pastoral hasta que fue preconizado para Canarias en 1858. Trasladado diez años después al obispado de Salamanca y nombrado en 1874 obispo de Barcelona, fue promovido al arzobispado de Sevilla en 1877, donde falleció tras ser nombrado cardenal, en 1882. Cf. J.M. GA¬RULA, Biografía del excmo. e Ilmo Sr. D. Fr. Joaquín Lluch, Madrid 1880; G. WESSELS, Specimen Supplementi, Roma 1927; M.F. NÚÑEZ MUÑOZ, La Iglesia y la Restauración (1875-1881), Santa Cruz de Tenerife 1976, p. 95, nota 64.
5 M. CARBONERO Y SOL, Don León Carbonero y Sol, director de La Cruz, reseña biográfica: «La Cruz» 1 (1902) 276-345; J.M. TEJEDOR, Carbonero y Sol, León, en: Diccionario de historia eclesiástica de España, 1, Madrid, CSIC 1975, p. 344-346.
6 Cf. M.F. NÚÑEZ MUÑOZ, La Iglesia y la Restauración, p. 361.
respuestas de la Iglesia a las nuevas demandas o necesidades de los tiempos y an
de la sociedad, o bien trataban de regresar a Epaña, as en la amplia
interpretación que, al respecto, se empezó a darla la legalidad concordada.' En este sentido, se consignaba en el «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado de Sevilla», con motivo de la apertura de un convento de carmelitas en Jerez de la Frontera: «Fija la idea de nuestro venerable Prelado en la erección de estos centros de santidad y de saber, procuró por todos los medios posibles, apenas tomó posesión de la Silla híspalense, ver realizados sus trascendentales pensamientos».8
En consonancia con esta actitud de acogida y de entrega pastoral, tan pronto como mons. Lluch tomó posesión de su diócesis, empezó la visita de la misma, como lo refleja el «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado», a fin de conocer y poner remedio a las necesidades eclesiásticas y religiosas más urgentes. La ciudad de Utrera, sede posteriormente del primer colegio salesiano de España, recibía la Visita pastoral del prelado del 13 al 23 de enero de 1879,9 conociendo durante la misma la deteriorada situación socio-política y religiosa del pueblo, por lo que trató seguidamente, en lo que estaba de su parte, de ponerle remedio mediante fundaciones religioso-docentes, que atendieran a la educación de los niños y jóvenes más pobres y necesitados. A este fin se orientaron el establecimiento en Utrera de las Hermanitas de la Cruz y las gestiones realizadas por el marqués de Casa-Ulloa con los misioneros Hijos del Inmaculado Corazón de María, para que también éstos fundaran un colegio en dicha ciudad.'°
Las dificultades, sin duda provindenciales, encontradas por el prócer utrerano para cumplir su objetivo, permitieron al arzobispo Lluch orientar la elección del marqués de Ulloa hacia la Congregación fundada por don Bosco 879, , in-al que el propio prelado se dirigió con fecha 7 de junio vitándolo a enviar salesianos a Utrera, de acuero con las condiciones que ofrecía el citado marqués en unas propuestas queda djuntaba."'
Aunque no ha quedado constancia documental de la solución del Consejo general salesiano sobre la consulta que don Bosco le hizo al respecto, así como tampoco de la respuesta delegada de don Cagliero al arzobispo Lluch, es evidente que hubo cierta diligencia por parte de don Bosco en esta primera actuación, ya que apenas transcurrió un mes entre la petice ro ió el dn formulada por el prelado a don Bosco y la carta que Lluch dirigió a Ca tia 3 e julio, agradeciéndole las esperanzas que se le habían dado de atender sus deseos, y el anuncio de la visita que el mismo don Cagliero prometía realizar a Sevilla en el siguiente mes de octubre.
7 Ibid.
8 «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado de Sevilla» 1.083 (1880) 241. En adelante, lo citare: BOAS. La primera cifra se refiere al número correspondiente.
9 BOAS 1.018 (1879) 41-43.
10 M. MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera en España. Una Institución al servicio del Pueblo, Sevilla 1981, p. 55-62.
11 Sobre la carta de mons. Lluch y las p ro es'c'ores presentadas al prelado hispalense por el marqués de Casa-Ulloa, cf. MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 63-66.
El arzobispo expresaba también su alegría al pensar que su amada diócesis sería, en breve, «la primera en España en poseer a los salesianos».L2
La visita de don Juan Cagliero, acompañado del coadjutor Rossi se efectuó en enero de 1880, no sin antes haber puesto a prueba la paciencia y el interés de mons. Lluch, que reiteró a don Bosco la petición del establecimiento de los salesianos en su diócesis, por cuantos medios directos e indirectos estuvieron a su alcance, con tal de conseguir su objetivo.D
Cerradas el 30 de enero las negociaciones de la primera fundación salesiana de España, esta fecha debió significar para el prelado hispalense, «el gran padre de los salesianos» como lo denominaba Cagliero," la consecución de una meta muy deseada, que sólo quedaría consolidada cuando, establecidos en Utrera, los hijos de don Bosco pusiesen en práctica, en bien de los jóvenes más pobres y necesitados, el sistema pedagógico del Fundador.
Don- Bosco ratificó lo pactado en Sevilla por don Cagliero, mediante una carta dirigida al arzobispo Lluch y otra al marqués de Casa-Ulloa, fechadas ambas el 26 de febrero siguiente, en las que prometía enviar a sus hijos a Utrera para octubre del mismo ario 1880.15 La preparación de una expedición misionera para América del Sur, de la que tuvo que ocuparse Cagliero, retrasó unos meses la fecha prometida para la llegada de los salesianos a Sevilla, ya que debieron partir por mar, juntamente con los misioneros, en enero de 1881, desembarcando en Gibraltar la noche del 11 de febrero los seis religiosos que debían quedarse en España, a los que acompañó hasta su instalación el propio don Cagliero.
Las dificultades para la entrada en la colonia inglesa, así como el conocimiento que allí se tenía de la obra salesiana, y la hospitalidad dispensada por el vicario capitular de Gibraltar, mons. Narciso Pallarés, hasta que pudieron embarcar de nuevo para Cádiz tres días después, están recogidas tanto en las Memorias biográficas como en la carta que Cagliero dirigió a don Rua con los pormenores del viaje.
12 ASC 38 Utrera. Atti per la fondazione. Lettera dell'arcivescovo di Siviglia a don Cagliero del 3-VII-1879, citada por MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 66-67, cf. nota 10.
13 Mons. Lluch, cuando vio que estaba para terminar el mes de octubre sin recibir noticias de la anunciada visita de don Cagliero, se dirigió de nuevo a don Bosco con fecha 24 del mismo mes
de octubre, solicitándole una explicación del silencio y la demora. Es posible que, simultáneamente, escribiese a Lucca, a la marquesa de Citadella, a fin de que rogara a don Bosco, cuya estancia en Lucca conocía por la prensa, que tuviera en cuenta la petición que le había hecho, de que los salesianos se estableciesen en su archidiócesis. Cf. MARTÍN GONZALEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 68-69.
14 Cf. MARTÍN GONZALEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 97.
IS Ibid., p. 101-102. La respuesta de Lluch a don Bosco, de 10 marzo de 1880, agradeciendo su carta y su promesa, se conserva en: ASC 126 Lluch: Lettera dell'arcivescovo di Siviglia, mons. Lluch y Garriga, a don Bosco, del10-.1111-1880.
' Finalmente, la tarde del 16 de febrero de 1881, Utrera recibía con inmenso júbilo a los primeros salesianos que se instalaban en España, ofreciéndose de este modo la tierra andaluza como campo abonado para que fructificara la obra de don Bosco, y se convirtiera en la espléndida realidad, que es hoy, la consigna que el Santo les diera de forma profética al despedirlos en Marsella: Propagad la devoción a María Auxiliadora»
2. Orígenes de la literatura salesiana en Andalucía
El establecimiento de los salesianos en la archidiócesis hispalense no podía reducirse únicamente a unas negociaciones concertadas entre el arzobispo Lluch y un noble católico sevillano por una parte, y don Bosco .y su delegado don Cagliero por la otra, sin que la archidiócesis y el pueblo concreto de Utrera, para el que se reclamaba la presencia de los salesianos, tuvieran una información adecuada y suficiente sobre la Congregación a la que pertenecían los religiosos, su carisma e, incluso, sobre la fama de santidad que aun en vida rodeaba a su Fundador.
Consciente mons. Lluch de la necesidad de activar este importante aspecto antes de la llegada de los salesianos a Sevilla, se convirtió, según afirman las Memorias biográficas, «en gran propagandista de la fama de don Bosco, publicando en la "Revista diocesana" una historia del Oratorio, documentada en el "Boletín Salesiano", en el que don Juan Bonetti comunicaba a los lectores, desde enero de 1879, con pinceladas magistrales, noticias sobre el Oratorio de don Bosco, que fueron después recopiladas en un volumen, con el título de Cinco lustros de historia del Oratorio de San Francisco de Sales».'s
El hecho de la propaganda del arzobispo, que aparece evidente según las Memorias, plantea, al menos, dos interrogantes: En primer lugar ¿cómo había conocido mons. Lluch a don Bosco? ¿por qué medios le había llegado la fama de su obra hasta el punto de desear tan ardientemente que los salesianos se establecieran en su diócesis? En segundo lugar, y una vez convertido en propagandista de la fama de don Bosco ¿a qué «Revista diocesana» se alude en las Memorias biográficas? ¿cuál era el contenido de la información que trasmitía? y, finalmente, ¿qué criterios de selección existía para la publicación de tales noticias?
Trataré de responder a los interrogantes planteados con los resultados dela investigación que he realizado, los cuales, desde ahora quiero adelantar, son de muy distinta naturaleza e importancia, ya que las respuestas sobre las fuentes, cauces o medios de información que pudo tener el arzobispo Lluch se sustentan más en publicaciones ya existentes o en hipótesis de difícil comprobación, que en datos inéditos.
" MB XV, 321-322.
" MARTÍ GONZALEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 155.
18 MB XV, 321-322.
Por el contrario, las aportaciones que ofrezco como respuestas al segundo bloque de interrogantes, considero que constituyen el aspecto fundamental de este estudio, ya que, pese a lo reducido de su campo temático, esclarecen una ambigüedad y deshacen un error desde la verificación documental.
2.1. Fuentes o cauces de información
Los interrogantes antes formulados, que constituyen el contenido de este primer apartado, me llevaron a plantearme el origen del conocimiento que mons. Lluch tenía de don Bosco, y cuáles habrían sido los medios, las fuentes o los cauces por los que la fama de don Bosco había llegado al prelado hispalense, hasta el punto de hacer que su admiración por él se tradujera en conseguir ser el primero en establecer una casa salesiana en su diócesis y, con ello, en España.
Las respuestas a estas dos preguntas están íntimamente unidas, ya que no es seguro que mons. Lluch conociera personalmente a don Bosco, como parece deducirse de la correspondencia que medió entre ambos. En la carta enviada por Lluch a don Bosco desde Sevilla, con fecha 10 de marzo de 1880, agradeciéndole la aprobación de la fundación de Utrera negociada por don Cagliero, escribe textualmente: «Mis achaques de salud continúan impidiéndome el reposo. Cuando pueda emprender mi anhelado viaje a Roma le avisaré a Vd. con tiempo y fijaremos con antelación cuanto se refiere a nuestro encuentro en Turín».'9 Es sabido que el encuentro no llegó a efectuarse porque la salud del prelado continuó empeorando, hasta el punto de no poder efectuar ni el viaje a Roma para recibir el capelo, al ser promovido al cardenalato en 1882.
Si descartamos el conocimiento personal, cuanto Lluch supo de don Bosco tuvo que ser necesariamente, a través de los ecos de su obra y de su fama de santidad, por lo que cabría preguntamos únicamente quién trasmitió esos ecos y qué cauces le llevaron su fama.
Es probable que el arzobispo hispalense conociera la obra salesiana a través de la correspondencia con la marquesa de Citadella, residente en la ciudad italiana de Lucca, donde Lluch estuvo exiliado tras su salida de España como religioso, a causa de la politica liberal durante la regencia de Doña María Cristina,' y donde los salesianos estaban establecidos desde junio de 1878.21 Avala esta hipótesis la afirmación que don Cagliero hacía en la carta que envió a don Bosco desde Utrera, en enero de 1880, cuando se encontraba en dicha ciudad con motivo de su viaje a Sevilla para preparar la fundación: «Nos conoció [Cagliero se refiere a Lluch] por medio de los periódicos de Lucca, y por la correspondencia con la Marquesa de Citadella de aquella ciudad» 22
19 Mons. Lluch y Garriga a don Juan Bosco, Sevilla, 10 de marzo de 1880, ASC 126, 1 Lluch: Lettera dell'Arcivescovo di Siviglia, mons. Lluch y Gamga, a don Bosco, del 10-17I-1880 da Siviglia, en: MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 101-102.
20 Doña María Cristina de Nápoles ocupó la Regencia del trono de España durante la minoría de edad de su hija doña Isabel II, desde 1833 a 1840, después del fallecimiento de su esposo, don Fernando VII.
Prueba de esta correspondencia y envío de periódicos desde Lucca es también la carta escrita a don Cagliero por don Marenco, director del colegio salesiano de dicha ciudad, interesándose por la fundación de Utrera a requerimiento de la citada marquesa de Citadella, a quien, a su vez mons. Lluch había escrito para rogarle que, con motivo de la estancia de don Bosco en Lucca, que conocía por la prensa italiana, explorara directamente el ánimo del Fundador respecto a la petición que le tenía hecha de establecer a los salesianos en su diócesis para, en caso de que estuviera propicio, dirigirse de nuevo directamente a él.23
El cauce de información de Lucca, con ser importante no debió, sin duda, ser el único ya que, aún dentro del terreno de la hipótesis, es probable que en años anteriores, durante los viajes realizados por Lluch a Roma en función de sus deberes apostólicos, tales como la visita ad limina en 1863, siendo obispo de Canarias, o la participación en el Vaticano I como obispo de Salamanca, hubiera tenido ocasión de conocer más de cerca noticias sobre don Bosco y su obra, muy extendidas ya en esas fechas por Italia, e incluso, conocerlo personalmente.24
La prensa francesa, aunque de forma esporádica, también debió servir al prelado de medio de información, ya que en alguna carta del arzobispo Lluch y del marqués de Casa Ulloa dirigidas a don Bosco y a don Cagliero, existen alusiones a noticias que la prensa francesa insertaba sobre la obra salesiana. Así en la carta que desde Sevilla envió Lluch a don Bosco en marzo de 1880, el prelado escribe: «agradezco los periódicos que me han mandado desde Marsella que ya he recibido»,25 y en la dirigida por el marqués de Ulloa a Cagliero, aquél afirma: «Como todo lo que se refiere hoy a la Congregación de San Francisco de Sales nos es de tanto interés, hemos tenido mucho gusto en leer la relación que da el Diario de Marsella que Ud. me envió, de la reunión de los Cooperadores de aquella ciudad, y con el mismo veremos todo cuanto se refiera a Vds. y pueda comunicarnos ».26
21 MB XI, 411; MIL 678.
22 Cagliero a don Bosco, Utrera 28 enero 1880. Citada por MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 89-90. Cf. nota 10.
" La carta de Marenco a Cagliero, sin fecha, cabe datarla hacia octubre de 1879, en relación con la carta que también mons. Lluch dirigió a don Bosco el 24 del mismo mes, inquieto por la falta de noticias acerca del prometido viaje de los salesianos a Sevilla, en el mes de octubre. Cf. MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 68-70.
24 A. MARTÍN afirma, en su libro, que Lluch tuvo ocasión de oír directamente en el aula conciliar, durante las sesiones del Vaticano I, el panegírico que sobre don Bosco y sus salesianos hizo Mons. Comboni. Cf. MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 117.
" ASC. 126,1. Lluch: Lettera dell'Arcivescovo di Siviglia, mons. Lluch y Garriga, a don Bosco, de110-111-1880 da Siviglia (citada en: MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera).
Otras publicaciones francesas, de carácter no periódico, como expondré en el siguiente apartado, fueron utilizadas en Sevilla no sólo como fuentes de información sino también como medios de difusión en España de la obra salesiana y de la fama de santidad de su Fundador.
No obstante lo expuesto, el medio informativo por la excelencia que don Bosco tuvo el preámbulo hispalense debió ser el «Boletín Salesiano», que se enviaba a partir de enero de 1879 a todos los Cooperadores. La noticia del primer número del mismo que llegó a manos de mons. En el mes de octubre de 1879: «Hoy me ha llegado el nº 7 del Boletín Salesiano, que es el único que ha recibido. ¿Se habrán perdido los otros números? »
Constituido por don Cagliero el primer núcleo de Cooperadores en Utrera, con motivo de la fiesta de San Francisco de Sales de 1880,28 es de suponer que, a través del «Boletín salesiano», el conocimiento de la obra del Oratorio de Turín y de Su prodigiosa expansión llegó también a los utreranos, preparando el camino para la llegada a la archidiócesis y la andaluza de los hijos de don Bosco.
A partir del establecimiento de la comunidad salesiana de Utrera, el arzobispo Lluch y todos los de un modo de tener un modo de tener una relación con los religiosos y en el medio de la información sobre la obra de don Bosco: la comunicación oral que los salesianos harían de forma espontánea , con la fuerza convincente de la propia experiencia.
2.2. Órganos o medios de difusión
El segundo bloque de interrogantes que trata de responder este estudio se orienta al conocimiento de los medios y medios de difusión que el arzobispo de Sevilla, mons. Lluch y Garriga, para dar a conocer a sus fieles el carisma de los recién nacidos Congregación salesiana y, en consecuencia, los motivos que han impulsado a ofrecerle un campo de trabajo en su diócesis.
Es obvio que esta difusión tuvo que empezar a cumplir con el momento en que se concibió la idea de establecer a los salesianos en Andalucía y podría tener casi la certeza de su realización. La petición del arzobispo a don Bosco el 7 de junio de 1879, y la respuesta esperanzadora, recibimos antes de transcurrir en el momento, desde el 29 de junio de 1879 hasta el final de mi trabajo: el año 1879.
26 ASC 38 Utrera. Atti per la Fondazione, p. 131-132; cfr. nota 2.
27 Ibid., Pág. 68.
"MARTiN GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 96.
Asimismo, la indicación de las Memorias biográficas acerca de los órganos utilizados por mons. Para su trabajo de propaganda, orientar mi investigación hacia el conocimiento de la "Revista diocesana" que en ellas se cita, 3 ° encontrar a esta denominación, corresponder a dos publicaciones distintas: el "Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado de Sevilla" y "La Revista Católica »de la misma capital. El análisis del contenido de ambas publicaciones periódicas, en lo que a noticias comerciales se refiere, constituyen el objeto de este apartado.
2.2.1. El Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado de Sevilla
El boletín eclesiástico supalense debe ser su fundación e impulso inicial en el arzobispo de Sevilla, Judas José Romo, quien confió su dirección en el catedrático y publicista católico, León Carbonero y Sol, durante sus primeros años.32 La periodicidad de la publicación, que en Sus comienzos fueron quincenal y posteriormente mensual, la semáforo semanal durante los años que había sido publicado para mi estudio. Estos años, que había limitado en el principio de período de preparación y el establecimiento de los salesianos en la diócesis de Sevilla (1879-1881), el amplificador después hasta el 1888 para tener en cuenta la época de la caída de don Bosco. el final de mí trabajo;
El estudio del «Boletín del Arzobispado de Sevilla» como medio utilizado por mons. Para el conocimiento de la obra salesiana, me refiero a la búsqueda de sus fuentes, el carácter específico de la publicación, el boletín informativo de la vida de la diócesis, a través de su sección principal, la Crónica diocesana, siendo muy contadas las otras secciones del mismo que publicaban noticias ajenas a su finalidad.
Con relación a la obra de don Bosco, las noticias que aparecen en el «Boletín diocesano» están tomadas en su mayoría de las actividades desarrolladas por los salesianos en la casa de Utrera, cuando dichas actividades eran novedosas o muy brillantes, como fiestas, ampliaciones o proyectos del propio colegio. Aquellas otras noticias que se pudieran considerar de propaganda o conocimiento de la Congregación y de sus actividades fuera de la diócesis se publicaron sólo esporádicamente, teniendo su fuente en el «Boletín Salesiano» y ni por su número ni por su calidad responden a lo consignado en las Memorias biográficas de que en la «Revista diocesana» de Sevilla se publicaba una historia del Oratorio, tomada del Boletín de Valdocco,33 como se puede constatar en el análisis, que presento a continuación, de los contenidos del Boletín del arzobispado híspalense con relación a la obra salesiana, en los años acotados para este estudio.
29 Ibid., p. 63-67.
" MB XVI, 321-322.
" Judas José Romo, nació en Cañizar (Guadalajara) el 7 de enero de 1773, falleció en Umbrete (Sevilla) el 11 de enero de 1855. Ocupó la sede hispalense desde 1847 a 1855. Fue elevado al cardenalato en 1850.
32 Cf. J.M. TEJEDOR, Carbonero y Sol, León, en: Diccionario de historia eclesiástica de España I, p. 344-346.
Comprobar la casi total ausencia de noticias salesianas durante el bienio 1879-1880 no fue para mí ninguna sorpresa, dado que las gestiones para la fundación de la casa de Utrera no se empezaron hasta junio de 1879, y sólo en enero de 1880, después del viaje a Sevilla de Cagliero y Rossi, el arzobispo Lluch pudo tener cierta seguridad de que los salesianos se establecerían en la diócesis. Publicar antes cualquier noticia al respecto resultaba sin duda aventurado. El Boletín de 1880 carece de noticias salesianas, salvo la que inserta en el mes de noviembre, en la Crónica diocesana, en la que dentro de una referencia global a las actividades del prelado, se dice únicamente: «Son también aguardados en Utrera los salesianos, para la obra de los Talleres Católicos» 34
El mayor número de noticias referidas a la obra de don Bosco publicadas en el Boletín hispalense se encuentran, como ya he indicado, en las crónicas diocesanas de 1881, que recogen los hitos principales del establecimiento de los salesianos en Utrera. La primera noticia de la fundación aparece en marzo, apenas transcurrido un mes de la llegada de los salesíanos. En ella se resaltan, después de una breve alusión a la expedición misionera con la que partieron de Turín, tomada sin duda del «Boletín Salesiano» o del propio relato verbal de los religiosos, los motivos que impulsaron al arzobispo Lluch a llamar a los salesianos, y los objetivos de su establecimiento en la diócesis:
«Tres sacerdotes y tres hermanos de aquella expedición desembarcaron en Gibraltar, para dirigirse a esta provincia y ejercer aquí su ministerio bajo la dirección de nuestro amantísimo Prelado, que noticioso del bien que estos dignos operarios evangélicos hacían en varias regiones del Orbe, los llamó hace más de dos años, para que le ayudaran en el cultivo de esta interesante porción del campo evangélico que el Señor ha confiado a su solicitud».35
La naturaleza jurídica de los salesianos y el campo concreto de su misión presente y posterior expansión, quedaban también definidos en la noticia:
«Los salesianos son ciudadanos ante la ley y eclesiásticos ante el Prelado. Nuestro Sr. Arzobispo les ha encargado el servicio de la Iglesia de Nuestra Señora del Carmen de la ciudad de Utrera, en donde el clero es escaso y grande la población. El M.I. Sr. Marqués de Ulloa les da noble hospitalidad en su propia casa, casi contigua al mencionado santuario.
" MB XV, 321.
34 BOAS 1.113 (1880) 581.
35 BOAS 1.129 (1881) 146-147.
Estos beneméritos sacerdotes se dedican allí a procurar el esplendor del culto, a fomentar la piedad entre los fieles y la enseñanza de la Doctrina Cristiana a los niños pobres entregados al ocio y a la disipación, reuniéndolos en su oratorio los días festivos, que son los de más peligro para la juventud desamparada. Luego que cuenten con recursos, se emplearán en mejorar la condición de las clases llamadas desheredadas, estableciendo talleres y asilos de aprendices de artes y oficios» 36
La obra de Utrera, respaldada por la iniciativa y cariño del arzobispo Lluch y protegida por la munificencia del prócer utrerano, tenía, sin duda, ante sí un porvenir espléndido si los religiosos, como de hecho ocurrió, colmaban las esperanzas que en ellos se depositaban y atendían a la población juvenil más pobre y necesitada.
La fundación salesiana de Utrera proporcionó este mismo año dos nuevas noticias al Boletín de la archidiócesis, referida una al viaje que el 14 de junio hizo mons. Lluch a Utrera con el objeto primordial, y así lo hacía constar la Crónica, de «visitar a los religiosos Salesíanos, que merced a su levantada e insaciable caridad han fundado en dicha ciudad una de sus casas, donde albergan, instruyen, educan y dan oficio a los niños pobres y desvalidos».37 La impresión que el prelado sacó de su visita aparece también en la Crónica: «Su Excelencia quedó altamente complacido de la nueva fundación que, a pesar de dar principio hoy, promete prósperos y felices resultados para la causa de la Fe y de la Moral».38
La segunda noticia, correspondiente también al mismo mes de junio, se inserta dentro de un mensaje enviado por la ciudad de Utrera al prelado, agradeciéndole la visita realizada y las múltiples atenciones pastorales que había tenido con la población utrerana desde su llegada a la archidiócesis. La referencia a la obra salesiana — «acaba de instalarse, promovido por su celo, la primera Congregación en España de sacerdotes seculares de San Francisco de Sales, dedicada a la educación y enseñanza del niño»" — incluye la opinión de la diócesis sobre la misma : «Congregación santa, santísima, porque la acción propia de la enseñanza cristiana es convertir los niños en hijos de Jesucristo, y esto es santo»."
La actividad que empezaron a desarrollar los salesianos en Utrera causó un profundo impacto en el clero y en la población, como lo refleja el Comunicado dirigido al arzobispo, que insertó el Boletín eclesiástico del mes de julio, dándole cuentas de la tarea apostólica que llevaban a cabo en la ciudad los Hijos de San Francisco de Sales, como los denominaban. La gratitud, deber moral según se afirmaba, necesitaba expresar la transformación experimentada en los cultos religiosos:
36 Ibid.
" BOAS 1.145 (1881) 330.
" Ibid.
39 BOAS 1.144 (1881) 342-343.
40 Ibid., p. 343.
«La iglesia de Nuestra Señora del Carmen antes desierta, se ve hoy tan frecuentada de los fieles, que pasan de ciento las comuniones semanales y gran multitud la que diariamente asiste al Santo Sacrificio de la Misa y al devoto Rosario, actos celebrados en las horas más oportunas para este pueblo esencialmente agrícola».4'
La descripción de la novena y fiesta de la Virgen del Carmen, titular de la iglesia encomendada a los salesianos, constituye un canto de alabanzas a la actividad y celo apostólico que desplegaban. La actitud de benevolencia y cariño que tanto el pueblo como el clero diocesano mostraban hacía los salesianos, queda reflejada en el párrafo que se transcribe a continuación, en el que resalta cómo los fieles acogían la predicación de los hijos de don Bosco, a pesar de las dificultades que tenían para expresarse en castellano: «mas debo hacer particular mención de las tres pláticas a cargo de los Salesianos, que tan agradable impresión han dejado en nosotros; la dificultad del idioma por el poco tiempo que aún llevan en España, quedó vencida por el celo y entusiasmo que estaban poseídas sus almas, produciendo en los circunstantes una tierna conmoción que muchas veces se tradujo en abundantes lágrimas».42
La última noticia sobre la obra salesiana que publicó el Boletín de la archidiócesis en 1881 corresponde al mes de diciembre y es la única tomada del «Boletín Salesiano»; se refería a la celebración del cuarenta aniversario de la fundación de la obra del Oratorio, que se cumplía el día de la Inmaculada de este mismo año. La noticia fue comunicada a los Cooperadores en el «Boletín Salesiano» del mes de noviembre, con la publicación del encuentro de don Bosco con Bartolomé Garelli en la iglesia de San Francisco de Asís. Esta misma narración, insertada también en el «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado de Sevilla» como homenaje a la obra de don Bosco, fue la noticia con la que se cerraron las referencias a los salesianos en el ario 1881.43
En los años siguientes, hasta 1888, las noticias sobre la obra de don Bosco en el Boletín hispalense son muy escasas. De ellas cabe destacar las crónicas de las novenas y fiestas de San Francisco de Sales, sobre todo la de 1884, que contó con la presencia del nuevo arzobispo de Sevilla, Fray Zeferino González y Díaz Tuñón," que demostró así su deferencia por los salesianos dignándose, incluso, presidir la conferencia de Cooperadores que tuvo lugar. Este acto, como afirma la Crónica, fue notable por dos circunstancias, una por ser la primera reunión de esta clase que se tenía en España, y la otra, por haberla presidido el arzobispo. El canónigo hispalense García Sarmiento, que acompañaba en esta ocasión al prelado, hizo en su nombre el panegírico de la Congregación salesiana, llamada según él «a cumplir en el mundo moderno la magnífica mi
4' BOAS 1.148 (1881) 390.
Ibid., p. 391.
" BOAS 1.168 (1881) 612-613.
44 El cardenal Lludi y Garriga falleció en 1882, habiendo sido nombrado, para sucederle, el obispo de Córdoba, Fray Zeferino González y Díaz-Tuñón.
Sión que cumplieron el clero secular y el clero regular en la sociedad del tiempo pasado ».45
En los años siguientes no aparece en el Boletín del Arzobispado de Sevilla noticia alguna sobre los salesianos ni sobre el colegio de Utrera, debido sin duda a la etapa de crisis y dificultades que pasó contemporáneamente a la fundación de Barcelona." Sólo en el Boletín eclesiástico de agosto de 1886 aparece la propaganda del recién creado colegio de internos, en la misma casa de Utrera. Se pedía en ella a los párrocos que informasen a los padres de familia que en el colegio salesiano encontrarían una educación esmerada y cristiana en la que, sin desatender las necesidades de la enseñanza científica y literaria, se daría preferente lugar a la religiosa.' Superada la crisis del establecimiento, los salesianos continuaron trabajando en favor de la juventud utrerana, aunque su incansable apostolado no ofreciera motivos lo suficientemente novedosos como para insertarlos en el Boletín del arzobispado.
Una noticia triste y universal llegó finalmente en febrero de 1888. El fallecimiento de don Bosco fue recogido en una sentida Nota necrológica en el «Boletín Hispalense».
«Ha fallecido en Turín, rodeado de sus hijos los Religiosos Salesianos, y llorado de millones de niños huérfanos y abandonados, el Rvdo. P. Don Bosco, llamado el san Vicente de Paul de Italia. Los prodigios que ha obrado este apóstol de los niños en los cincuenta años empleados en fundar el Instituto Salesiano y extenderlo por todo el mundo son tantos que no se pueden contar, como las casas establecidas, los hospicios y talleres abiertos, donde se da albergue a millones de niños que al par que reciben los cuidados corporales necesarios, se les da educación sólidamente cristiana y un oficio manual, que los haga obreros temerosos de Dios, observadores de su divina ley, laboriosos e inteligentes»."
La intuición de que había muerto un santo quedaba también recogida en la Necrología:
«El Padre Don Bosco ha muerto, pero su obra vivirá como obra de Dios, como viven las obras de los Santos. Los millones de niños asilados que hoy lloran al Padre más solicito y más cariñoso, los Sacerdotes, misioneros y cuantos conocen y siguen con amor el Instituto Salesiano, elevan hoy al Cielo sus oraciones en sufragio de su virtuoso Fundador, si es que sus grandes méritos no le han asegurado ya la mansión de los santos ».49
El análisis realizado del contenido del «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado de Sevilla» en relación con las noticias salesianas, considero que deja fuera de
" BOAS 9 (1884) 330.
46 Cf. MARTÍN GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, nota 10. " BOAS 79 (1886) 119-120; 80 (1886) 151452.
48 BOAS 122 (1888) 143-144.
49 Ibid., p. 144.
dudas la falta de correspondencia entre la afirmación que contienen las Memorias biográficas sobre la publicación de una historia del Oratorio en la «Revista diocesana» de Sevilla y las noticias realmente publicadas en el mismo." No cabía para ello otra explicación que la existencia de un error de interpretación con relación al título de «Revista diocesana» como sinónimo de Boletín de la archidiócesis 51 Esta deducción orientó mi búsqueda hacia otra publicación que el propio Boletín diocesano me había revelado: «La Revista Católica» de Sevilla, que se me presentó como una nueva, interesante y desconocida fuente para mi investigación.
2.2.2. «La Revista Católica»
«La Revista Católica», fundada en diciembre de 1877, contaba como responsable de su edición al propio arzobispado de Sevilla, y llegó a presentarse como Semanario de Ciencias Eclesiásticas y Literatura Religiosa, dedicado a Su Santidad el Papa León XIII. Esta era la Revista diocesana por excelencia, como lo evidencian la dignidad de su presentación y la importancia de sus colaboradores.52 Organo oficioso de la archidiócesis, contribuía a la defensa y difusión de sus intereses y a la consecución de sus objetivos, uno de los cuales era reforzar los lazos de unión con la Santa Sede mediante la publicación de los documentos pontificios y decretos de las Congregaciones vaticanas, junto con las cartas pastorales y principales documentos del arzobispado hispalense.
Con relación a la información que sobre la Congregación salesiana proporcionaba «La Revista Católica» durante los años que interesan al presente estudio, he podido constatar que presentaba una clara tendencia de adhesión y simpatía hacia la misma, publicando numerosas noticias de diversa índole y .extensión, tomadas algunas del «Boletín Salesiano» que fueron apareciendo de acuerdo con los intereses de la diócesis y la cadencia de los acontecimientos.
El arzobispo de Sevilla, Lluch y Garriga, — afirman las Memorias biográficas — «se había convertido en gran propagandista de la fama de don Bosco a través de la Revista diocesana»." No cabe duda que, para mons. Lluch, esta labor de propaganda tenía un objetivo: preparar la diócesis para acoger a los hijos de don Bosco, a quienes con tanta insistencia había mandado llamar. Pero ¿cuándo y cómo empezó esta preparación? Trataré de responder analizando el ritmo seguido por la propia Revista.
5° Cf. MB XV, 321-322.
" Cf. MARTIN GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 297.
" «La Revista Católica» fue continuación de la «Semana Católica», editada también con el mismo carácter, por el arzobispado hispalense, la cual había dejado de publicarse en el mes de junio anterior. La dirección de «La Revista Católica» fue confiada inicialmente a don Ventura Camacho Carbajo, pero en los años correspondientes a nuestro estudio, su dirección la tenía don Cayetano Fernández, dignidad de Chantre de la catedral de Sevilla, miembro de número de la Real Academia española, y Vice-director de la Academia hispalense de Santo Tomás de Aquino.
53 MB XV, 321.
Las noticias sobre la obra salesiana en «La Revista Católica» tuvieron un majestuoso prólogo con la publicación, en mayo de 1879, de la carta dirigida por León XII( a los salesianos de Argentina el año anterior, carta que había sido ya publicada en «L'Unitá Cattolica» de Turín. La Revista hispalense transcribía, junto con el texto pontificio, el comentario que el periódico «La América del Sur» de Buenos Aires hacía al respecto:
«La humildad de los Padres Salesianos residentes en esta capital, les ha hecho guardar silencio sobre la carta que les ha dirigido el Sumo Pontífice León XIII. [...] El celo que los Padres Salesianos despliegan en favor de todas las clases de nuestra sociedad, ya con el asiduo ejercicio del sagrado ministerio, ya con la cristiana instrucción de la juventud, tanto pudiente como menesterosa, les hace dignos de este honor del nuevo Papa».54
Ciertamente que con la anterior noticia la semilla de la propaganda estaba echada, y el interés y la fraterna acogida a la Congregación salesiana no tardarían en florecer en las cálidas tierras andaluzas.
Las reiteradas gestiones realizadas por el arzobispo Lluch para el establecimiento de los salesianos en su diócesis habían tenido como resultado las seguridades dadas por don Bosco tras el viaje de Cagliero a Sevilla, de que los salesianos estarían en Utrera para octubre de 1880. Urgía por tanto dar a conocer, de forma concreta, la obra salesiana al clero y fieles de la archidiócesis. Y a este fin fue dirigida la publicación, durante siete semanas — de junio a agosto de 1880 —, del opúsculo de L. Mendre, presbítero de Marsella, titulado Don Bosco, presbítero, fundador de la Congregación de los salesianos. Noticia de su obra, el Oratorio de San León en Marsella y de los oratorios salesianos fundados en Francia.55 Los artículos, que en su conjunto tienen una extensión aproximada de 25 páginas, aparecieron siempre en portada, siendo evidente el propósito de dar a conocer su contenido.
El primer artículo está precedido de una especie de prólogo o presentación, titulado Una obra grande de caridad, firmado por el traductor del opúsculo, el académico hispalense Cayetano Fernández, uno de los eclesiásticos sevillanos más ilustres de las últimas décadas del pasado siglo. Unido a los elogios que el citado eclesiástico dedicaba en su prólogo a la Congregación salesiana y a su misión específica, aparecía el anuncio de la próxima fundación en la archidiócesis:
«España ha abierto ya sus puertas a los Sacerdotes Salesianos y con ellos a la obra de Don Bosco, cien veces bendita con las bendiciones del Cielo.
Utrera es la ciudad afortunada que, merced a las inspiraciones de nuestro prelado
54 «La Revista Católica» 79 (1879) 310.
" Los artículos corresponden a los siguientes números de «La Revista Católica»: 135 (1880)
401-406; 136 (1880) 417-419; 137 (1880) 433-435; 138 (1880) 449-451; 139 (1880) 469-472; 140
(1880) 485-488; 141 (1880) 501-505.
celosísimo, verá la primera en su suelo la obra de Don Bosco; todo está dispuesto para la inmediata fundación» 56
También el objetivo de la publicación estaba expresado abiertamente:
«Siendo empero, todavía la santa obra no muy conocida de todos, se está precisamente en el caso de (como ahora se dice) formarle atmósfera, para que conociéndola se la ame, y amándola se le ayude, y ayudándola se ponga en práctica sin tardanza. Y es puntualmente lo que me propongo con la traducción y publicación de las siguientes páginas, escritas en francés con cierta amenidad y buenos datos, por L. Mendre, Presbítero de Marsella».57
Prescindiendo del análisis del contenido del opúsculo, que no interesa al objetivo del presente trabajo, y que no es más que una síntesis de los momentos y aspectos más relevantes de la obra realizada hasta entonces por don Bosco, desde el encuentro con Bartolomé Garelli en diciembre de 1841, hasta la expansión alcanzada por la Congregación en América y en Francia, cuyas casas se analizan con mayor detención, quiero sí destacar el epílogo que el mismo Cayetano Fernández puso a la obrita de L. Mendre al concluir su publicación un mes y medio después. El traductor, ante todo, ratifica su objetivo: «He terminado, a Dios gracias, mi tarea de dar a conocer por menudo en España a Don Bosco y su admirable instituto Los TALLERES CRISTIANOS, con la traducción del opúsculo de L. Mendre, presbítero de Marsella»;58 y a continuación exhorta a sus conciudadanos a emular el apoyo que americanos y franceses prestaban a la obra de Do'n Bosco, convencidos de la misión providencial que estaba llamada a desempeñar en favor de los jóvenes y de una sociedad en cambio:
«Mas ahora lo que urge por todo extremo entre nosotros es venir a la práctica, traducir en hechos las convicciones que hemos podido adquirir, viendo y observando lo que los italianos principalmente y luego los franceses y americanos han hecho y continúan haciendo con Don Bosco, sus Talleres y sus Salesianos [...]; nadie que tenga ojos puede dejar de ver que las masas no serían de la revolución si, como Don Bosco hace, se santificasen las almas y se protegiese y santificase el trabajo de las clases pobres».59
Con una retórica apelación a los poderosos, ricos, clases acomodadas y católicos todos, Cayetano Fernández terminaba su epílogo pidiendo apoyo económico para una obra y una Congregación que, desde la humildad de su origen y la dulzura de su método, contribuirían a la paz social:
«Aportad recursos, edificad, organizad TALLERES CATÓLICOS, abrid las puertas a
26 «La Revista Católica» 135 (1880) 402.
'7 C. FERNÁNDEZ, Una obra grande de caridad, en «La Revista Católica» 135 (1880) 402.
" C. FERNÁNDEZ, «La Revista Católica» 141 (1880) 503. s9 Ibid., p. 504.
los Sacerdotes Salesianos, que ellos harán de los hijos de los pobres los amigos que más necesitáis en este mundo y para la eternidad».60
El retraso de la fundación de Utrera, prevista para octubre de 1880, provocó, junto con la incertidumbre de la llegada, un silencio informativo que sólo se rompió con el anuncio del viaje inminente. De inmediato, «La Revista Católica», fiel a su objetivo, comenzó de nuevo a crear ambiente a la causa salesiana, publicando el encargo, hecho a don Bosco por el Pontífice, de continuar en Roma la erección de la nueva iglesia al Sagrado Corazón de Jesús, a la que se uniría un colegio salesíano. Tras esta preparación, se insertaba la noticia de la fundación salesiana de Utrera:
«Según noticias fidedignas, pronto la diócesis de Sevilla se verá favorecida por los salesianos discípulos de Don Bosco, llamados a dirigir en Utrera la obra de los Talleres cristianos» 61
La llegada de los religiosos y los comienzos de la fundación quedaron en silencio hasta que, transcurridos los primeros meses, el «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado de Sevilla» publicó un cálido elogio de la actividad desarrollada por los salesianos con motivo de la fiesta del Carmen, que «Revista Católica» reprodujo íntegramente del Boletín.' También en enero de 1882 la Revista tomó del Boletín la síntesis de las actividades pastorales que el arzobispo Lluch había realizado el año anterior, entre las que se incluía el establecimiento de los salesianos en Utrera.63
A comienzos del año 1882, «La Revista Católica» dio a conocer el celo desplegado por los salesianos de Utrera, con motivo de la novena y fiesta de Navidad pasadas:
«Dios bendiga los esfuerzos de tan humildes Sacerdotes, que con incansable actividad procuran la salvación de las almas y en especial de la juventud sobre la cual estriba el porvenir de nuestra sociedad», para terminar exhortando a todos los católicos a hacerse cooperadores de tan benemérita obra:
«Desearíamos que todos los verdaderos católicos procurasen realizar los fines de esta Congregación religiosa, haciéndose sus Cooperadores, cuyo objeto fundamental es la propia santificación y el ejercicio de la caridad hacia el prójimo y particularmente hacia la juventud que a tantos peligros se halla expuesta en nuestros días».65
La invitación a cooperar en la obra salesiana fue un tema constante en «La
60 Ibid.
61 «La Revista Católica» 165 (1881) 63.
62 BOAS 1.148 (1881) 390-392; «La Revista Católica» 195 (1881) 539-540.
63 «La Revista Católica» 218 (1882) 70.
64 «La Revista Católica» 214 (1882) 11. Ibid.
Revista Católica», que publicó algún que otro artículo exponiendo, incluso, las industrias espirituales propuestas al católico Cooperador para su santificación personal;66 pero, sobre todo, se esforzó por dar a conocer cómo pontífices, prelados y otras dignidades eclesiásticas se honraban con el título de Cooperador:
«La Asociación de los Cooperadores fundóla el gran Pontífice Pío IX, quien la aprobó y enriqueció con muchas indulgencias. El Papa actual, León XLII, es el primero de los Cooperadores »,67
los cuales competían en generosidad y entusiasmo con la población y las autoridades civiles, en apoyar a los salesianos en su benemérita labor e incansable sacrificio, que ya reclamaban para si, en España, otras ciudades andaluzas.68
En función de la labor preestablecida, de apoyo y difusión de la obra salesiana y dentro de la corriente de simpatía que hacia la misma mostraba la propia dirección de la Revista, se insertan las noticias que aparecieron en los años siguientes, alusivas unas a las celebraciones litúrgicas de las fiestas de San Francisco de Sales y de la Virgen del Carmen, titular del colegio de Utrera, y otras a los frutos espirituales que dichas fiestas reportaban a pequeños y mayores.69 Las noticias relativas a la actividad docente del mismo colegio y su posterior desarrollo fueron publicándose al ritmo de sus éxitos o necesidades, y así en 1882 la Revista dio a conocer la creación de las escuelas nocturnas, para proporcionar enseñanza a quienes no podían asistir a las diurnas y deseaban que se estableciesen clases en horario compatible con sus ocupaciones: «a cuyo efecto, despreciando estos incansables operarios el doblado sacrificio que el nuevo trabajo les imponía, abrieron hace cerca de tres meses escuelas de noche para niños y adultos, en las que ingresó desde luego un número de jóvenes mayor aún que los que cómodamente permite el local de la casa que habitan, con grande satisfacción de aquellas almas generosas que ven correspondida su solicitud verdaderamente paternal por el mucho celo e interés con que esos nuevos discípulos acuden a oir sus enseñanzas ».7°
66 Industrias espirituales propuestas a los Cooperadores salesianos, en «La Revista Católica» 264 (1882) 803-804.
67 Objeto de la obra de Don Bosco, en «La Revista Católica» 398 (1885) 442.
68 UN COOPERADOR SALESIANO, Novena y función religiosa en honor de San Francisco de Sales en Utrera, en «La Revista Católica» 220 (1882) 103-104; UN COOPERADOR SALESIANO, Los padres salesianos en España, en «La Revista Católica» 250 (1882) 573-576.
69 Los artículos publicados en «La Revista Católica» sobre los cultos salesianos en Utrera son los siguientes: Solemne novena en honor de San Francisco de Sales en Utrera, 219 (1882) 87-88;
Novena y función religiosa en honor de San Francisco de Sales en Utrera, 220 (1882) 103-104; Noticias: Los padres salesianos establecidos en Utrera, 271 (1883) 79; Solemnes cultos celebrados en la vecina ciudad de Utrera por la Congregación salesiana, 324 (1884) 88-89; La fiesta del Carmen en Utrera, 452 (1886) 473-474; Solemnes cultos a San Francisco de Sales en la inmediata ciudad de Utrera, 480 (1887) 91.
70 Escuelas nocturnas de los padres salesianos en Utrera, en «La Revista Católica» 231 (1882)
La creación del colegio de internos en la misma casa de Utrera también fue dada a conocer en las páginas de «La Revista Católica», con la explicación de su objetivo:
«El fin es de proporcionar así a los niños de las familias que no pueden pagar una mensualidad crecida, como lo exigen la mayor parte de los colegios particulares, como a los de la clase más menesterosa, una instrucción y educación religiosa y científica».71
Dentro de la línea de difusión de la obra salesiana, que había adoptado «La Revista Católica», cabe citar la publicación de otro tipo de artículos que, sin duda, tenían su fuente de información en el «Boletín Salesiano» y mediante los cuales, aunque considerados en su conjunto no pueda afirmarse que constituyen una historia del Oratorio, sí es cierto que cualquier lector asiduo de la Revista podía llegar a tener un conocimiento suficiente de la misión salesiana, de la santidad de su Fundador y de la prodigiosa expansión de sus casas por Europa y América.72 Incluso la Memoria redactada por don Bosco sobre el estado de su Instituto, titulada La Congregación salesiana en 1882, fue también publicada íntegramente en «La Revista Católica», proporcionando con ello al lector andaluz y al español en general, dada la amplia área de difusión de la Revista, un conocimiento bastante completo de la Congregación, tanto de sus éxitos y expansión como de sus necesidades, contribuyendo de este modo al objetivo que don Bosco se había propuesto con su escrito, según lo expresan sus propias palabras:
«Prestadme, pues, generosamente el apoyo de vuestra caridad en todas esas obras de religión y de verdadera civilización, yo por mi parte os prometo en retorno las más dulces bendiciones del Señor».73
El respaldo que a la Congregación salesiana daban las noticias que publicaba «La Revista Católica» acerca de las deferencias y la confianza que León XIII tenía con don Bosco, permitía a la misma Revista apelar, por cuenta propia, a la cooperación espontánea de la población católica para el sostenimiento de las obras salesianas: «ayuden los católicos a este hombre providencial y a esta ilustre "personalidad" del siglo presente; cada buen ciudadano se gloríe de concurrir con él a dar a la sociedad hombres morigerados y probos».74
n Nuestra Señora del Carmen en Utrera (Sevilla). Colegio de Primera y Segunda Enseñanza, en «La Revista Católica» 465 (1886) 536-537.
72 Los artículos que publicó «La Revista Católica» de Sevilla sobre la obra salesiana fuera de España, además de la traducción del folleto de L. Mendre, fueron los siguientes: Carta de Su Santidad a los misioneros de la Congregación salesiana de Buenos Aires, 77 (1879) 310-311; Los padres salesianos, 250 (1882) 573-576; Los salesianos llamados al Pará, 251 (1882) 589-591; Los salesianos en América, 257 (1882) 695-696; Las oraciones de don Bosco, 297 (1883) 491-492; B.F.D. ivoraE, El padre don Bosco y su obra, por Albert du Boys, 369 (1884) 804-807; Objeto de la obra de don Bosco, 398 (1885) 441:442; Misiones de la Patagonia, 575 (1888) 783.
" SACERDOTE JUAN BOSCO, La Congregación salesiana en 1882. Memoria del P. Bosco, en «La Revista Católica» 283 (1883) 262-266.
La visita de don Bosco a Barcelona en 1886 fue recogida por «La Revista Católica» a través de la «Revista Popular» de aquella capital, de la que reprodujo las noticias relativas a la llegada y despedida, así como la carta de agradecimiento enviada a Barcelona desde Turín por don Viglietti en nombre de don Bosco."
Transcurridos dos años, «La Revista Católica» vestía de luto sus propias páginas publicando en portada la dolorosa noticia: Don Bosco ha muerto. La sentida nota necrológica — firmada por el mismo ilustre eclesiástico, Cayetano Fernández, que ocho años antes diera a conocer en España la obra salesiana, mediante la traducción y publicación del opúsculo de L. Mendre76 — se abría con una reflexión profunda, densa en elogios:
«Todos los días estamos viendo a la muerte haciendo sin oposición sus víctimas a millares; y, sin embargo, nada nos sorprende tanto como ver a esta implacable enemiga del humano linaje, arrebatar en un momento a uno de esos hombres que, o por sus virtudes o por sus talentos o por sus obras, han merecido que con razón se les denomine grandes. [...] Don Bosco había edificado las almas con el aroma de sus virtudes; había morigerado la juventud con la enseñanza católica, santificado el trabajo con la invención de los Talleres Cristianos, esparcido por todo el mundo la buena doctrina en excelentes libros con la pasmosa fecundidad de sus prensas salesianas, enviado a los cuatro vientos sus operarios evangélicos, los cuales han penetrado ya hasta en los paises más apartados e incultos, en la Patagonia! y, en fin, para que sus obras no fuesen pasajero meteoro de luz que se apagase con su existencia, logrado había asimismo infundir su espíritu, comunicar su celo, repetirse por decirlo así, en cada uno de sus hijos, fundando el ya célebre Instituto, que el inmortal Pío IX puso bajo el patronato y advocación del Santo de los obreros, San Francisco de Sales. Y no obstante todo eso — doloroso es repetirlo — el Sacerdote ilustre Don Juan Bosco ha muerto! ».77
A continuación, el editorialista confiesa abiertamente la línea seguida por la Revista en relación con la obra salesiana y su predilección por la misma, de la que se había convertido en promotor de su causa y pionero de su conocimiento y difusión en España:
74 León XIII y don Bosco. Promoviendo la fundación de una iglesia y de un hospicio en Roma, en «La Revista Católica» 345 (1884) 419-421.
" Sobre el viaje de don Bosco a Barcelona, «La Revista Católica» publicó los artículos siguientes: El padre dom Juan Bosco en Barcelona, 439 (1886) 268-269; Despedida de Dom Bosco, 443 (1886) 330; Carta de Dom Bosco después de su viaje a Barcelona, 446 (1886) 481.
76 C. FERNÁNDEZ, Una obra grande de caridad, en «La Revista Católica» 135 (1880) 401-406; 141 (1880) 501-505. Cf. nota 55.
77 C. FERNÁNDEZ, Don Bosco ha muerto, en «La Revista Católica» 533 (1888) 97.
«Nosotros que desde esta misma Revista fuimos hace pocos arios los primeros en dar a conocer en España a Don Bosco y su inspirada obra, y que desde entonces, hemos profesado admiración sin límites al primero y predilección muy especial a la segunda, no podemos ver hoy con ojos serenos, la incalculable pérdida que la Iglesia y la sociedad acaban de sufrir con la muerte de este Justo, ni dejar de ofrecerle, como lo hacemos, nuestro humilde, luctuoso homenaje, en estas lineas necrológicas».78
La intuición de que había fallecido un santo quedaba también patente en la Nota: «Es piadoso y noble creer que desde la altura de los Cielos, Don Bosco será ahora más que nunca, el amantísimo Padre de sus hijos»,79 aunque con ello no se pretendiera, como se advertía expresamente, anticiparse al juicio de la Iglesia.
La carta de don Rua comunicando a la Familia salesiana la dolorosa pérdida, en la que también brillaba un gran párrafo de esperanza — «Don Bosco dijo que su obra no se menoscabaría con su muerte, porque estaba confiada a la bondad de Dios, protegida por la poderosa intercesión de María Auxiliadora y sostenida por la generosa caridad de los Cooperadores y Cooperadoras, que continuarán siempre favoreciéndola»g° —, fue publicada también como un nuevo homenaje que la prestigiosa Revista ofrecía a don Bosco y a su obra, a la que, como creo ha quedado demostrado, dio a conocer en España y allanó el camino de su primera andadura, creándole una cálida atmósfera, que Andalucía supo transformar en adhesión y cariño imperecederos.
2.2.3. La prensa andaluza
La investigación realizada en los periódicos andaluces, y más concretamente en los de Sevilla, por ser ésta la única diócesis que contó con una casa salesiana al comienzo de los años ochenta del pasado siglo, ha resultado casi totalmente infructuosa.
La noticia de la fundación del colegio salesiano de Utrera no aparece en ninguno de los diarios que he podido consultar, así como tampoco aparece, años después, la visita de don Bosco a Barcelona. Sin duda, las circunstancias políticas de la nación, tendentes a la consolidación de un liberalismo cada vez más radical, que hacía temer a la Iglesia de España la reanudación de pasadas hostilidades, no permitían a los redactores de la prensa oficial o de opinión ofrecer noticias que ni por su carácter ni por su procedencia podían resultar gratas en la España de la Restauración. Unicamente el fallecimiento de una personalidad como la de don Bosco pudo romper el silencio informativo que caía sobre las noticias religiosas que no resultaban polémicas, siendo recogida por el diario político de Sevilla «El Español», que publicó escuetamente:
Ibid., p. 98.
" Ibid.
8° Carta del padre Miguel Rúa a los Salesianos, Hijas de María Auxiliadora, Cooperadores y
Cooperadoras Salesianos, en «La Revista Católica» 533 (1888) 107.
«Ha fallecido en Turín el conocido sacerdote Don Bosco al cual se deben las fundaciones de un sinnúmero de Colegios, dirigidos por los salesianos»."
Tras la brevedad de la noticia se podía intuir el conocimiento que la población tenía de los hijos de don Bosco, a los que no hacía falta presentar.
El carácter de periódico católico político, con que se definía el «Diario de Sevilla», le permitió una amplitud mayor en la Nota necrológica que dedicó, en primera página, a la noticia del fallecimiento de don Bosco:
«La muerte del ilustre fundador de la Congregación Salesiana ha cubierto de luto al mundo entero, que le conocía por sus obras y por sus fastos, y que manifiesta en estos momentos su dolor por medio de la prensa de todos los paises».82
A este concierto universal de dolor y de preludios de gloria se sumaba Sevilla, con parquedad informativa ciertamente, pero con explosión vital de amor y de simpatía hacia una obra que, en los aún cortos años de su existencia en el sur peninsular, había echado ya raíces profundas.
3. Difusión de la literatura salesiana en España
Sin pretender hacer en este apartado un estudio de los cauces de difusión, de las noticias impresas sobre la obra de don Bosco en España, desde la llegada de los primeros salesianos a Sevilla, sí deseo exponer en el mismo que, mientras no aparezcan nuevas fuentes para la investigación de este tema, cabe afirmar que fue a partir del conocimiento que de la Congregación salesiana se tuvo en Andalucía, con motivo de la fundación de la casa de Utrera y de la información que sobre don Bosco la precedió, cuando se difundieron por España las noticias salesianas, multiplicándose en periódicos y revistas por todo el área peninsular, como lo demuestran los testimonios que expongo a continuación.
Las Memorias biográficas son las que proporcionan la primera información en este sentido. Al referirse al desembarco en Gibraltar de los primeros salesianos destinados a Utrera, se afirma:
«Por la Península Ibérica se habían difundido las noticias de los salesianos. Los viajeros pudieron constatarlo muy pronto en Gibraltar. Perdido el barco que zarpaba todos los viernes con rumbo a Cádiz, se vieron obligados a esperar hasta el martes siguiente. [...] El Vicario Capitular y sus diez sacerdotes demostraron estar muy informados sobre Don Bosco y sus vicisitudes, de modo que aceptaron con agrado la invitación de inscribirse entre los Cooperadores salesianos».83
" «El Español», 2 febrero 1888, 2.
82 «Diario de Sevilla», 14 febrero 1888, 1.
83 MB XV, 321-322.
Esta información se completa con la enviada por Cagliero a don Rua en la carta que le escribió desde el mismo Gibraltar, con fecha 14 de enero de 1881:
«Mons. Narciso Pallarés es un viejecito simpático que hace ahora de Vicario Capitular. Apenas supo que éramos salesianos nos dio un fraternal abrazo. Por medio de La Revista Popular está informado acerca de Don Bosco y de las obras salesianas tanto como nosotros mismos» .84
La fuente de conocimiento sobre la Congregación de don Bosco, como ya se ha indicado anteriormente, partía del arzobispo de Sevilla mons. Lluch y Garriga de quien también se afirma en las Memorias biográficas:
«El arzobispo de Sevilla se había convertido en gran propagandista de la fama de Don Bosco, publicando en la Revista diocesana una historia del Oratorio documentada en el Boletín Salesiano».85
Pero la información sobre la obra salesiana que se publicaba en «La Revista Católica» de Sevilla, que era el título de la «Revista diocesana» a la que se alude en las Memorias biográficas, como también se ha demostrado en el apartado anterior, servía a su vez de fuente para otras publicaciones peninsulares. Un primer testimonio se encuentra en las propias Memorias al referirse a las publicaciones fomentadas por el arzobispo Lluch:
«A su vez, la Revista Popular de Barcelona y periódicos de Madrid y de otras provincias, reproducían los artículos de Sevilla, dando gran nombradía por toda España a las gestas del hombre de Dios».86
Esta información de las Memorias biográficas está ratificada también por otra carta de Cagliero a don Bosco, fechada en Sevilla en febrero de 1881, en la que escribía:
«Las cosas salesianas son aquí tan conocidas ya como en Italia y en Francia, porque el Sr. Arzobispo publica en la Revista diocesana de Sevilla la historia del Oratorio, la cual es reproducida por la Revista Popular de Barcelona y por otros periódicos de Madrid. Y así somos conocidos perfectamente por montes y mares de esta Península Ibérica»."
" Juan Cagliero a Miguel Rúa, Gibraltar 14 de enero de 1881, ASC 603 Missioni, 2, Pacco 40 (G.XV-40). Viaggio di D.G. Cagliero in Utrera (Espana) 1879-1881. El hecho que de esta carta se conserve sólo una copia sin fecha plantea la duda si Cagliero escribió «Revista Diocesana» o «Revista Católica» en lugar de «Revista Popular», dado que existe menor distancia de Gibraltar a Sevilla que a Barcelona, y mayor comunicación marítima y terrestre.
8' MB XV, 322.
Ibid.
87 Juan Cagliero a don Bosco, Sevilla, 23 de febrero de 1881. Cf. MARTIN GONZALEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 191.
Avalan los anteriores testimonios salesianos, los que proporciona la propia
«Revista Católica» de Sevilla, que se propuso, meses antes de la fundación de la casa de Utrera, crear un clima favorable de acogida a los nuevos religiosos, en el pueblo y clero de la diócesis:
«Siendo empero, todavía la santa obra no muy conocida de todos, se está precisamente en el caso de (como ahora se dice) formarle atmósfera».88
Posteriormente, el eclesiástico sevillano Cayetano Fernández escribía con ocasión de la muerte de don Bosco:
«Nosotros [...] desde esta misma Revista fuimos, hace pocos años, los primeros en dar a conocer en España a Don Bosco y su inspirada obra».89
El medio que escogió «La Revista Católica» para dar a conocer la obra salesiana fue la tradución y publicación del opúsculo de L. Mendre titulado Don Bosco presbítero, fundador de la Congregación de los salesianos, editado en Marsella en 1879."
El primer artículo, de los siete en los que se distribuyó la traducción de la citada obrita, apareció en el n° 135 de «La Revista Católica», de 27 de junio de 1880, terminándose su publicación en el n° 141, correspondiente al 8 de agosto del mismo año. En la reflexión con la que, a modo de epílogo, cierra la serie de artículos su traductor y editor, Cayetano Fernández, escribe:
«He terminado, a Dios gracias, mi tarea de dar a conocer por menudo en España a Don Bosco y su admirable Instituto Los Talleres Cristianos con la traducción del opusculito de L. Mendre, presbítero de Marsella. Y desde luego me felicito por la buena acogida de mi humilde trabajo, que he visto reproduCido y con recomendación en revistas y periódicos de la Península».91
Entre las revistas y periódicos de la Península a los .que se alude que reprodujeron el opúsculo de L. Mendre cabe destacar la «Revista Popular» de Barcelona que empezó a publicarlo literalmente, a partir del 4 de noviembre del mismo año 1880, con el título Don Bosco y los talleres cristianos, aunque sin consignar su fuente de información, y poniendo sólo las iniciales del traductor: C.F.
No cabe duda de que la reproducción que hizo la «Revista Popular» de Barcelona no fue la primera, porque como he indicado, el propio traductor Cayetano Fernández es quien aludía a la existencia de reproducciones en el n°141 de «La Revista Católica», correspondiente al 8 de agosto del 1880, y la «Revista Popular» no comenzó la publicación de la obrita hasta primeros de noviembre del mismo año. Es pues un aspecto por investigar aún, qué revistas o periódicos se anticiparon a la misma, lo que no afecta para nada a la tesis que trato de demostrar, ya que todas las reproducciones que se híceron, bebieron de la fuente sevillana.
C. FERNÁNDEZ, Una obra grande de caridad, en «La Revista Católica» 135 (1880) 402. 9° C. FERNÁNDEZ, Don Bosco ha muerto, en «La Revista Católica» 533 (1888) 98. 9° Cf. notas 55 y 57.
9° C. FERNÁNDEZ, Don Bosco presbítero, fundador de la Congregación de los salesianos. Noticia de su obra, del Oratorio de san León de Marsella, y de los Oratorios salesianos fundados en Francia, en «La Revista Católica» 141 (1880) 503.
La prestigiosa revista madrileña «La Cruz», dirigida por el publicista católico León Carbonero y So1,92 difundió también en sus páginas noticias salesianas, aunque con mucha menor profusión que las ya citadas. Como órgano oficioso de la jerarquía, dedicaba una especial atención a los intereses de la Santa Sede, por lo que no es extraño encontrar en ella un amplio artículo, publicado en 1881, sobre el encargo hecho por León XIII a don Bosco, de erigir en Roma un templo al Sagrado Corazón de Jesús.93 Otras noticias, sin embargo, tales como el establecimiento de los salesianos en Utrera o en Sarriá, son brevísimamente consignadas." En cambio, el viaje de Don Bosco a Barcelona en 1886 fue recogido por «La Cruz» con brevedad y respeto:
«El 8 de Abril llegó a Barcelona, siendo entusiastamente obsequiado, el venerable religioso Don Bosco, fundador de la Congregación de Padres salesianos, apóstol de los niños y cuya fama por sus virtudes es bien conocida en España, existiendo en Sarriá una fundación de su congregación»,95
aunque fue únicamente, para el período que estudiamos, la noticia del fallecí- liento de don Bosco la que mereció, por parte de la prestigiosa revista, una amplia nota en la que se hacía una apretada síntesis de la vida y obra del santo fundador, se reconocían sus virtudes y lamentaba su pérdida:
«El verdadero amigo de los pobres, el apóstol del siglo XIX, el fundador y caritativo Rdo. P. D. Juan Bosco acaba de morir»."
Con los datos hasta ahora aportados considero que se pueden completar las respuestas que R. Alberdi da a las preguntas que él mismo planteaba en su libro Una ciudad para un Santo:97 Antes de 1884, año de la fundación de los Talleres de Sarriá, « ¿quién supo entre nosotros del Fundador de la Congregación Salesiana? ¿quién asumió la tarea de hablarnos de él? >>.98
" Cf. nota 5.
" Templo al Sagrado Corazón de Jesús, con hospicio anexo, en el monte Esquilino en Roma, en «La Cruz» 3 (1881) 567-570.
9° Cf. «La Cruz» 2 (1880) 650; 2 (1884) 115.
9° Cf. «La Cruz» 1 (1886) 597.
" Don Bosco. Datos biográficos. Sus obras, su muerte y funerales, en «La Cruz» 1 (1888) 205-206.
" ALBERDI, Una ciudad para un Santo, p. 229. 98
Ibid. p. 70.
A los órganos de difusión que como respuesta a sus interrogantes R. Alberdi analiza en su libro, a saber, la «Revista Popular» de Barcelona y el folleto del entonces obispo de Milo Marcelo Spínola y Maestre, Don Bosco y su obra,99 creo que hay que añadir el «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado de Sevilla», que desde la sencillez de la noticia cotidiana de la vida de la diócesis, recoge en sus páginas los primeros pasos de la Congregación salesiana en tierras andaluzas y, sobre todo, «La Revista Católica» de Sevilla, primera en dar a conocer en España la obra de don Bosco y su fama de santidad.
La respuesta que ofrezco podría ampliarse aún, si se añade a lo ya expuesto una fuente oral de excepcional importancia, me refiero a la primera comunidad salesiana de Utrera y más concretamente a su primer director, don Juan Branda,m que se había formado en contacto directo con el Fundador y vivido las extraordinarias experiencias del Oratorio de Turín. Esta fuente oral debió ser, sin duda, el principal medio de información que pudo tener don Marcelo Spínola para escribir su librito sobre Don Bosco y su obra. Es cierto que como Cooperador, Spínola recibiría desde los primeros momentos el «Boletín Salesiano», en el que don Bonetti comunicaba a sus lectores noticias sobre el Oratorio de Valdocco, pues es el propio don Marcelo quien alude en su obra a fuentes escritas: «No es posible leer sin conmoverse [escribe] las escenas de que era teatro el pequeño Asilo de Don Bosco el año 1848».101 Pero es también cierto que tanto «La Revista Católica» de Sevilla como el «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado» proporcionan pruebas abundantes de la amistad y el afecto que el futuro cardenal hispalense profesaba a los salesianos, cuyo trato frecuentaba, y de cuyas conversaciones, que girarían constantemente en torno a don Bosco, su carisma e inquietudes apostólicas, no es aventurado deducir que Spínola recibiría la información que luego reflejó en su obra.
Entre las ocasiones del trato de don Marcelo Spínola con los salesianos, destaca su participación activa en las fiestas de San Francisco de Sales en el colegio de Utrera. Hasta su traslado en 1884 a la sede de Coria, era éste un hecho habitual, y así lo reflejan las crónicas diocesanas. Refiriéndose a la fiesta de 1882, la primera celebrada por los salesianos en tierras de España, escribe un Cooperador:
«Ha cooperado el Ilmo. Sr. Obispo de Milo, prestándose gustoso a honrar con su asistencia desde la víspera del día del Santo hasta la mañana del siguiente, estos cultos, tomando en el de la fiesta la principalísima parte de pontificar en ella, sin tener en cuenta las molestias que a su delicado estado había de proporcionar lo extraordinario de la hora, y no contento con esto, dando también una respetable limosna al mismo objeto».102
" M. SPINOLA Y MAESTRE, cf. nota 2.
" Don Juan Branda fue director de la casa de Utrera desde 1881 a 1883. Le sucedió don Ernesto Oberti durante los años de 1883 a 1889. Cf. MARTINI GONZÁLEZ, Los salesianos de Utrera, p. 187-197.
'I CARDENAL. SPINOLA, Don Bosco y su obra, 3' edición, Editorial María Auxiliadora, Sevilla 1947, p. 80.
102 UN COOPERADOR SALESIANO, Novena y función religiosa en honor de San Francisco de Sales en Utrera, en «La Revista Católica» 220 (1882) 103.
Queda asimismo constancia del deseo del obispo de convivir fraternalmente con los salesianos durante su estancia en Utrera, lo que sin duda posibilitaría el diálogo, desde los primeros encuentros:
«[...] el Sr. Obispo como el Sr. Magistral de Málaga no quisieron otro alojamiento que la modesta casa de los Padres salesianos, lo cual proporcionó a aquellos ilustrísimos señores reiteradas pruebas de consideración y afecto de este vecindario, siendo muchas las familias que a porfía proveyeron con caridad, cuanto los Padres salesianos necesitaban para atender y obsequiar dignamente a sus esclarecidos huéspedes».103
La fiesta de 1883 contó también con la presencia de don Marcelo Spínola:
«En la mañana del domingo 28, fue recibido en la estación de Utrera el Ilmo. Sr. Obispo de Milo por los Salesianos y el clero todo; su Ilustrísima asistió a los ejercicios de la tarde. El número de comuniones en la mañana del 29 fue muy considerable; a las once ofició de Pontifical el Ilmo. Sr. Obispo de Milo [...]; por la noche ocupó la Sagrada Cátedra el mismo Sr. Obispo. [...] El día 30 se celebró una Misa solemne de Requiera por el eterno descanso de los Cooperadores difuntos».104
Finalmente en la fiesta de 1884, a la que dio especial realce la presencia del nuevo arzobispo hispalense, Fray Zeferino González, la actuación de Spínola, como era habitual, ocupó un lugar destacado:
«Corona y remate de este memorable día fue la función nocturna. Rezado el santo Rosario y los actos del último día de la novena, subió al púlpito el Ilmo. Sr. don Marcelo Spínola, Obispo titular de Milo. [...] El pueblo de Utrera estuvo como extático por más de una hora, pendiente de los labios del orador».'°'
La óptima impresión que el arzobispo sacó de la fiesta, la refleja la Crónica:
«Creemos que los Padres salesianos estarán satisfechos pues nos consta que el Excmo. y Rvdmo. Sr. Arzobispo salió complacidísimo de Utrera, habiéndose afirmado y aún acrecentado en su alma, tan amante de todo lo bueno y todo lo grande, después de haber visto las Escuelas fundadas por los hijos de Don Bosco y asistido a la comida de los alumnos, la estima que ya tenía de la hermosa Institución del humilde sacerdote de Turín».'°6
La satisfacción del arzobispo se concretó en una sustanciosa aportación material, a la que unió la suya acostumbrada don Marcelo Spínola: «Su Excma. Rvdma. el Sr. Arzobispo dejó a la Congregación 200 pesetas para los gastos de las escuelas y el Ilmo. Sr. Obispo, su acostumbrada crecida limosna para los gastos del culto».
103 Ibid., p. 104.
" «La Revista Católica» 271 (1883) 79.
105 Solemnes cultos celebrados en la vecina ciudad de Utrera por la Congregación salesiana, en
«La Revista Católica» 324 (1884) 89; BOAS 9 (1884) 330. 1°6 Ibid.
De todo lo expuesto estimo que se puede concluir que la participación frecuente y activa en las fiestas salesianas, por parte de mons. Spínola así como su habitual limosna, que aparece constantemente en las citas, denotan por una parte el indudable aprecio que don Marcelo tuvo a los salesianos desde su establecimiento en la diócesis y, por otra, prueban indirectamente que el conocimiento profundo, al par que concreto y puntual, que de la obra salesiana y de su Fundador demostró tener en su libro iba más allá del que pudo recabar de las escasas publiCaciones hasta entonces existentes,108 o de las noticias que publicaba el «Boletín Salesiano» y que más bien fue fruto del diálogo, de la conversación cálida, de la información oral y directa de los hijos de don Bosco establecidos en Utrera.
4. A modo de conclusión
Los objetivos del presente trabajo, orientados en principio a estudiar los contenidos y las formas de la propaganda salesiana que realizaba mons. Lluch y Garriga, desde su archidiócesis hispalense a comienzos de los años ochenta del pasado siglo, según se hace constar en las Memorias biográficas, se han visto superados por los resultados del mismo, ya que la investigación ha conducido al conocimiento del Origen de la literatura salesiana en España, que se identifica con la de Andalucía.
Mons. Lluch, en su intento de crear un clima favorable al establecimiento de los salesianos en su diócesis, propició el conocimiento de la obra de don Bosco a través de los principales medios de difusión de que disponía, que eran el «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado» y «La Revista Católica». Ambas publicaciones cumplieron su cometido, dentro de la peculiaridad de su respectivo carácter, más allá de los deseos del prelado y de los años de su existencia, almenos hasta el fallecimiento de don Bosco, límite cronológico del presente estudio.
El carácter específico de cada una de estas publicaciones hace que sea «La Revista Católica» la que contenga el material de mayor interés para este trabajo, ya que el «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado», por el carácter informativo que le era peculiar, contiene sólo noticias de las actividades desarrolladas por los salesianos tras su establecimiento en la diócesis hispalense.
«La Revista Católica» por el contrario, autodefinida como Semanario de
107 Ibid.
" La bibliografía que sobre don Bosco se conocía en España hasta 1884, además del opúsculo de L. Mendre, eran el libro de Ch. D'ESPINEY, Dom Bosco, Nice 1881, y el de A. Du BOYS, El padre don Bosco y su obra, sobre el que publicó «La Revista Católica» una amplia recensión, firmada por B.F.D. IvontE, en 369 (1884) 804-807.
Ciencias Eclesiásticas y Literatura Religiosa, tenía capacidad suficiente para insertar en sus páginas las noticias del mundo salesiano, que ya en aquellos años era intercontinental. La simpatía y el interés por la obra de don Bosco fueron una constante de su línea informativa, consciente de la cooperación que con ello le aportaba, reputando como timbre de gloria, y así lo publicaba en un editorial, haber sido «los primeros en dar a conocer en España a Don Bosco y su inspirada obra».'°9
La identificación de «La Revista Católica» con «La Revista diocesana» de Sevilla, de que hablan las Memorias Biográficas, deshace el error de considerar dicha expresión — «Revista diocesana» — como sinónima de «Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado».
La difusión por España, a partir de las publicaciones de Se,. fila, del conocimiento de la obra de don Bosco, a través de prestigiosas revistas de Barcelona y Madrid, como la «Revista Popular» y «La Cruz» respectivamente, no dejan lugar a dudas de la prioridad que en este tema corresponde a Andalucía, como cuna también en la nación, de la propia obra salesiana.
Con relación a los cauces de información que se presentan, el «Boletín Salesiano » aparece como el de mayor importancia, ya que era el medio escogido por el mismo don Bosco para dar a conocer su obra, sus objetivos, sus necesidades, y para recabar por medio de él, las ayudas que necesitaba. El «Boletín Salesiano», como se demuestra, llegaba a los Cooperadores de España, cumpliendo de esta forma la finalidad de su publicación.
Los otros dos medios elencados: Prensa y Correspondencia, aunque aparecen como seguros y verificables, presentan un débil matiz informativo que sólo investigaciones posteriores podrán reforzar.
Por último, en el terreno de los cauces de información se incluyen las fuentes orales, que sí bien adolecen de una mayor carga de hipótesis que de verificación, no se las debe descartar, por lo evidente aunque no comprobable de los argumentos en que están basadas. El viaje de don Cagliero a Sevilla, y sus conversaciones con el arzobispo Lluch, así como las de éste con el director y la primera comunidad de Utrera, debieron proporcionar al prelado, sin duda alguna, una información tan amplia y cálida, como para hacer de él el «gran Propagandista de la fama de Don Bosco», como afirman las Memorias."°
También mons. Marcelo Spínola tuvo que beber, necesariamente, de la fuente oral que le proporcionaba su frecuente relación con los salesianos de Utrera, desde el establecimiento de la comunidad hasta 1884, año del traslado del obispo de Sevilla a Coria, y año también de la publicación de su folleto sobre Don Bosco y su obra, fruto del conocimiento que sobre el mismo había adquirido.
709 Cf. nota 89. 10 MB XV, 321.
Fuentes o cauces de información, órganos y medios de difusión, quedaron fuertemente enlazados en la tarea providente de conocer y difundir en España la obra de don Bosco como obra de Dios, en favor de la juventud y la niñez más pobre y necesitada. Cupo a Sevilla el protagonismo del conocimiento, de la acción y de la difusión. Desde ella partíeron a todo el ámbito peninsular las noticias salesianas y los hijos de don Bosco. Andalucía, siempre fecunda en el dar, se presenta en nuestro estudio con la riqueza de su fundación y de sus revistas, que parece ofrecer con premura a otras regiones y a otros hombres, que debían contribuir a cimentar y a difundir también la obra de don Bosco en todo el suelo español.
DON BOSCO, PEDAGOGO DE LA ALEGRÍA
Buenaventura DELGADO
Constataba Max Scheler que, en el espíritu moderno y sobre todo en el espíritu alemán del XIX, se había producido una «traición a la alegría», como consecuencia de un «falso heroísmo» o de una inhumana «idea del deber», propugnada por el pensamiento «burgués» y «prusiano».'
Scheler se refería a la alegría como fuente y necesario movimiento concomitante de la vida moral; para él la alegría no es un fin en sí mismo sino una necesaria consecuencia de la acción moral.
Si hojeamos cualquier historia de la educación, podremos comprobar fácilmente que la alegría ni ha acompañado ni ha brotado espontáneamente del quehacer pedagógico; antes, por el contrario, ha estado muy lejos y en abierta oposición al mismo.
No parece sino que la escuela haya sido ideada como lugar de dolor, puesto que sus paredes han sido mudos testigos de las incontables lágrimas y horas de angustia de sus infelices moradores. La escuela más antigua de la que tenemos noticia, la eduba sumeria, de hace cuatro milenios probablemente, basaba toda su pedagogía en el terror:
«El que está encargado de dibujar (dice): ¿Por qué cuando yo no estaba aquí te levantabas? Y me pegó. El que está encargado de la puerta (dice): ¿Por qué cuando yo no estaba te marchaste? Y me pegó. El que está encargado de ... (dice): ¿Por qué cuando yo no estaba cogiste el ... ? Y me pegó. El que está encargado de los Sumerios (dice): Tú hablas ... Y me pegó».2
Y me pegó ha sido el estribillo de una pedagogía triste e inhumana, que ha estado vigente durante milenios hasta época muy reciente. «La oreja del joven está en sus espaldas. No escucha más que a quien le golpea», decía un viejo pensamiento egipcio.
El Antiguo Testamento — tan influido de los libros sapienciales egipcios y sumerios — apoya una pedagogía tan poco gratificante como la de sus modelos:
M. SCRELER, Amor y conocimiento, Buenos Aires, Sur 1960, p. 103.
2 S.N. KRAMER, Schooldays: A sumeriam composition relating to the education of a scribe, en «Journal of the American Oriental Society» 69 (1949) 199-215.
«Odia a su hijo el que da paz a la vara; el que le ama se apresura a corregirle» (Prov 13,24).
«La necedad se esconde en el corazón del niño, la vara de la corrección la hace salir de él» (Prov 22,15).
«La vara y el castigo da la sabiduría» (Prov 29,15).
«¿Tienes hijos? Instrúyelos, doblega desde la juventud su cuello» (Si 7,25).
«¿Tienes hijas? Vela por su honra y no les muestres un rostro demasiado jovial» (Si 26,13).
«El que ama a su hijo tiene siempre dispuesto el azote para que al fin pueda complacerse en él» (Si 30,1).
Esta pedagogía del temor y del castigo penetró con fuerza en el cristianismo y ha estado vigente hasta nuestros días. ¿Qué otro sentido tiene el dicho de la sabiduría popular castellana de «quien bien te quiere te hará llorar»? ¿Cómo justificar, de acuerdo con nuestro punto de vista y sensibilidad modernos, que el amor ha de ser doloroso?
Es sabido que el cristianismo no se ha nutrido únicamente de los veneros culturales judíos, sino también de otras fuentes como el helenismo. Judaísmo y helenismo coinciden en su visión optimista del hombre y de la naturaleza, aunque generen pedagogías distintas. Para el judaísmo la naturaleza es buena, como creada por Dios. El origen del mal no está en la materia creada por Dios sino en el ser; no existe dualismo cuerpo y alma, sino «carne», es decir, hombre, como principio único. La filosofía y la cultura judías giran en torno al axioma de la pertenencia al pueblo escogido y segregado entre los demás pueblos, guiado y conducido personalmente por Dios y por sus enviados. El centro de gravedad del pueblo hebreo está en Díos, mientras que para el pueblo helénico está en el hombre, concebido como la medida de todas las cosas. Este antropocentrismo, que impregna toda la vida del hombre griego como ciudadano, pensador y religioso y que se manifiesta en todas las manifestaciones culturales como son la arquitectura, la escultura, la poesía, el teatro y la música, se resume en una palabra que es el calmen de las aspiraciones del hombre bien educado: la kalokagathia, la belleza corporal y espiritual.
Antes de Sócrates, los griegos se habían inclinado más hacia la belleza física. Platón descubrió que, para llegar a la armonía entre el cuerpo y el espíritu, había que supeditar la paideia a la paidia, es decir, la educación al gozo, por lo que era preciso aprender jugando, divirtiéndose, bromeando.
«Quien no haya pasado por la escuela del gozo en los movimientos rítmicos y en la armonía de las canciones corales, es un hombre inculto. El hombre cultivado es el que posee el sentido de las bellas danzas»?
Obsesionado por la trascendencia del juego, Platón desarrolló una pedagogía lúdica inimaginada hasta entonces y redescubierta recientemente por los movimientos contemporáneos de vanguardia.
W. JAEGER, Paideia. Los ideales de la cultura griega, México, F.C.E. 1957, p. 1035.
En su opinión el niño adquiría con el juego el sentido del orden, del ritmo y del equilibrio, con el que era posible adquirir en una edad temprana un ethos adecuado. Tan convencido estaba de su descubrimiento que en el libro VII de Las Leyes estableció la ley de que había que aprender deleitándose, dejando plena libertad a los niños, para que ejercitasen su inventiva mediante los juegos, entre los tres y seis años. Terminada esta etapa infantil, no por ello terminaba la actividad lúdica sino que el juego se convertía en agente educativo, de la mano de los educadores expertos.
Desgraciadamente para el niño, estas sorprendentes ideas fueron sepultadas por el polvo de la historia. Los historiadores de la educación occidental querríamos hallar un puer luden, algún lugar donde haya existido una pedagogía gozosa y alegre, unas escuelas acogedoras, unos maestros optimistas y entusiasmados con su profesión, unos pueblos orgullosos de su sistema educativo así como unos muchachos satisfechos de sus esfuerzos y del resultado de sus afanes escolares.
Querríamos ignorar que la pedagogía del temor y del látigo magistral han destrozado ingenios y han hecho aborrecer el estudio, antes de que los niños fuesen capaces de saber lo que era. En vano aconsejó Quintiliano evitar en los primeros años al magister aridus, non minus teneris adhuc plantis siccum et sine umore ullo solum,4 dado que la amargura del primer aprendizaje podría extenderse más allá de la edad de la ignorancia.5
La realidad ha sido que el mejor y único recurso del maestro ha sido el látigo. Manum ferulae subducere era una perífrasis con la que se designaba la actividad del estudio. El orbilianismo fustigado por Horacio, el magister anidas denostado por Quintiliano y el doctor amaras de Aurelio Prudencio6 han sido los tipos de maestros de todas o de la mayoría de las escuelas del occidente europeo con muy pocas excepciones como las de Clemente de Alejandría, Ramón Llnll, Vittorino da Feltre, Erasmo, Vives..., defensores en vano de una pedagogía humana y alegre, que apenas si pasó del umbral de la escuela. Si bene non scribis — se decía en la Edad media — scribam tua dorsa flagellis, tua dura rumpantur dorsa flagellis.
Los cambios introducidos por el humanismo renacentista no fueron capaces de cambiar la escuela. Erasmo describió la escuela de su tiempo como escuela de terror y del látigo; más que escuelas le parecían muladares y calabozos. Otro tanto escribieron Rabelais, Palmireno, Boldacio y muchos otros.
La Ratio studiorum de los jesuitas no prescindió de los medios coercitivos.
Previó un corrector encargado de la administración de los azotes conseguidos en el aprendizaje. La Salle por su parte recomendaba en su Guía la vara y la palmeta.
M.F. QUINTILIANI, Institvtionis oratoriae libri dvodecim, 2.4, 8-9, Oxonii, Oxford Classical Texts 1950.
Ibid., 1.20.
A. PRUDENCIO, Passio sancti Cassiani Forocorneliensis, en: Himnos a los mártires. Edición, estudio preliminar y notas por M.J. Bayo, Madrid, CSIC 1946, pp. 140-144. .
Lancaster, propagador del sistema que lleva su nombre, flagelaba a sus alumnos atados a la columna, o bien los colgaba en un cesto. Llevaba razón Comenio cuando escribió lo siguiente:
«Para educar a la juventud se ha seguido generalmente un método tan duro, que las escuelas han sido vulgarmente tenidas por terror de los muchachos y destrozo de los ingenios, y la mayor parte de los discípulos, tomando horror a las letras y a los libros, se ha apresurado a acudir a los talleres de los artesanos o a tomar otro cualquier género de vida».
A lo largo de los siglos el aprendizaje escolar ha sido atroz. En Inglaterra el castigo nacional ha sido el látigo, considerado con carácter aristocrático y no como algo infamante. En Alemania se ha usado tradicionalmente el schlague, la «varita de junco», cuyo empleo ha estado reglamentado en las escuelas con rigor germánico, precisando el lugar donde podía golpearse, el número de golpes y el ceremonial litúrgico de su aplicación, a puerta cerrada y en la ausencia de los alumnos, a diferencia de castigos semejantes impartidos en el mundo anglosajón.
Un estudioso de los castigos corporales escolares de nuestro siglo llegó a contabilizar 34 tipos de castigos distintos, muchos de los cuales ha sufrido la generación a la que pertenezco.
Esta triste pedagogía ha tenido, no sin embargo, sus paréntesis y sus momentos placenteros, como han sido las fiestas escolares, principalmente el obispillo, el teatro escolar, las fiestas de toros de habla hispana y más modernamente las competencias deportivas.
La fiesta del obispillo, episcopellus o episcopus puerorum fue popular, a partir del siglo XIII en Inglaterra, Francia y España. El seis de diciembre, el día de San Nicolás, el patrón de los estudiantes, el libro de trabajo de los padres de familia, las actividades de las escuelas de la vida y el ejercicio, hasta el 28 de diciembre, el día de los inocentes, en que volvemos a restablecer el imperio de Herodes. .
La importancia de adquirir el teatro escolar, las farsas escolares y los juegos de medios médicos, representantes en fiestas señaladas ante las autoridades, a pesar de que la frecuencia era el blanco de las burlas de los improvisados comediantes.
Con el tiempo los responsables de los estudios descubrieron el potencial didáctico de estas fiestas escolares y decidieron orientarlas desde el punto de vista educativo. En Salamanca el profesor de gramática estuvo obligado a representar con sus alumnos dos comedias de Terencío o de Plauto, alrededor de la fiesta de San Juan.
El incremento del teatro en Salamanca, el final del XVI fue tan grande, que algunos daustrales elevaron su voz de alarma, llegó a prohibirse, en cualquier época del año, ni en los cómicos ni en los faranduleros, ni en las comedias ni en las tragedias, ni en el pasado. perturbar y alterar los estudios de los mangos de esta universidad y la echan y perder la vida y el estudio .7.
Poco a poco, esta es la afición al teatro, tanto en Salamanca como en otras ciudades universitarias, como con extraordinaria fuerza fuerza . Las comedias se representan en un corral público, en los colegios universitarios, en las casas de pupilajes y en las casas particulares. Los actores eran los estudiantes y las compañías profesionales.
Los jóvenes comprendieron la virtualidad del teatro y lo incorporaron a su sistema educativo. Multiplicar el número de representaciones, desarrollar un mayor fasto y complicar los recursos escénicos, hasta llegar a un exagerado barroquismo. No hay género dramático que las jesuitas dejaran de cultivar: obras clásicas, alegóricas, teológicas, bíblicas y populares, con fines educativos y la época de propaganda fueron representados en los colegios de jesuitas de España, Italia, Francia, Países Bajos y América ante la presencia de las autoridades locales. Los escolapios prosiguieron la tradición jesuítica sin renunciar al teatro. San Juan Bosco no tuvo que empezar de cero, sino aprovechar los recursos y las experiencias acumuladas durante los siglos en la tradición pedagógica católica, adaptándolos a las necesidades de cada momento.
En la Historia de la Educación, Don Bosco, por ejemplo, por su talante jovial, alegre y optimista, entendiendo por «talante» el hábito emocional de la identidad, el modo personal que determina o condiciona el modo de enfrentarse a la realidad, como JL Aranguren . "Bien es cierto que Don Bosco no procede de un análisis previo, que se ha llevado a cabo para elaborar conscientemente un método, sino que se va a improvisar según Dios le da un sentido en cada circunstancia, según él mismo confiesa".
Este talante jovial y alegre aparece en la vida de don Bosco de modo permanente. En el seminario de Chieri funda con un grupo de amigos en la «Sociedad de la Alegría», cuya obligación primordial era «suscitar las conversaciones y los pasatiempos que deben estar a su lado», prohibiendo «todo lo que la ocasionara tristeza».
Libros de Claustros de la Universidad de Salamanca 57, 32 v.-33. Cf. LE RODRÍGUEZ-SAN PEDRO, La Universidad Salmantina del Barroco, período 1598-1625, Salamanca, Publicaciones de la
Universidad de Salamanca, 111, 1986, p. 426.
Cf. N. GRIFFIN, drama escolar jesuita. Una lista de verificación de literatura crítica, Londres / Valencia,
Grand-Culter Ltd., 1976; F. SEGURA, El teatro en los colegios de los jesuitas, en «Miscelánea Comillensis» 43 (1985) 299-327; JM VALENTIN, Le Théatre des jesuites dans les pays de Langue Allemande (1554-1680), Frankfurt, 1978, 3 vols. y Répertoire bibliographique (1555-1773), Stutgart, 1982, 2 vols.
9 «ll mio metodo si vuole che io esponga: ma se nemmeno io lo so! Sono sempre andato
avanti come il Signore mi ispirava e le circostanze esigevano» (cit. por P. BRAMO, Il sistema preventivo di Don Bosco, Zürich, PAS-Verlag 1964, p. 25).
'° Obras fundamentales de San Juan Bosco. Edición de J. Canals Pujol y A. Martínez Azcona,
Es significativo que sus oratorios fuesen festivos y que en ellos su creador asumiese el papel de animador sociocultural, tan de moda en la novísima pedagogía social. «Tengo la impresión de encontrarme en un paraíso terrenal escribió Domenico Ruffino — porque todos están alegres, con una alegría verdaderamente de cielo, y sobre todo cuando don Bosco se encuentra en medio de nosotros »."
La alegría es el secreto de la pedagogía de don Bosco. Comprendió a la perfección que, si existe alegría en el quehacer pedagógico, no es preciso imponer la disciplina, porque brota espontáneamente y es aceptada de buen grado, no como algo que viene del más fuerte, sino como una necesidad del trabajo pedagógico. Esta alegría que es preciso buscar y practicar es aconsejada por don Bosco como fórmula de vida:
«Si quieres hacerte bueno practica sólo tres cosas, y todo irá bien.
— ¿Y cuáles son esas cosas?
— Helas aquí: alegría, estudio, piedad. Este es el gran programa, y si lo pones en práctica, podrás vivir feliz y hacer mucho bien a tu alma».12
Alegría, estudio y piedad vienen a ser el carácter distintivo de la pedagogía bosquiana. El estudio y la piedad son consustanciales con la historia de la educación cristiana de todos los tiempos; durante el Renacimiento se insistió con especial énfasis en la pietas litterata como el programa pedagógico de la época, pero no se prestó atención a la alegría, lógica consecuencia de una piedad estudiosa o de un estudio piadoso. Tampoco era costumbre en algunas familias tratar con dulzura a los hijos, por considerarlo como negativo para la educación. Es preciso recordar el comentario de Vives respecto a su madre, de la que dice que casi nunca le sonrió ni le demostró indulgencia ninguna, a pesar de que quería a su hijo con la mayor ternura." Don Bosco posee la originalidad de presentar la alegría como el máximo exponente y como el fruto más sazonado de una vida de piedad y de estudio. A su discípulo Domingo Savio le aconseja como algo primordial «una constante y moderada alegría»," como santa Teresa pedía a sus monjas. 15 Alaba reiteradamente la constante jovialidad «hiciese bueno o mal tiempo»,'6 incluso a las puertas de la muerte.
Madrid, B.A.C. 1978, p. 368-369.
" Carta a un amigo (1857), en: Ibid., p. 156.
Obras fundamentales, p. 302. Algo semejante escribió en la biografía de Miguel Magone: «El pulso indicaba que estaba a las puertas de la muerte y, sin embargo, su aire sereno, su jovialidad y el perfecto estado de su razón eran de una persona en completa salud» (Ibid., p. 261).
13 L. VivEs, Formación de la mujer cristiana, Lib. II, cap. XL en: Obras completas, vol. I. Traducción de L. Riber, Madrid, Aguilar 1947, p. 1144.
" Obras fundamentales, p. 508.
" El aviso 24 dice lo siguiente: «Cuando estuvieres alegre, no sea con risas demasiadas, sino con alegría humilde, modesta, afable y edificativa». En la carta 267 enviada a las carmelitas descalzas de Sevilla les dice: «Procuren estar alegres y considerar que — bien mirado — todo es poco lo que se padece por tan buen Dios».
San Pablo había aconsejado insistentemente a los cristianos de Filipo que estuviesen siempre alegres en el Señor: Gaudete in Domino semper; iterum dico: gaudete; y don Bosco utiliza la fórmula davidiana de Servite Domino in laetitia, aconsejándola a los jóvenes y a las religiosas. No es cierto que los jóvenes hayan de llevar una «vida melancólica y privada de toda diversión y placer» — escribió en El joven cristianos' — ni que las monjas hayan de vivir en su retiro compungidas y sumidas en la tristeza. No sólo les aconseja que se mantengan «alegres, sanas y santas»,1° sino que les obliga estatutariamente a estar siempre alegres y de buen humor: «Las TIMA estarán siempre alegres con las hermanas, reirán, bromearán, etc. ».19
La justificación de la alegría no se apoya para un cristiano en razones de índole filosófica, que pueden empujar más bien hacia la desesperación y pesimismo, sino en razones de tipo religioso. Sólo la fe justifica el optimismo, porque sólo ella garantiza la vida más allá de la vida biológica. San Juan Bosco escribió que únicamente «la práctica constante de la religión puede hacernos felices en el tiempo y en la etemidad»,20 afirmación que todo cristiano acepta, porque la fe proporciona la seguridad que al hombre le falta, al saberse y sentirse en precariedad óntica. El cor irrequietum del hombre únicamente recupera la paz y con ella la alegría al saberse hijo de Dios. Sólo de esta creencia dimana, como de río desbordado, la alegría; sin ella el hombre se ve empujado inexorablemente al hedonismo, al agnosticismo, a la angustia y en algunos casos al suicidio.
Don Bosco estuvo obsesionado por que en sus oratorios, en sus centros educativos y en sus comunidades reinase la alegría y se manifestase externamente como el mejor reclamo pedagógico para los observadores. Sí hay alegría, si los muchachos se divierten y están alegres, hay garantía de que todo marcha bien y de que el espíritu del maligno está lejos:
«Si dia ampia facoltá di saltare, correre, schiamazzare a piacimento. La girmastica, la musica, la dedamazione, íl teatrino, le passeggiate sono mezzi efficacissimi per ottenere la disciplina, giovare alla moralitá ed alla santa»?'
«La gioia — añade por su parte Pietro Braido — é per Don Bosco forma di vita, ch'egli deriva da un'istintiva valutazione psicologica del giovane e dallo spirito di famiglia. Don Bosco, in un tempo generalmente austero par l'educazione familiare, comprende che il ragazzo é ragazzo e permette e vuole che lo sia; sa che la sua esigenza piú profonda é la gioia, la liberta, il gioco, la " Societá dell'allegria"».22
" Obras fundamentales, p. 508.
" Plática del 23 de agosto de 1885, en: Ibid., p. 699.
19 Art. 114 de las Reglas o Constituciones del Instituto de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora.
20 Obras fundamentales, p. 339.
21 Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 168.
22 P. BRAMO, Esperienze di pedagogía cristiana nella storia, vol. II: Sec. XVII-XIX, Roma, LAS
1981, p. 370.
Con el transcurso de los años los oratorios festivos, al parecer, acabaron perdiendo la frescura y espontaneidad de sus primeros tiempos, afectando inevitablemente a la alegría. Así lo vio su fundador al final de su vida. Una noche, al rezar las oraciones que de niño le había enseñado su madre, recuerda el espíritu de los primeros oratorios festivos y los compara con los de entonces, disciplinados, pero poco espontáneos:
«Mi pareva di essere nell'antico Oratorio nell'ora della ricreazione. Era una scena tutta vita, tutta moto, tutta allegria. Chi correva, chi saltava, chi faceva saltare. Qui si giuocava alla rana, lá a tiara rotta, ed al pallone. In un luogo era radunato un crocchio di giovani che pendeva del labbro di un prete il quale narrava una storiella. In un altro luogo un chierico che in mezzo ad altri giovanetti giuocava all'asino yola e al mestieri. Si cantava, si rideva da tutte parti e dovunque chierici e preti, e intorno ad essi giovani che schiamazzano allegramente. Si vedeva che fra giovani e Superiori regnava la piú grande cordialitá».23
Don Bosco pedía a los educadores que no sólo fuesen maestros de cátedra o predicadores de púlpito, sino amigos de los muchachos, compañeros de sus juegos, capaces de ganarse su amistad y confianza: «Aflora regnera nell'Oratorio la pace e l'allegrezza antica».24
Estoy convencido de que este mensaje de don Bosco conserva hoy día toda su frescura. Los pedagogos y educadores de nuestro tiempo se afanan intentando conseguir la eficacia de sus actuaciones planificando al milímetro, desmenuzando el currículum, inventando nuevos sistemas cibernéticos y esforzándose por aplicar a la educación las más novedosas tecnologías. Todo ello es laudable y aconsejable; no se pueden cerrar los ojos al mundo que nos rodea ni tiene sentido practicar una pedagogía obsoleta y anacrónica. Es comiM el deseo de hallar métodos infalibles, que hagan aprender a los inapetentes muchachos; que reduzcan al mínimo, o lo hagan desaparecer, el alarmante y creciente fracaso escolar y que justifiquen ante la sociedad la inversión cada vez mayor de los presupuestos del Estado en un sistema educativo que hace aguas por todas partes.
Sin embargo a toda la moderna barahúnda pedagógica le falta algo esencial que don Bosco practicó y predicó: la alegría, la simpatía, el amor al educando. Comprendió muy bien que una pedagogía triste es una triste pedagogía.
Desde nuestro punto de vista actual cabe preguntarse a qué se debe que la alegría esté tan alejada de los centros educativos y por qué no ha sido capaz de arrasar prejuicios, rutinas, prácticas y métodos que impiden la comunicación cálida y humana entre el educando y el educador. ¿Por qué los centros llamados educativos siguen ocupados mayoritariamente por maestros áridos, malhumorados y descontentos con su profesión?
23 Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 286.
24 Bosco, Scritti pedagogici, p. 297.
Es indudable que son múltiples y variadas las causas que provocan la frialdad educativa. Es cierto también que el viejo proverbio de «la letra con sangre entra» no tiene hoy más valor que el de una frase incluida en una colección de expresiones en desuso. Es cierto que ha desaparecido la coacción física, pero sigue en pleno vigor otro tipo de coacción más sutil quizás, que se manifiesta en la sobrecarga de los deberes escolares, en el sistema de las evaluaciones, en las relaciones nada cordiales y en la función docente ejercida sin entusiasmo y sin alegría. Las escuelas modernas no son ya muladares ni calabozos, pero tampoco son centros en los que la alegría tenga su sede.
Un siglo después de don Bosco los educadores seguimos sin resolver satisfactoriamente el reto de ofrecer una pedagogía amable, atractiva y gozosa de la que brote espontáneamente una alegría profunda y duradera.
UN MODELO HUMANISTA DE EDUCACIÓN CRISTIANA
Andrés SOPEÑA
Este estudio es una reflexión sobre la Carta de Roma, del 10 de mayo de 1884, enviada por don Bosco a Turín. Sigo el texto de la edición española recogida en las Constituciones y Reglamentos de los Salesianos de Don Bosco (1985).
Parto del supuesto de que, en la Carta, se recoge lo esencial de la concepción educativa de don Bosco. Hablo de modelo, y lo considero como síntesis lógica y dinámica de la realidad viva reflejada en la Carta. Su lectura me ha sugerido un Modelo de organización educativa estructurado en tres niveles, con una distribución de nueve elementos, o fases programáticas del proyecto educativo.'
1. El modelo educativo de don Bosco
Es el conjunto, sistema, de elementos ideales y experienciales de que se trata. Toda organización se concibe como sistema; sistema se refiere a la unidad esencial y funcional de la realidad organizativa compleja, en su constitución y en su funcionamiento. El contenido de este modelo educativo se refiere a Dios y al hombre, por eso hablo de «Modelo Humanista de Educación Cristiana».
Me refiero a términos o conceptos de la Carta, y señalo con un número la línea en que éstos aparecen en la edición española citada. De P. BRAIDO, La lettere di don Bosco da Roma 10 maggio 1884 (Roma, LAS 1984), tengo en cuenta el manuscrito K (pp. 41-62) de la edición crítica, como contraste de fidelidad en la edición española. Esta redacción, muy reducida, a los efectos de la publicación, puede sugerir un modelo de lectura de la Carta de Roma, que es la que directamente ofrece su mensaje educativo, con Plenitud de sentido y con fuerza de evidente convicción de principios.
2. La sistematización del modelo
En referencia a la organización, hablo de tres niveles, entre los que se distribuyen los nueve elementos:
I. Definición configuradora (elementos 1, 2, 3);
II. Activación productora (elementos 4, 5, 6, 7);
III. Logro de producto (elementos 8, 9).
3. Contenido esencial de los elementos del modelo 3.1. El funcionamiento óptimo (I-1)
Se subraya la esencia permanente de un espíritu educativo, apelando al pasado, sistema (230), personas (314).
a) Se contraponen dos funcionamientos antitéticos.
b) Se establecen los principios de identidad, unidad y acción, de caridad y obediencia (53), de unidad en caridad (356).
c) Se definen los fines que dan razón de la existencia de la organización, fines: de fiesta eterna (275), anticipada en el tiempo (2), compartida en convivencia (341), vivificada por la Gracia (278).
3.2. La estructura de la organización (I-2)
Garantiza el funcionamiento óptimo, según normas y funciones.
a) No es fría, facilita la cordialidad en comunicación de corazones: «No se puede substituir el amor por la frialdad de un reglamento» (220).
b) No es rígida, estimula la espontaneidad y la alegría (33, 61, 167). Deben reinar vida, movimiento, alegría (37).
c) No es represiva: es carta de paz en familia de Dios con rostro humano. Familiaridad (184), felicidad (230), confianza (246): todo conduce suave y libremente por la «senda del Señor» (367).
3.3. Los recursos de modelación (I-3)
La organización funciona con un «modelo» de aprendizaje orientado a un ideal con espíritu, actuaciones y efectos concretos, previstos.
a) La modelación resulta de la dinámica de la pedagogía de Dios. La educación se sitúa en horizonte de salvación (105), en presencia salvífico-modeladora de Dios, actuante en la relación de la práctica cristiana (19, 52, 86 ).
Jesús aparece con ejemplaridad y fuerza modeladora activa y positiva (346); es también modelo para los educadores (201). Se despliega una estrategia de Gracia promovida y defendida (235, 239, 241, 309).
b) La modelación corresponde también a la dinámica de la pedagogía del hombre. Humanidad, por la esencia humana del amor y la expresión humanizada y humanizante del amor (142). Pedagogía de rostro humano, regado con sangre de trabajo y sacrificio (112), eficaz en la respuesta que se provoca: «Lo consiguen todo de los jóvenes» (197). Se sigue al individuo, se le habla al oído(195).
c) Se da una modelación eficaz por la pertenencia a una familia viva, que es núcleo estimulante de aprendizaje social. En la familiaridad confluyen como causa y efecto todos los factores educativos (49); ella es el núcleo del estilo que se invoca, garantía del éxito (49, 183). Es la expresión auténtica del amor que realmente existe (116). Don_Bosco, centro de una «familia», es el modelo de sus seguidores (160). No falta, en esta familia, la Madre, la Santísima Virgen (354).
3.4. La dinámica de la comunicación (II-4)
La comunicación asegura la vitalidad de la organización.
a) Se da una comunicación de corazones identificados en unidad de intenciones: «El amor lo regulaba todo» (151). El amor es eficaz, despierta sintonía (196). Comunicación ideal, en que reinan «la mayor cordialidad y confianza» (46). Hay que «formar un solo corazón y una sola alma» (176). Comunicación de un amor que se tiene y que se expresa (185), para el bien de los jóvenes (231).
b) Comunicación de vidas, de convivencia participativa en reciprocidad de interés y de acción. La motivación positiva es fundamental: los jóvenes se verán complacidos en lo agradable y quedarán dispuestos a lo dificultoso (123). Los educadores se entregan con sacrificio (270), y sienten una alegría imborrable (33). La motivación intrínseca se establece en los jóvenes como consecuencia, ésa es la recompensa para los educadores. Aquí ha quedado establecido un principio de participación con dinámica motivadora. Comunicación de vida, «siempre con los jóvenes»(149).
c) Se da toda una comunicación de bienes, en el servicio del diálogo orientador, de la orientación modeladora. EI amor dispone a una comunicación de escucha (232); en la escucha se descubren, y así pueden remediarse, en el clima de la confianza, las necesidades (198), de toda índole, espiritual y temporal (234).
3.5. La iniciativa de la familiaridad (11-5)
La familiaridad define la esencia del clima funcional de la organización. El amor define el tipo de la interacción educativa, el tipo de esta forma de organización. El amor es necesario, y «sin familiaridad no se demuestra el afecto» (184). Los jóvenes necesitan sentirse amados, y a los educadores corresponde la iniciativa de las pruebas del amor gratuito (200, 222).
a) Se trata de familiaridad con esencia y presencia de «humanismo humano» por razón y amor. La Carta entera es lin proyecto bien concebido y bien orientado a la práctica. No le falta al sistema sentido común, que no es poca razón; no le falta lógica. Abunda en implicaciones psicosociológicas, muy al alcance de la experiencia y de la ciencia, tanto en lo religioso como en lo humano. No es el momento de aducir la correspondencia de frases y conceptos con teorías humanistas y existencialistas de ciencias de la conducta actuales. Las convicciones, y los resultados de la aplicación, suponen en don Bosco la asociación íntima entre amor e inteligencia en la existencia humana, en el funcionamiento educativo, en la comunicación que es esencialmente humana.
Las alusiones concretas se refieren a la formación intelectual de los educadores (270) y a los bienes intelectuales de los jóvenes (90). Estos bienes van a lograrse, dentro de una formación integral, en la dinámica de un amor ofrecido, sentido y correspondido (98). El amor aparece como principio estimulante, como motivación intrínseca del proceso de aprendizaje (125, 96). La Carta resulta una argumentación fundamentada y una fundamentación en el amor.
b) La familiaridad es comunicación que se expresa en confianza, cordialidad y afecto. Así se consigue todo (197, 84, 229). Las pruebas de afecto sitúan a los jóvenes en experiencia grata de humanidad, y a ella responden familiarmente (116, 123). La imitación de Jesucristo, «maestro de familiaridad» (225, 250), da peso a esta carga de humanidad. La observancia exacta (247) y la necesaria obediencia (160, 179) dan paso al sentido del orden en la familia sobre la base del amor: no se debe «substituir el amor por la frialdad de un reglamento» (220). La familiaridad indica que es el amor el que hace inteligentes las estructuras y las convierte en fácil escala de ascensión educativa.
c) La familiaridad se anima con espíritu de religión, que también permite tener a la Auxiliadora como Madre: se trata de una familia de Dios con encarnación y rostro muy humanos. En la organización, Dios está presente como fuente de paz (279), en el tiempo y para la eternidad (375). Dios es Padre providente (235), de cuya paternidad Jesucristo es expresión de humana familiaridad, en la que Él es también modelo de educadores (225). La Virgen Santísima Auxiliadora es la Señora de su «casa» (354), que alienta y protege en la tierra y espera en la casa del Padre (375).
3.6. La confirmación por la reciprocidad (II-6)
La reciprocidad ofrece criterios de información sobre el control del funcionamiento en la organización educativa, el sistema, el Oratorio.
a) La reciprocidad se da en las muestras de aceptación de un amor que despierta amor: «El que quiere ser amado, es menester que demuestre que ama» (185). Este principio tiene su traducción concreta: «Amen (los educadores) lo que agrada a los jóvenes, y los jóvenes amarán lo que agrada a los superiores» (167). Es así como «se establece como una corriente eléctrica entre jóvenes y superiores» (198). Así es como se garantiza la eficacia educativa. Los educadores, porque aman, son amados; y así «lo consiguen todo, especialmente de los jóvenes» (197).
b) La reciprocidad se muestra en un amor sin condiciones que despierta confianza: «Sin la familiaridad no se puede demostrar afecto, y sin esta demostración no puede haber confianza» (184). La iniciativa les corresponde a los educadores (183), que sólo así podrán derribar «la barrera fatal de la desconfianza» (175). La confianza que se da es aceptación de la persona en quien se confía; la confianza engendra confianza, como el amor, como la familiaridad: «La familiaridad engendra afecto y el afecto confianza» (49).
c) La reciprocidad supone comprensión desde la autenticidad que despierta sinceridad y compromiso. Las experiencias de amor y confianza suponen transparencia y tienen un alcance directo de autenticidad. La situación facilitadora es la de la espontaneidad (33, 61). No hay temores ni inhibiciones, se da la sinceridad (50); ahí se da la familiaridad (49), como la cordialidad y la confianza (45), que son componentes esenciales de la autenticidad. Ahí se descubre, en el educador, a un hermano (188), en el predicador, a un amigo (191), y se da la conversión hacia el mejor yo (194). Se trataría de un aprendizaje social por y hacia la autenticidad, en el compromiso.
3.7. La significación de la alegría (11-7)
La alegría es una expresión de paz en un ambiente de familia.
a) Es marca de identidad y prueba de buen funcionamiento, en la aproximación a los ideales (37). La situación ideal es «de vida, de movimiento, de alegría» (37). La alegría es reflejo y estímulo de apertura, en sinceridad, en docilidad estimulada por amor y por amor ejercida (50). La alegría está fundada en la paz (278), y como la paz es interior y social, elemento dinámico en el ambiente de aprendizaje social, en el que se modelan las individualidades en la medida en que individualmente se alcanzan y se expresan. Se da en la espontaneidad (37), acompaña a la reciprocidad del amor, de la confianza, de la interacción agradable (123).
b) La alegría es símbolo de unidad en la comunicación de los espíritus y en la participación de la vida. El nervio de la unidad recorre la esencia y el funcionamiento de la organización en el sistema, por el principio unitivo y operativo del amor, y por el estado de paz personal y social que de él se deriva (279, 180): la dinámica paz-alegría es de unión. La alegría auténtica resulta del compartir y dispone a compartir.
c) Es estímulo de eficacia de la acción de cara a fines de ideal ilusionado. La alegría no es sólo un buen postre que da fin a un buen banquete: la alegría es «el mejor plato en una buena comida» (249). La alegría dispone a la acción con características de disposición y de prontitud, da impulso al peso del querer. La alegría salta del corazón feliz a la expresión bulliciosa (45), su llama se mantiene con el éxito y facilita el éxito en la acción. Es impulsora y contagiosa. Es rostro del amor, participa de la eficacia del amor.
3.8. El estado de paz (III-8)
El estado de paz certifica la pertenencia viva de cada uno a la organización, al tiempo que es indicio de un buen «tranquilo» funcionamiento.
a) Se da en primer lugar la paz con Dios, comunicación con el motor primero de la organización (278). Paz que se mantiene y se recupera por los sacramentos, en la vida de piedad (86, 294). Es paz que reclama intimidad decidida, propósitos firmes (296, 303). Es paz que revierte en las relaciones sociales, pero que también resulta facilitada por la familiaridad experimentada (52). Es, pues, fundamento del bienestar reinante en el sistema (282).
b) La paz consigo mismo, en la intimidad de sí, encuentro transparente consigo mismo, encuentro de vivencia de autorrealización, de sentido de la existencia. Se expresa en «vivacidad, alegría, expansión» (96), en «dichosa despreocupación» (67). Se da en lo personal, psicológicamente, y con posibles referencias a la paz con Dios (278), y con sus derivaciones de paz social (238, 72, 68).
c) La paz con los otros aparece en el fondo ennoblecido de sí, transparente fundamento de comunicación humana por el corazón. Es cierto que la paz con Dios asegura la paz con los demás (278); pero la paz con los demás, en la medida én que llega a otra persona, y llega por la caridad (196), se convierte en estímulo de paz. Dios es paz por su gracia (278): en los pacíficos Dios se hace presente, y desde ellos Dios apela a la necesidad de paz de los insatisfechos. La fuerza de modelación de la organización llega hasta ahí.
3.9. Un modelo para un plan de salvación (III-9)
La salvación consumada en el paraíso se constituye como cumbre de la pirámide jerárquica de valores.
a) La salvación aparece como fundamento y corona de una educación integral. Se trabaja para la tierra y el cielo (2); se proporciona pan, albergue y formación, pero sobre todo se busca la salvación de las almas (102). Se adivinan las líneas de lo que llamaríamos socialización, profesionalización, personalización, humanización, cristianización. Ciudadanos felices en el tiempo, cristianos destinados a la fiesta eterna del paraíso (376).
b) La religión es energía vital en el funcionamiento humano-divino del organismo sobrenatural enraizado en Jesucristo. Lo sobrenatural es connatural en el modelo. La eternidad feliz es el objetivo (2); el proceso educativo termina en la fiesta eterna (376). La «santa Gracia de Dios» (279) va dando sentido y profundidad a todo y en todo se busca la mejor realización. La comunicación integral, la formación integral se anima en caridad que se fundamenta en Jesucristo y estimula al máximo rendimiento. La práctica religiosa anima todo el proceso de autorrealización en el modelo.
c) La pedagogía de Dios es pedagogía de la salvación, en una organización «evangélica», centrada en Jesucristo y en la presencia de la Santísima Virgen. Se trata de una pedagogía de la felicidad que anima un funcionamiento del modelo en programa de bienaventuranzas. Jesús es el Maestro (225), el modelo de humanidad cristiana, que pasó haciendo el bien, y todo lo hizo bien.
4. Conclusión
Dios es amor. En el modelo de don Bosco, la caridad, como sistema de funcionamiento humano, se hace pedagogía de la comunicación. Esta comunicación funciona en esos dos niveles humano y divino. La alegría humana es un preanuncio de la fiesta eterna, que se logra trabajando en este mundo en paz y por la paz, con amor. Todos los términos, fundamentalmente los elementos del modelo, son aspectos de la misma realidad: tienen significado y valor en cada uno de los tres niveles de la organización. Están en la definición de objetivos, son fuerza impulsora de realización y se alcanzan como logro de plenitud salvadora, personal y social, religiosa.
PRESENTACIÓN
Card. Antonio María JAVEERRE ORTAS
1. Agradezco mucho la invitación que se me hizo a tomar parte en la clausura de este ter Congreso Internacional de Estudios sobre San Juan Bosco.
Confieso no sentir ninguna simpatía hacia cierto ejercicio de las llaves: «abrir o cerrar» un congreso, sin haber participado en sus trabajos y sin conocer a fondo los resultados de sus estudios.
Por fortuna, no es éste el caso. Pero aun prescindiendo de las diferencias, la calidad de los oradores de esta tarde da valor sustancial a la clausura. Por no hablar de las relaciones íntimas que me ligan a un Congreso de gran altura y bien logrado.
2. No hablo por lo que he oído decir, gracias a la, posibilidad de una participación, que en este caso me parecía obligada. Pero ha habido además una presencia de otro tipo, que me agrada dar a conocer ahora.
Más de uno de los participantes me ha preguntado con cierta preocupación: «¿No os molestaréis vosotros, los salesianos, si nosotros, por respeto a la historia, damos la impresión de querer suprimir ciertos pedestales un poco superfluos o inconsistentes?».
La primera reacción, instintiva, para quien se encuentra por deseo del Papa cuidando la Biblioteca y los Archivos, fue referirme al pensamiento de León XIII, cuando puso los documentos hasta entonces secretos, a disposición de los estudiosos de todo el mundo: «La primera ley de la historia es no atreverse a decir nada falso; y después, no callar nada verdadero». F.1 latín me parece aún más fuerte: «Primam esse historiae legem ne quid falsi dicere audeat; deinde ne quid veri non audeat».
Como estudiosos, los salesianos que gastan su vida, por obediencia, en el mundo universitario, saben también que están siempre al servicio incondicional de la verdad; la cual — sigue hablando el Papa — «obscurari aliquanto potest, extingui non potest».' Los hijos de don Bosco saben que su Padre es una obra de arte; y que la realidad no sufre ningún retoque, aun cuando se haga con buena intención. Deseo verlo como es, no como alguno quisiera que fuese.
LEO XIII, Saepe numero considerantes, 18 Aug. 1883, en ASS 3 (1884) 268.
3. Con vuestro permiso, quisiera dispensarme de seguir la norma que establece que, antes de dar la palabra a los oradores, el que preside diga que éstos no tienen necesidad de presentación, para pasar luego a presentarlos, a lo mejor con un largo discurso. Los nuestros no tienen necesidad de que se recuerden sus títulos y publicaciones, porque todos los conocen. Pues bien: ahorremos el tiempo de una presentación superflua y ofrezcámoselo a los conferenciantes.
El Profesor Scoppola tiene mucho que decir sobre un binomio sugestivo: «Don Bosco» y la «modernidad». Todos estamos sumamente interesados en oír, sobre un concepto tan denso y controvertido, el parecer de un especialista de la historia moderna. Los miembros de la Familia salesiana recuerdan la apertura del Centenario en Turín y se sienten felices al saber que será el mismo profesor Scoppola quien precise la relación de don Bosco con el otro término del binomio.
Don Braido (un nombre ligado ya inseparablemente al «Sistema preventivo») desarrollará luego el tema «Perspectivas e iniciativas de la investigación
sobre don Bosco». Muchos de nosotros tienen muy presente el balance lucidísimo publicado con ocasión del Centenario en «La Civiltá Cattolica». Concluía el artículo invitando a conservar la tradición recibida de don Bosco, a recoger su aportación original y a superar, por último, el horizonte del siglo pasado, pero a la luz de una metodología no trasnochada. Tenemos curiosidad por saber los caminos concretos que nos va a sugerir don Braido en base a sus reflexiones y aportaciones del Congreso, que toca ya su conclusión.
Volviendo a la Biblioteca y al Archivo del Vaticano, pienso poder decir no sin cierto orgullo — que también en la UPS está en vigor la norma dada a los archiveros por Pablo VI. Es decir, que también nuestros historiadores profesan «el máximo respeto por los monumentos» y por los documentos. Porque también ellos sienten que tener ese culto por los papeles es, «como reflejo, tener el culto de Cristo, tener sentido de Iglesia, darnos a nosotros, dar a los que vengan, la historia del paso de esta fase del transitus Domini en el mundo».2 Y, como Él decía en una ocasión parecida, es apasionante evocar la historia de la Iglesia a partir de datos seguros. Porque «también el más modesto de los documentos, conservado con este espíritu, se convierte en un signo de su presencia en el mundo, en argumento de su misión, en una huella del Cuerpo Místico en el camino secular de la historia».
Y a ella pertenece don Bosco, cuyos rasgos fisonómicos intentan precisar con rigor, a partir de los documentos, los dos ilustres especialistas.
2 PABLO VI, 26 set. 1963, Insegnamentil, 1963, p. 614.
DON BOSCO Y LA MODERNIDAD
Pietro SCOPPOLA
El tema «Don Bosco y la modernidad» puede, tal vez, ofrecer un punto de vista interesante para una valoración de conjunto del papel de don Bosco en la vida de la Iglesia y en la historia italiana. El tema no es nuevo: una aportación muy significativa en esta dirección la ha ofrecido el precioso volumen dirigido por Francesco Traniello, editado por la SEI hace poco más de un dio: Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, y en él, en particular, el estudio de Piero Bairati;1 y también un ensayo del mismo Traniello sobre Don Bosco e il problema della modernita.2
1. Don Bosco ¿es moderno?
Los motivos que han movido, tratándose de don Bosco, a hablar de modernidad son muchos, de diverso orden y ya conocidos: Don Bosco es moderno por un método educativo que valoriza la libre expresión del joven, sus recursos más íntimos y personales, en vez de someterlo a modelos preconstituidos. Pero veremos enseguida lo complejo y controvertido que es el sentido de la palabra «modernidad». Pietro Prini, en la introducción al volumen de Palumbieri,3 ha visto en don Bosco una anticipación de algunas intuiciones del humanismo personalista de nuestro siglo. Don Bosco es moderno porque utiliza un instrumento antiguo de formación juvenil como el «Oratorio», transformándolo, sin embargo, en un medio eficaz de inserción y de presencia de la Iglesia en la nueva realidad urbana. Es moderno por su atención, y yo diría predilección, por la ciudad en contraposición a una cultura católica dirigida más bien a favorecer el campo.
1 P. BAIRATI, Cultura salesiana e societá industriale, en: F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, Torillo, SEI 1987, p. 331-356.
2 F. TRANIELLO, Don Bosco e il problema della modernita, en: Don Bosco e le sfide della modernita (Quaderni del Centro Studi «C. Trabucco», 11), Torillo, Stabilimento Poligrafico Editoriale «C. Fanton» 1988, p. 39-46.
En la presentación del volumen de S. PALUMBIERI, Don Bosco e Nom° nell'orizzonte del personalismo, Torillo, Gribaudi 1987.
Es moderno por haber sabido realizar un sabio equilibrio, como ha puesto en evidencia Luciano Pazzaglia,4 entre escuela, formación profesional y trabajo en unos años en los que el problema estaba completamente ausente de la legislación italiana. Y aún más: este sacerdote, nacido en una pequeña aldea campesina, se muestra capaz de encontrar y seguir un camino original dentro de la realidad del naciente capitalismo italiano, de crear una espiritualidad cristiana, que alimenta actitudes y virtudes de iniciativa, de responsabilidad y de solidaridad; de hecho contribuye, en cierto modo, a dar un alma a la nueva economía, mereciendo, como es sabido, la estima de los grandes magnates de la industria. Estos aspectos de la obra de don Bosco han sido discutidos y estudiados en profundidad en este Congreso. Ciertamente tiene razón Tramontin cuando en su comunicación invita a no ceder a la tentación de ver en don Bosco «anticipaciones filosóficas o teológicas». El juicio sobre las anticipaciones es siempre peligroso en campo histórico porque puede hacer perder el sentido del contexto en el que una figura y una obra han de ser situadas. Pero aun con esta observación, el problema, como trataré de explicar, sigue totalmente abierto, porque don Bosco sobrepasa a su tiempo en el sentido que supera, de hecho y en varias direcciones, sus límites, tanto en el plano de la mentalidad, como en el de las obras emprendidas.
Sin embargo, la intención de mi intervención no quisiera ser el de resumir estas cosas, sobre las cuales, por lo demás, tuve ya ocasión de llamar la atención hace un año al recordar la figura de don Bosco en Turín con ocasión de la celebración del centenario de su muerte.5 Tal vez para matizar mejor alguna afirmación, mi propósito hoy quisiera ser el de situar esta reflexión acerca de la modernidad de don Bosco en el contexto más amplio del debate abierto en los últimos años sobre el tema de las relaciones entre Iglesia y modernidad; con el fin de verificar sí, y en qué medida, el caso de don Bosco puede contribuir a orientarnos en una cuestión que se presenta muy complicada.
2. La «modernidad»: un concepto complejo
¿Qué es la modernidad? El concepto, como se sabe, es uno de los más complejos y ha estado durante mucho tiempo ligado al modelo y a las categorías procedentes de occidente. Pero Habermas en un «discurso filosófico» sobre la modernidad6 ha disociado en cierto modo el concepto de modernidad de los lazos que lo unían a las categorías de la racionalidad occidental: no existe un camino único hacia la modernidad; los procesos de modernización han de ser considerados y valorados dentro de las diferentes realidades históricas. Esta reflexión, que también Traniello menciona en su ensayo antes citado,
4 L. PAZZAGLIA, Apprendistato e istruzione degli artigiani a Valdocco, en: TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare, p. 13-80.
Se puede ver ahora el cuaderno: Don Bosco e le sfide della modernitá (cf. nota 2).
6 Cf. J. HABERMAS, Il discorso filosofico della modernitá, Bari, Laterza 1987.
hace más problématica, y me atrevería a decir más abierta, la cuestión sobre las relaciones entre modernidad y valores.
La modernidad no es necesariamente un criterio de valor. Si llega a serlo, no puede ser asumida en el sentido corriente de adecuación al proceso histórico real, de aceptación de lo nuevo, sino que debe implicar un cierto significado más profundo y más extenso en el plano humano. De lo contrario, lo que viene después debería necesariamente valer más de lo que está antes, ¡incluido el nazismo con respecto a la República de Weimar! Un estudioso inglés, Tim Mason, ha subrayado todas las ambigüedades inherentes al uso ideológico de los términos moderno, modernidad, modernización para llegar a la conclusión: «que todo concepto válido que comprenda en sí la nota de modernidad o modernización debe estar inspirado en juicios de valor y, por tanto, en un compromiso moral de futuro. [...] Decir modernización significa decir algo sobre aquello que nosotros queremos, sobre aquello que aún queda por alcanzar».' Conviene, por tanto, distinguir entre una modernidad entendida como valor, como progreso humano, y una modernidad entendida simplemente como realidad nueva que se manifiesta en el proceso histórico.
Ulteriores precisiones han sido formuladas por Gino Germani,8 para quien la modernización no sólo no es un juicio de valor, sino que ni siquiera es referible al concepto genérico de novedad o de modernidad: ésta implica una referencia precisa a aquellos procesos que caracterizan la sociedad europea en el nuevo siglo y que la primera guerra mundial aceleró fuertemente y que han contribuido a la creación de la sociedad de masas en el sentido actual del término.
A mí parecer, al historiador le conviene no cargar la modernidad de contenidos axiológicos, sino limitarse a registrarla como un dato del proceso histórico real, definiendo y precisando sus contenidos en relación a circunstancias de tiempo y de ambiente (en este sentido puede ser útil el concepto específico de modernización). De manera que cuando se define moderna o antimoderna una concepción o una acción, no se formula necesariamente un juicio.
Esta consideración vale mucho más cuando se trata de la Iglesia. No se puede asumir la modernidad como criterio de juicio en relación a las actitudes de la Iglesia. Cuando un estudioso, por otro lado agudo y siempre estimulante como es Ernesto Galli della Loggia, denuncia la «absoluta aversión de la tradición católica hacia los desarrollos sociales del mundo moderno» y «la inadecuación propia de los católicos para secundar y controlar desde un punto de vista ideológico y cultural, el crecimiento moderno del país »,9 no sólo violenta la realidad histórica, sino que también utiliza implícitamente un criterio de valor que no se puede dar por descontado.
' T. MASON, Moderno, modernitá, modernizzazione: un montaggio, en «Movimento Operaio e Socialista» 10 (1987) 1-2, dedicado al tema: «Storia contemporanea oggi. Per una discussione».
8 G. GERMANI, Sociologia della modernizzazione. L'esperienza dell'America Latina, Bari, Laterza 1971.
9 E. GALLI DELLA LOGGIA, Ideologie, classi e costume, en: V. CASTRONOVO (ed.), Italia contemporanea 1945-1975, Torino 1976.
Gabriele De Rosa ha llamado repetida y justamente la atención sobre los riesgos que pueden derivarse de la aplicación de categorías tomadas de la historia política y social — entre las cuales está ciertamente también la modernidad — a la historia de la Iglesia, a sus hombres, a los movimientos, que sólo dentro de ella tienen sus raíces. «No podemos ignorar — ha observado él — la estructura de la Iglesia, que es secular, la conciencia que ella tiene de su misión, su lenguaje, que saca su propio alimento de una ciencia, la teología, ajena al mundo laico ».'°
Es evidente que observaciones metodológicas de este tipo han de ser tenidas muy en cuenta ante una figura como la de don Bosco. Es necesario superar la simple constatación de su capacidad para anticiparse en tantas intuiciones e iniciativas, a orientaciones educativas o formas de comportamiento que sólo en años posteriores a él serán normalmente corrientes en la sociedad italiana y en el mundo católico; y es necesario, en cambio, preguntarse por el nexo que existe entre esta apertura a lo nuevo y el mundo de sus valores, el modo de ser católico, su ser sacerdote en la Iglesia de su tiempo. Toda su obra en favor del mundo juvenil, por ejemplo, con los elementos de modernidad a los que se ha aludido, resulta incomprensible si no nos remontamos a la preocupación religiosa y espiritual — entendida en los términos más antiguos y tradicionales de «salvación de las almas» — que la animó constantemente. ¿Cómo conviven, entonces, en él la apertura al mundo moderno en el proceso educativo con los presupuestos más tradicionales de su labor de sacerdote entre los jóvenes?
3. Iglesia y modernidad
Un análisis profundo de las relaciones entre Iglesia y modernidad ha sido llevado a cabo por un joven y valioso estudioso, Renato Moro, en un ensayo, recientemente aparecido, que se refiere explícitamente al período fascista, pero cuyo interés, sobre el plano historiográfico, va mucho más allá del objetivo para el que ha sido concebido." Al autor le interesa en particular el efecto inducido por los procesos de modernización, en el significado especifico propuesto por Germani, al cual se ha aludido, en el mundo católico; es decir, le interesan las transformaciones que tales procesos han provocado en la mentalidad católica y en la estructura misma de la presencia católica en el período fascista. Es evidente que esta parte del análisis no es utilizable para nuestro
Cito de la intervención de G. De Rosa sobre la ponencia de A. MONUCONE, Religiositá popolare e coscienza civile da Pio XII a Giovanni XXIII, in «Sociologia» (1984) 115.
" Cf. R. MORO, II modernismo buono. La «modernizzazione» cattolica tra fascismo e post-fascismo come problema storiografico, en «Storia Contemporanea» (agosto 1988).
tema. Muy útil para nuestro tema es, en cambio, la reflexión que el autor desarrolla sobre las diversas interpretaciones que se han propuesto sobre las relaciones entre lo moderno y lo antimoderno en la vida de la Iglesia.
En la historiografía han surgido dos hipótesis fundamentales en lo concerniente a estas relaciones en la vida de la Iglesia. Por un lado estas relaciones han sido entendidas en el sentido de una inestable dicotomía, tal como parece sugerir Giorgio Campanini cuando señala en el conflicto entre «tradición» y «modernidad» «una discriminante fundamental en el desarrollo global del movimiento católico».'2 Por otro lado, en cambio, se ha definido esta relación en términos de una con-presencia y de una dialéctica entre dos elementos, como sugiere, por ejemplo, Émile Poulat en su ensayo Église contre bourgeoisie.0
En realidad, las dos posiciones conviven durante algún tiempo, pero en su conjunto se suceden históricamente: tras la superación de las posiciones más coherentemente antimodernas del tradicionalismo demestriano, una cierta dialéctica moderno/antimoderno caracteriza toda la historia del movimiento católico. Incluso las posturas más atentas y más abiertas a las exigencias de la modernidad — ya se trate del catolicismo liberal en el primer Ochocientos, ya de la democracia cristiana a finales de siglo — expresan también siempre una reserva crítica, no se pueden reducir a una «rendición» ante lo moderno. De Rosa, en la intervención a la cual me acabo de referir, insiste sobre los motivos irrenunciables de reserva y de oposición de la Iglesia frente a la sociedad surgida de los procesos de industrialización del siglo XIX.
No se trata, evidentemente, de aceptar esta idea de la relación dialéctica modemo/antímodemo como una fórmula abstracta y cómoda en la cual todos los contrastes desaparecen y todo se justifica. Se trata, por el contrario, de verificar cómo esta relación se expresa en las diversas figuras del movimiento católico y de la historia de la Iglesia en la edad contemporánea.
Como es sabido, se puede precisar, no sólo para algunos grupos o iniciativas particulares, sino para la Iglesia en su conjunto, un momento que marca el paso del puro y simple rechazo de principio de la modernidad a una posición más compleja y estructurada: este momento coincide con la sucesión de León Xffl a Pío IX. El pontificado de Pío IX había estado dominado, tras una fase inicial, por la «psicología del estado de sitio», por la posición defensiva, por las actitudes incondicionalmente negativas hacia la modernidad, que los historiadores concordemente han subrayado, aunque sea dentro de un cuadro de valoraciones diversas. Una síntesis coherente y significativa entre el objetivo de la restauración católica y la toma de conciencia de la nueva realidad surgida de la revolución liberal se esboza, en cambio, en el magisterio de la Iglesia a partir del pontificado de León XIII.
. G. CAMPANINI, II movimento cattolico fra tradizione e modernitá, en «Istituto per la Storia della Resistenza in provincia di Alessandria» 14 (1984) 44-45.
" E. POULAT, Église contre bourgeoisie. Introduction au devenir du catholicisme actuel, Tournai, Casterman 1977.
Es a partir de aquel pontificado cuando los movimientos católicos organizados irán asumiendo, al menos en plano instrumental, las connotaciones modernas que caracterizan su historia posterior; es a partir. de aquel pontificado cuando se puede hablar — como ha hecho Antonio Acerbi — de un «proyecto histórico», que guía la acción de la Iglesia."
Por tanto, para el movimiento que se inspira en una incondicional fidelidad al Papa — distinta es naturalmente la cuestión para el catolicismo liberal — el momento del paso de una posición de simple contraposición a una más estructurada, que no excluye una apertura, aunque sea sólo instrumental, a la modernidad, se sitúa en el último cuarto de siglo.
4. Apertura de don Bosco a lo moderno
Ahora bien, lo que llama la atención al considerar la obra de don Bosco es que, aun habiéndose realizado ésta en su mayor parte en el pontificado de Pío IX y partiendo aún de una posición de intransigente fidelidad al Papa e ignorando por ello las distinciones propias de la cultura y la mentalidad católico-liberal, especialmente en el tema del poder temporal, se adelanta en mucho al movimiento intransigente en lo que se refiere a la atención, la comprensión y el uso más abierto — hasta se podría decir más sin prejuicios —, de algunos datos nuevos ofrecidos por la realidad de su tiempo. Es decir, don Bosco no se puede encuadrar en una visión dicotómica entre lo moderno y lo antimoderno.
Pero la apertura de don Bosco a lo moderno — y este es un punto sobre el cual quisiera llamar la atención — no es asimilable ni a una matriz católico-liberal o neogüelfa, ni a la linea del nuevo proyecto que se delinea a partir del pontificado leonino, en el cual la restauración católica es confiada a la participación del pueblo cristiano con los instrumentos, por tanto, de la democracia. Don Bosco, como es sabido, compartió por un momento las esperanzas neogüelfas, pero cuando éstas fueron liquidadas por el mismo Pío IX con la alocución de abril del 48, se distanció claramente de los sucesivos desarrollos del movimiento: mientras la mayor parte de los neogüelfos dirigían sus esperanzas patrióticas hacía Piamonte y la Casa Saboya, don Bosco permaneció temporalista.
Indudablemente el temporalismo tuvo también para don Bosco un valor táctico: su fidelidad al Papa era una condición esencial para la eficacia de su obra; era una garantía y una cobertura para una tarea, que, de hecho, lo llevaba a una constante confrontación, y frecuentemente a una colaboración, con los hombres y con las instituciones del Estado liberal.
" Cf. el ensayo de A. ACERBI, La Chiesa nel tempo. Sguardi sui progetti di relazioni tra Chiesa e societá civile negli ultimi cento anni, Milano, Vita e Pensiero 1979.
Pero el temporalismo no llevó a don Bosco a las filas del movimiento de los católicos intransigentes, es decir, a las filas de una oposición programada contra el Estado, que, aunque motivada por razones religiosas, tuvo indudablemente un fuerte valor ideológico y político antiliberal. Don Bosco fue temporalista, pero se mantuvo apartado de la política intransigente; de un modo más general, excluyó la política de su obra.
El rechazo de la política, sin embargo, no excluye, como es sabido, una serie de valores civiles: el respeto proclamado y practicado hacia la autoridad constituida y hacia las leyes del Estado y un empeño coherente y constante por la formación de virtudes cívicas en sus alumnos y discípulos. Por ello su obra incide también en el plano de la política. La recomendación hecha por don Bosco a sus alumnos repecto al Estado y a las leyes se puede hacer remontar a los viejos cánones de la alianza entre el trono y el altar, antes que ver en ella el germen de un sentido moderno del Estado. Pero queda el hecho de una posición original y diversa respecto a aquella intransigencia, con la cual por otros aspectos don Bosco se relaciona. No es posible, pues, colocar a don Bosco en las filas del conciliarismo, pero tampoco nos está consentido agregarlo a la intransigencia, que se desarrolla vigorosa a partir de la mitad de los años sesenta. Sus relaciones con la modernidad nos parecen ajenas al proyecto de reconquista católica con los instrumentos ofrecidos por el Estado liberal y por la naciente democracia, que irá tomando forma en Italia después del pontificado de Pío IX. La figura y la obra de don Bosco no se encuadran en una visión dicotómica de las relaciones entre tradición y modernidad, pero tampoco se prestan a una interpretación dialéctica de la relación entre los dos elementos.
Se ha insistido, y justamente, en el pragmatismo de don Bosco. Stefano Privato, al afrontar de modo muy agudo el tema del teatro popular, pone en claro la síntesis entre conservadurismo ideológico y modernidad pragmática en don Bosco. Giuseppe Tuninetti, al tratar nuevamente en su comunicación, el tema del conflicto entre don Bosco y el obispo Gastaldi, al cual ha dedicado una importante investigación," subraya el comportamiento, francamente desenvuelto, de don Bosco, que primero favorece el nombramiento del obispo con la esperanza de tenerlo como amigo y después se dirige a Roma para salvar las resistencias del obispo mismo en el tema de la ordenación de la naciente Congregación salesiana.
5. Las raíces de la modernidad de don Bosco
¿Pero un pragmatismo que llega tan lejos, que compromete incluso las relaciones con la autoridad eclesiástica, no se convierte, a su vez, en una categoría mental?
" Cf. G. TUNINE I u, Lorenzo Gastaldi 1815-1883, 2 vol., Roma/Casale Monferrato, Piemme
1983-1988.
¿No toca los fines mismos de la acción? En suma, coma en el campo moral hay una relación entre medios y fines, de suerte que los medios califican el fin mucho más de cuanto están justificados por él, ¿cómo es posible imaginar la copresencia de un conservadurismo intransigente y una independiente modernidad de medios sin cuestionar una interacción entre los dos elementos?
¿Pero cuáles son, entonces, las raíces de la modernidad de don Bosco, de su original y personalísima síntesis entre fidelidad católica y papal y su apertura a los tiempos nuevos de la sociedad italiana? Don Bosco parece que se resiste por todas partes a cualquier intento de ser insertado en una de las muchas categorías dentro de las cuales el movimiento católico y la obra misma de la Iglesia han sido estudiadas y encuadradas históricamente. Se podría ver en esto simplemente una confirmación de la fragilidad y de la inadecuación de las categorías históricas, a las que, sin embargo, nos vemos obligados a recurrir, si no por otra cosa, al menos, para hacer comprensible el proceso histórico, para expresarnos y discutir los temas de nuestra investigación. Pero tal vez haya algo más. También la fórmula de la relación dialéctica entre lo moderno y lo antimoderno aplicada a la Iglesia y al movimiento católico debe ser relativizada y considerada en su dimensión histórica.
La época de los proyectos históricos, en el sentido propuesto por Antonio Acerbi, ligada precisamente a la hipótesis de la restauración de la cristiandad con los instrumentos proporcionados por la nueva realidad, tiene un comienzo, como se ha dicho, pero tiene también un momento de crisis y, tal vez, un final. Más exactamente debemos decir que está continuamente en crisis desde su primera expresión en el período leonino, porque el uso instrumental de la modernidad da lugar a tensiones que obligan a repensar los valores mismos de la tradición; porque, queriendo expresarse en términos filosóficos, la relación tradición-modernidad más que dialéctica, en el sentido de dar lugar a una síntesis, es simplemente conflictual en el sentido de poner sucesivamente en crisis uno de los dos elementos: la tradición o la modernidad.
La época de los proyectos parece acabarse cuando se abre el pontificado
de Juan XXIII por una diversa intuición religiosa y espiritual, por parte del nuevo Papa, del rol y del servicio papales. Angelo Roncalli — como recientes investigaciones han puesto en evidencia 16 - permaneció sustancialmente extraño, desde los años de su formación, a la cultura del proyecto histórico, y precisamente en razón de este extrañamiento, quedó, en cierto modo, indemne del binomio dialéctico moderno/antimoderno que caracteriza y divide profundamente la vida de la Iglesia en la época contemporánea.
16 Cf. la obra dirigida por G. ALBERIGO (ed.), Papa Giovanni, Bari, Laterza 1987; se puede ver, para una clarificación de la interpretación a que me refiero en el texto, mi recensión: Intorno a Giovanni XXIII, en «Rivista di Storia e Letteratura Religiosa» 24 (1988) 1.
En las investigaciones recientes, las raíces de su religiosidad de cristiano y de pastor aparecen situadas en una zona más profunda y estable, menos expuesta a las polémicas culturales y a las laceraciones que traen consigo. Aparecen colocadas en la Biblia, en los Padres y en la gran tradición del pensamiento cristiano. Él, como es sabido, pudo atraversar sin laceraciones y tormentos interiores la crisis modernista: no fue modernista, pero tampoco antimodernista; entendió la importancia de la historia y su método crítico como instrumento para alcanzar la riqueza de la tradición cristiana.
Creo que con don Bosco hay que proceder en el mismo sentido y con el mismo método: hay que remontarse a su formación religiosa, como han hecho en sus comunicaciones Marcocchi y Pazzaglia, a la influencia ejercida en él por don Cafasso, al ejemplo de un doblegarse amoroso de la Iglesia, en algunas de sus grandes figuras, ante la condición humana débil, sufrida y pecadora. La formación religiosa de don Bosco, como la del Papa Juan, se mantiene al margen de las grandes controversias ideológicas del tiempo; como Roncalli está profundamente marcado por la espiritualidad de la fuga del mundo y tiene un gran amor a la Imitación de Cristo; pero, como Roncalli, — lo ha señalado agudamente Maurilio Guasco al establecer más de una analogía entre don Bosco y el Papa Juan" — sustituye el binomio «salvación-temor» por el de « salvación-alegría»; y, como el futuro Papa del concilio Vaticano II, toma como modelo a Francisco de Sales, el santo de la amabilidad.
Su modernidad, sí de modernidad queremos hablar, no tiene, pues, raíces ideológicas, no es referible a ningún proyecto cultural o político. Tiene sus raíces en una espiritualidad fresca y espontánea, que alimenta una actitud de libertad hacia todos y hacia todo. Como bien ha subrayado Francesco Traniello, la misma inspiración religiosa que hace nacer «tendencias ultramundanas, devocionales o moralistas... obra también como factor propulsor y motor de innovación alimentando la sensibilidad específica donbosquiana hacia los problemas más agudos y particulares de la sociedad moderna».
Por tanto la modernidad de don Bosco no se pone en una relación dialéctica con la tradición, sino que tiene las mismas raíces interiores de la apelación a la tradición y convive con la tradición en un equilibrio interiorizado, que no se puede reducir a ninguna fórmula ideológica, sino que es un dato de espiritualidad y de vida interior. Ciertamente don Bosco es un personaje incómodo para los estudiosos de historia: no se encuadra fácilmente en sus categorías, los instrumentos de análisis son limitados cuando se trata de llegar al secreto de la vida interior.
Esto ayuda también a comprender la fecundidad de su obra: precisamente porque no está encerrada en una fórmula intencional o en un esquema ideológico, ha podido desarrollarse con la historia de la sociedad contemporánea — y de la Iglesia en la sociedad contemporánea — y ha permanecido abierta a los nuevos retos de la modernidad.
" Cf. M. GUACO, Don Bosco nella storia religiosa del suo tempo, en: Don Bosco e le sfide della modernitá, p. 21-37.
Bajo este aspecto, diría — séame consentida una pequeña digresión fuera de los limites de la exposición histórica — que la palabra última sobre la modernidad de don Bosco no la pueden decir sino sus sucesores con sus decisiones y su trabajo cotidiano. Una palabra ya importante la han dicho en este Congreso con la libertad de espíritu con la cual han abierto esta reflexión histórico-crítica sobre su Fundador. Y, a mi entender, no hay que temer en absoluto que el don Bosco que salga de la crítica histórica, tan querido a don Pietro Stella, esté en contraste con el don Bosco que sus discípulos han interiorizado como inspiración de su acción. Si las observaciones que he venido desarrollando tienen algún fundamento, hay que creer más bien que el don Bosco que sale de la crítica histórica, liberado de tantos particulares inútiles de una imagen, que es también ella misma un interesante argumento de historia de la cultura popular — en cuanto el mismo santo, según parece, ha contribuido a crearla —, será un inspirador aún más eficaz y significativo por obra de sus sucesores.
PERSPECTIVAS E INICIATIVAS
DE LA INVESTIGACIÓN SOBRE DON BOSCO
Pietro BRAMO
A la última intervención del Congreso no le compete presentar balances o sacar «conclusiones». Resultará, en cambio, provechosa si puede contribuir a prolongar la intensa colaboración de estos días con la invitación a compromisos concretos de estudio e investigación. Sería deseable que se sintiese comprometido en ello el mayor número posible de «operadores»: estudiosos e investigadores, solos u organizados en equipo, titulares de actividades didácticas y científicas en instituciones universitarias, en centros de estudio, en institutos históricos. Y otros interesados en la esfera de una seria y digna divulgación y animación, los que lo utilizan.
Las reflexiones sobre «perspectivas e iniciativas» se agrupan en torno a cuatro núcleos.
1. Utilización, críticamente controlada, de la literatura transmitida 1.1. Más allá de los «idóla»: vigilancia crítica y sentido de la medida
Hay que considerar prioritaria la exigencia de verificación y de escucha ponderada de testimonios antiguos, atraídos desde los años 60 del siglo pasado por las «dotes grandes y luminosas» y por los «hechos extraordinarios» de don Bosco, incluidos los autores de las Memorias biográficas:) autores de « crónicas» y de «memorias», utilizadas o seguidas después por testigos en los procesos canónicos para la beatificación y canonización, biógrafos y panegiristas en torno a las grandes fechas de celebraciones salesianas (1907, 1915, 1929, 1934, 1950 y 1954, 1975, 1988), «nuevos» biógrafos, intérpretes de la pedagogía, de la espiritualidad, de la pastoral, de la acción social, de la psicología, etc. Las jornadas del Congreso, sobre todo a través de las conferencias dadas a nivel de alta dignidad científica, han podido ofrecer criterios metodológicos de elaboración, interpretación y lectura, válidos y atendibles.
Se hizo notar esto ya al comPnzar las actividades del «Istituto Storico Salesiano»: «L'aspetto del "meraviglioso" inciderá nella selezione e nella raccolta del materiale documentario e, probabilmente, nell'intera storiografia di don Bosco, ponendo problemi che esigono soluzioni non avventate né semplicistiche. Del resto don Bosco stesso ha contribuito ad accentuare questo aspetto della sua storia [...]. In questa scia si snoda tutta un'agiografia e una storiografia, che ha inizio ben presto, vivente ancora don Bosco, spesso ricca di pathos emozionale, pur preoccupata dell'obiettività storica, singolarmente sensibile al fascino del protagonista, alle sue eccezionali capacità realizzatrici, alio straordinario e rapido irraggiamento sociale. Non vi si sottraggono nemmeno tre compilatori delle MB [...]. É desiderata una ricerca bibliografica, che di tale letteratura colga le caratteristiche e i fondamentali orientamenti metodologici,. con la progressiva evoluzione verso forme ed espressioni scientificamente vigilate» (en RSS 1 [1982] 20-22).
1.2. Importancia historiográfica de la tradición
Sin embargo, no parece justificada ninguna operación neoiluminista. Además de la riqueza de la documentación, de valor inestimable, recogida y transmitida por los diligentes «memorialistas» y cronistas, y por los mismos compiladores de las Memorias biográficas, ha de apreciarse en alto grado y cribarse seriamente la «especificidad» de su singular testimonio. También esa literatura «hace historia»: de don Bosco, de la tradición salesiana, de las «mentalidades» (del protagonista, de los discípulos, de los continuadores, de todo el mundo que los rodea). También sobre este punto han aparecido en el Congreso, desde el principio, criterios de lectura y de valoración: nadie ha hecho «antihagiografía». Han brotado más bien indicaciones útiles para un juicio equilibrado, fruto, al mismo tiempo, de rigor y de sabiduría historiográfica.
1.3. Problemática y valor de los escritos de don Bosco, editados e inéditos
Se ha escrito ya mucho sobre el nexo inseparable — para una comprensión e interpretación correctas — entre los escritos de don Bosco y su personalidad de hombre de acción, el contexto, los destinatarios, los fines (Siena, Farina, Braido...).2 De aquí nace la exigencia de un uso «interactivo», «interrelacional» de los mismos.
Se' pueden añadir otros dos problemas, metodológicamente importantes, sobre los que conviene que reflexione cualquiera que se aventure en el estudio de la personalidad de don Bosco y de su pensamiento:
1) la medida de implicación de don Bosco en cada uno de ellos (por ejem
2 Cf. P. BRAIDO, Significato e limiti della presenza del sistema educativo di don Bosco nei suoi scritti, en: S.G. Bosco, Scritti sul sistema preventivo nell'educazione della gioventú, Brescia, La Scuola 1965, p. XL-LVII; ID., Los escritos en la experiencia pedagógica de don Bosco, en: S. J. BOSCO, Obras fundamentales, edición dirigida por J. Canals Pujol y A. Martínez Azcona, Madrid, BAC 1978, p. 1-32. R. Farina afirma: «11 yero don Bosco é quello che risulta da una considerazione globale, unitaria e vitale, di tutti i suoi scritti, di tutte le sue realinazioni e scelte operative e di tutta la sua vita» (Leggere don Bosco oggi, en: P. BROCARDO [ed.], La formazione permanente interpella gli istituti religiosi, Leumann [Torino], Elle Di Ci, 1976, p. 351).
plo, La forza della buona educazione es, en gran medida, simple traducción de un opúsculo popular francés): de ahí la urgencia de una historia literaria que precise la autenticidad de cada uno, su origen, su dependencia;
2) el grado de «objetividad» de los testimonios, escritos y orales, de don Bosco sobre sucesos que se conectan con su persona y su obra: las conferencias, las conversaciones, los numerosos «apuntes históricos», las «memorias», las «exposiciones» y «noticias»; pueden resultar debilitados en su valor «histórico» propiamente dicho, aunque enriquecidos de otros significados, del entramado y superposición de otras intenciones y objetivos: animación de los colaboradores, edificación, logro de aprobaciones civiles o eclesiásticas, subrayados teológicos, denuncias, instrumentos «ad captandam benevolentiam» y para
obtener ayuda.'
2. Para la disponibilidad de documentos científicamente válidos
- Desde la fundación (decr. 23 dic. 1981, en vigor desde el 31 en. 1982), el «Istituto Storico Salesiano» ha elaborado un vasto programa de trabajo, comenzando por la edición genético-crítica de las fuentes consideradas como indispensables para cualquier tipo de investigación. Ofrece amplias posibilidades de colaboración, en parte ya en marcha, de estudiosos y de institutos científicos.
2.1. Escritos inéditos de don Bosco
Se ha hecho ya la edición de escritos «menores» en cuanto al volumen, pero fundamentales para el conocimiento de la doctrina pedagógica y espiritual. No hay que olvidar las complejas ediciones de las Constituciones SDB e HMA, editadas por F. Motto y C. Romero (1982, 1983). Esperan los sermones, las conferencias, etc. 2.2. Escritos editados
Está prevista la edición de los escritos que sacó impresos, sobre todo si existen redacciones autógrafas de don Bosco o varias ediciones significativas.
Merecen atención prioritaria los Regolamenti (del oratorio, de las casas y otros para actividades particulares), de gran relieve pedagógico y normativo y sobre los que existe un rico legado manuscrito autógrafo de don Bosco y de sus más próximos colaboradores.
Un ejemplo: en documentos «históricos» diversos, redactados en tiempos y con finalidades diferentes, don Bosco indica fechas no idénticas al origen real (¿ideal?) de la Sociedad salesiana: cf. P. BRAMO, L'idea della societi salesiana nel «Cenno istorico» di don Bosco del 1873/1874, en RSS 6 (1987) 256-260.
2.3. Las «Memorie dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales»
Son merecedoras de especial atención por la excepcional importancia que les atribuye don Bosco, que — como declara en sustancia en la página de introducción — no las entiende principalmente como autobiografía o como «historia», sino, sobre todo, como reevocación «teológica» de los orígenes y de los primeros pasos del «Oratorio» en función de proyecto y norma.
2.4. El epistolario (v. comunicación Motto)
2.5. Documentos de la congregación con el sello de don Bosco
Don Bosco, fundador, superior y educador, desempeña un papel determinante en la vida de la Sociedad salesiana. Debe reservarse, pues, un lugar privilegiado a la edición de documentos importantes que se refieren al gobierno de la Congregación salesiana, en los que se perciben intervenciones asiduas y densas de don Bosco: las Actas y las Crónicas de las Conferencias generales de los directores de las casas, las Actas de las reuniones del Capítulo superior (ahora Consejo general) y, desde 1877, las Actas y los Documentos de los Capítulos generales (1877, 1880, 1883, 1886).
2.6. Testimonios coetáneos: crónicas, memorias, anales
Son fuentes ampliamente utilizadas por los compiladores de las Memorias biográficas. Pero falta una visión unitaria y crítica del vasto y heterogéneo material y una valoración adecuada en relación con la personalidad de los diversos redactores, con el contexto, con su credibilidad.
2.7. Los procesos canónicos para la beatificación y canonización de don Bosco Está en estudio la oportunidad «historiográfica» de su edición crítica.
2.8. Crónicas y epistolarios de salesianos que tuvieron especiales relaciones con don Bosco
Sobre todo en la última fase de la vida de don Bosco, aparecen figuras significativas que trabajaron en el Viejo y en el Nuevo Continente (Rua, Bodrato, Cagliero, Costamagna, Cerruti, Barberis...), que compartieron con don Bosco
responsabilidades importantes. Con frecuencia, algunos de ellos están en posesión de conocimientos y de interpretaciones de problemas y de proyectos no siempre iguales a los de don Bosco que se encuentra lejos: esto vale especialmente para una definición de la postura real de don Bosco frente a los problemas de los emigrados y de las misiones. La edición de documentos y epistolarios (iniciada ya con la edición de la Crónica de L. Lasagna por A. Ferreira da Silva, y del Epistolario de F. Bodrato por J. Borrego) podrá iluminar zonas aún inexploradas de la historia de don Bosco y de los suyos.
El programa delineado presenta una vasta área de investigación, que, naturalmente, no quiere ser monopolio del ISS, sino que está abierta a todos los estudiosos y centros de estudio que lo deseen. Está en marcha una primera coordinación de iniciativas. Por lo demás, trabajan ya desde hace añós en esta dirección el «Centro Studi Don Bosco» y las Facultades de la Universidad Pontificia Salesiana.
3. Un problema capital: una «historia» de don Bosco
El trabajo sobre las fuentes y otras documentaciones no atenúa la espera de una «nueva» síntesis biográfica total sobre don Bosco, una «historia» que trace con rigor las líneas de su vida y sus obras, sus ideas y sus proyectos, su significado y su influencia a lo largo del siglo XIX y después.
Son, sin duda alguna, útiles y deseables las aportaciones monográficas con distintas ópticas: biografía, hagiografía, pedagogía, espiritualidad, psicología, sociología, cultura, apologética, teología, etc.4 Pero para su-validez no se puede prescindir en ellas de una buena base histórica. No basta escribir «nuevos» libros sobre don Bosco si no se parte de un modo mejor y más al día de «hacer historia»?
Con ocasión del Centenario, han aparecido ensayos estimulantes, aunque de valor desigual; por ejemplo: S. QUINZIO, Domande sulla santitl. Don Bosco, Cafasso, Cottolengo, Torino, Gruppo Abele 1986; F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nena storia della cultura popolare, Torino, SEI 1987; S. PALUMBLERI, Don Bosco e l'uomo nell'orizzonte del personalismo, Torino, Gribaudi 1987; G. DACQUINO, Psicologia di don Bosco, Torino, SEI 1988; P. BRAIDO (ed.), Don Bosco nella Chiesa, Roma, LAS 1988; M. GUASCO - P. SCOPPOLA - F. TRANIELLO, Don Bosco e le sfide della modernitá, Torino, Centro Studi «C. Trabucco» 1988; R. GIANNATELLI (ed.), Pensiero e prassi di don Bosco, Roma, LAS 1988; C. NANNI (ed.), Don Bosco e la sua esperienza pedagogica, Roma, LAS1989.
Cf. BRAIDO, en RSS 7 (1988) 465; C. NANNI, Conclusioni, en: Don Bosco e la sua esperienza pedagogica, p. 236-239.
3.1. Una biografía con visión total
En esta perspectiva, como ya se ha hecho notar,6 aparecen como ejemplares — en relación con otros tiempos y con mentalidades diferentes — en las intenciones y por su diseño total, aunque no siempre por el método y la ejecución, los biógrafos clásicos de don Bosco — Lemoyne, Amadei, Cenia — con obras de síntesis, que acompañaron y completaron el trabajo realizado en torno a las Memorias biográficas. Los tres procuraron atender «a la potencial totalidad de la imagen»,' desde la Vita escrita por Lemoyne (1911-1914), al Don .Bosco e il suo apostolato de A. Amadei (1929, 1940) y al Don Bosco nella vita e nelle opere (1938) de E. Cenia. Con denso sentido de lo esencial, les sigue y supera P. Stella con el primer volumen (Vita e opere) del trabajo fundamental Don Bosco nella storia della religiositá cattolica. Está en marcha ahora un valiente intento de F. Desramaut que, con un primer fascículo (el VIII) de sus Etudes préalables pour une biographie de saint Jean Bosco (Lyon 1988), seguido de otros ocho, prepara una extensa biografía de don Bosco.
Parece indispensable tener presentes al menos dos orientaciones preliminares básicas:
1) no «sectorialización» de don Bosco (o santo o gerente o educador o maestro de espiritualidad o editor o soñador o apologeta, etc.), sino referencia constante, en cualquier estudio especializado , a la realidad unitaria de su figura: que es la de sacerdote-educador del siglo XIX con una mentalidad y cultura determinadas, con méritos y límites; 8
2) igual llamada constante a su individualidad concreta, singular (y original), que no tiene nada que ver con la imposibilidad de reducir los esquemas y subrayar líneas típicas de realismo, oportunidad, vitalidad, disponibilidad ante los resultados, etc. .
3.2. Devenir de don Bosco
Parece lógico tener presente la exigencia de mirar hacia el dinamismo de Don Bosco y la evolución de su vida y sus obras, aun en la identidad básica y la fidelidad a los principios. En esta línea se han hecho sugerencias valiosas, sobre todo en la conferencia de Pazzaglia y en la comunicación de Schepens, además de los puntos de vista interesantes sobre la "modernidad" por Traniello, Scoppola, Stella. Es un tipo de investigación que sor
6 Cf. BRAmo, Presentazione del vol. Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 6-9.
7 Ibid., Pág. 7.
Cf. P. STELLA, Le ricerche su don Bosco nel venticinquennio 1960-1985, en: BRAmo (ed.), Don Bosco nella Chiesa, p. 387-388, y Lo studio and gli studi su don Bosco e sul suo pensiero pedagogico-educativo. Problemi e prospettive, en: J. VECCHI - JM PRELT EZO (eds.), Prassi educativa pastorale and scienze dell'educazione, Roma, Editrice SDB 1988, pág. 32-33.
prender positivamente a quien esté acostumbrado a ver a don Bosco grande y programado desde la infancia, puro ejecutor de un plan ya preconcebido en otro lugar (confundiendo teología con historia, causalidad trascendente y "causas segundas").
3.3. Un devenir en contexto
En este devenir entrada, como elementos integrantes, impulsos, colaboraciones, resistencias, que provienen tanto del mundo interno (el Oratorio de Valdocco, ante todo) como el «externo»: el mismo ambiente físico físico (la pobreza y las estreches), La cultura que envuelve a los jóvenes, los colaboradores, los bienhechores, los admiradores y los detractores, las autoridades civiles, las políticas y las religiosas. Óptimas aportaciones en esta línea ofreció los estudios de P. Stella, especialmente en Don Bosco, nella storia economice and sociale 1815-1870 (Roma 1980), y, en el curso del Congreso, la conferencia de JM Prellezo (pero ya antes sus suscribir investigaciones sobre la letra sui castighi da infliggersi nelle ' caso de ventas de 1883 y sobre la lectura del sistema preventivo hecho por parte de los primeros colaboradores de don Bosco y la comunicación de Bracco. Una investigación biográfica sobre don Bosco difícilmente puede prescindir del estudio de figuras como Borel, Cafasso, Rua, Cagliero, Durando, Bonetti, Cerruti, Lazzero, etc.
El conjunto de las partes anteriores, parece inevitable pensar, para una historia, en un complejo de referencias, fuentes y métodos: «distinguir para unir», «componer, más que oponer».
4. Algunos ejemplos de temas que se plantean
De una visión global de las vicisitudes biográficas de Don Bosco y de las aportaciones en este Congreso, parece que se han convertido en algunos puntos “críticos” o “especialmente relevantes”, “merecen” una atención especial por Parte de los estudios e investigadores.
4.1. Los «comienzos» de don Bosco
Uno de los puntos capitales, que parece estar en el mismo sentido global de la personalidad de don Bosco, es el conocimiento y la valoración de lo que él mismo, frecuentemente, evoca como «comienzos»: de la Vida propia, de los estudios, del oratorio. Es decisivo reconstruir más allá de las «proyecciones» posteriores a los hechos y, a veces, muy lejanas a ellos. Se mezclan varios tipos de consideraciones, favorecidos por él mismo, con frecuencia único, testigo: teórico, teológico, funcional, práctico-operativo, que el investigador debe cribar con circunspección y equilibrio crítico.
4.2. Don Bosco en la Iglesia, local y universal.
Se ha resaltado acertadamente la complejidad del problema, que es una mezcla difícil de eclesiología teórica y eclesialidad vívida (ponencia de Laboa). Don Bosco es «sacerdote católico», actúa «totalmente» en la Iglesia. No es posible «hacer historia». De ahí nace la necesidad de profundizar en las variadas relaciones con la autoridad eclesiástica: papas, obispos (ante todo, Fransoni, Riccardi di Netro, Gastaldi, Moreno, Ghilardi, Ferré, Aneiros ...), curia romana (cardenales, prelados, consultores ...); Teniendo muy presente la conciencia que él es para la propia misión, un favor de la juventud, las responsabilidades del fundador y, por tanto, el entramado de libertad,
En una perspectiva análoga, puede ser un útil objeto de investigación El puesto que se asigna Don Bosco al laicado en la Iglesia y en el ámbito del «movimiento salesiano»: colaboradores, bienhechores, «cooperadores», sin contar las largas filas de simpatizantes y opositores .
4.3. Las relaciones con la sociedad civil y la otra cultura.
Las ponencias de Poulat, Traniello y Scoppola nos han sugerido reflexiones sustanciales sobre este punto, con la posibilidad de verificar (como una referencia al tema de la Iglesia). composición entre una relativa rigidez «cultural» de principio por una parte y una praxis sumamente flexible y anticipadora por otra.
4.4. Don Bosco y la «cultura popular»
La situación de la paz y la comunicación de Malgeri han señalado caminos fecundos a la investigación. Entre otras cosas, está en juego el mismo carácter "popular" de toda la empresa religiosa, educativa y social de Don Bosco y la posibilidad de irradiar con amplitud el "sistema salesiano" (Traniello).
Se podría proponer como campo significativo de investigación el empeño de don Bosco «escritor y editor para el pueblo».
45. Don Bosco y los problemas de los emigrantes y las misiones
P. Stella ha ofrecido sobre el tema una primera síntesis -en el primer volumen de la obra Don Bosco nella storia della religiositá cattolica (Le missioni d'America, p. 167- 186). J. Borrego, en las investigaciones anteriores, en la síntesis y en los congresistas, los elementos esenciales del "proyecto misionero" de don Bosco.
Ahora y en adelante, el poder disponer de nuevas fuentes (editado por el mismo J. Borrego ha aparecido recientemente en la edición crítica del Epistolario del primer inspector salesiano en América, F. Bodrato; y está en preparación, como trabajo de A. Ferreira da Silva, el de L. Lasagna), se ha hecho posible una profundización más realista de los diversos problemas: ante todo, como fundamental, la coincidencia o la disparidad entre la conciencia que don Bosco tiene desde lejos de la realidad y los proyectos y La experiencia directa de las situaciones y las posibilidades reales que tenían los que trabajaban en el lugar.
4.6. Don Bosco, fundador de los salesianos
No se trata sólo de la historia de la familia, ni Don Bosco ha incidido con los salesianos en el sentido de la historia.
Se han enfrentado y con notables avances (Stella, Desramaut, Lema, Braido) muchos problemas relacionados con el desarrollo, los tiempos de la aprobación, el tipo de sociedad religiosa. Queda, en cambio, casi totalmente por estudiar - además de los «orígenes» - el problema de la estructuración y la «fundación» efectiva desde dentro: en la sustancia, la aportación real de don Bosco al plasmar la Congregación como realidad «religiosa» y «Educativa», al modelar su rostro característico y su «espíritu»; y, como consecuencia, el empeño en la organización del currículo formativo, inicial y permanente, de los miembros eclesiásticos y laicos, en la triple dimensión de educadores «religiosos» profesionalmente competentes.
4.7. Don Bosco fundador- «cofundador» del Instituto de la HMA
Los primeros notables resultados de las investigaciones llevados a cabo por Sor Deleidi y Sor Posada han puesto de manifiesto la oportunidad de proseguir el valioso trabajo que está en marcha, para profundizar en el plano histórico concreto, y no tanto jurídico-formal, la «relación confundida» sobre la que insistió en el promotor de la fe en el curso del proceso para la beatificación de Santa María Dominga Mazzarello. De las dos publicaciones de comunicaciones al Congreso, ha resaltado la conveniencia de una colaboración interdisciplinaria, a la vez que se ha aportado a la cooperación de los estudios de don Bosco.
4.8. Lo «extraordinario» en don Bosco «soñador» y «taumaturgo»
Además de una literatura acrítica y de divulgación, hay sobre la materia una buena aportación de P. Stella (Don Bosco nella storia della religiositá cattolica, vol. II, p. 507 -569) y de Sor C. Romero (Sogni di don Bosco, edición crítica de diez importantes sueños de los que existen manuscritos autógrafos de don Bosco). Pero el tema en su conjunto está todavía por explorar: edición y crítica de las fuentes, estudio, profundización.
En conclusión: es un vasto programa, que supone planos de ejecución detallados; pero exige, sobre todo, la máxima gama de colaboraciones, dirigidos a un único objetivo: conocer más y mejor a don Bosco, que trabaja en la Iglesia y en la sociedad, por parte, ante todo, en el presente documento. en la misma Iglesia, aunque metidos en sociedades y culturas diferentes.
ÍNDICE DE NOMBRES DE PERSONA
ACCORNERO F., 164 (n. 11), 173 (n. 41).
ACERBI A., 532 (y n. 14), 534.
ADIUANO VI, 154.
AGATHON P. 284.
AGNELLI G., 106, 249 (y n. 44).
AousrIN (s.), 147, 149.
AIGRAIN R., 49 (n. 39).
ALARA GA, 163, 172.
ALASONATFI V., 81.
ALBALAT Y PUIGCERVER C., 199.
ALBANO S., 341.
ALBERA P., 225 (n. 31), 354 (n. 58), 335 (n. 7),
351 (n. 48).
ALBERDI R, 11, 12, 31, 179, 182 (n. 25), 184 (n.
38), 186 (n. 46), 191 (n. 80), 193 (n. 87), 335
(n. 7), 351 (n. 48), 475 (y n. 1), 499 (y n) .
97).
ALBEIUCH E., 132 (n. 101), 359 (n. 11), 366 (n.
37).
ALBEIUGO G., 17, 534 (n. 16).
ALEXANDRE B., 96 (n. 3).
ALFONSO DE LIGORIO (s.), 131, 149, 150 (y n.
22), 160 (y n. 3), 161, 164, 165 (y n. 13),
166, 169 (y n. 27), 171, 172 (y n. 36), 264,
296, 385, 389 .
ALLBERTI G., 35 (y n. 31).
AuvRERA J., 1922 195.
ALZON E. d ', 94.
ALLAMANo G., 161, 170 (n. 30).
ALLAVENA GB, 462 (n. 22).
ALLIEVO G., 319 (n. 8).
AMADEI A .. 37, 38 (y nn. 7, 8, 9), 45, 51, 60, 62,
117 (n. 31), 200 (n. 4), 542.
AMADEO DE SABOYA (S.), 155.
AMADEO IDE SABOYA, 157, 188.
Atvua P., 256 (n. 77).
ANDRÉS GALLEGO J., 187 (n. 57).
ANEIROS LF, 544.
ANFOSSI GB, 44, 141, 325.
ANGELINI G., 131 (n. 98).
ANSELMETIT E., 434 (n. 16).
ANTÓN A., 120 (n. 43), 130.
BARICCO P., 314 (y n. 29), 337 (n. 11).
BAROLO FALFITI G. ni, 167 (n. 18), 170 (n. 33),
174 (y n. 48), 225 (n. 29).
BARRAQUER C., 192, 195.
BARRUEL A., 151 (n. 24).
BAasorn D., 172 (n. 35).
BASART V., 195.
BAUDELAIRE, 451.
BAYO MJ, 507, 540, 541.
BEAUVOIR, 341.
BECCHIO C., 341.
BEDESCIII L. van, 417 (n. 10), 430 (n. 6).
BEEMOVEN L., 451, 452.
BELARDINELLI M., 122 (y n. 55), 128 (n. 82), 147
(n. 7).
BELAEmEsio R. (s.), 254 (n. 68).
BELMONTE D., 347, 354.
BELTRAMI A., 39.
BELZA J., 458 (n. 5), 462 (n. 23), 458 (n. 5).
BELLERArE B., 12, 17, 31, 317 (y n. 1), 323 (n.
20), 361 (y n. 21).
BELLI A., 377 (n. 15).
BENDISCIOLI M., 286 (n. 93).
Benedicto XII 151 (n. 24).
BENEDICTO XIV, 141 (n. 24), 152.
BENEDICTO XV, 228 (n. 41).
BERCASTEL A.-H., 146.
BERENGO M., 423 (n. 31).
BERGIER NS, 384 (n. 54).
BERNARD C., 297.
BERNASCONI A., 341.
BERNO P., 341.
BERNÓN (s.), 155.
BERRONE A., 44.
BERT A., 376.
BERTAGNA G., 44, 161.
BERTELLO G., 326 (n. 32).
BERTO G., 41, 42, 44, 51, 62, 83, 215 (n. 40).
BERTOLINO G., 245 (n. 29).
BERTON AP, 435.
BERTONE T., 11, 18.
BERTONI G., 165, 167.
BERTONI JOVINE D., 414 (n. 5), 416 (n. 8), 423
(n. 32).
BÉRULLE P., 171.
BESUCO F., 42, 178.
BESUCCO F., 178, 282 (y n. 81), 311, 312 (y nn.
25, 26), 327, 365, 374 (n. 5), 375, 376, 378
(n. 17), 384 (y n. 57), 386 (nn. 67, 68), 388,
390 (n. 81), 394, 430, 447 (n. 29).
& num) Ch., 47 (n. 34).
BErn G., 409.
BIANCARDI A., 409.
BIFFI G., 352 (n. 52).
Bulo L., 403.
BINEr A., 297.
BINI P., 341.
BIRAGHI L., 165.
BILUCENBIEHL J., 83.
Bisio GB, 44.
BISOGNI S., 11, 18.
BLANCA F., 324.
Bosaio N., 35.
BODRATO F., 405 (n. 58), 465 (n. 32), 540, 545.
BOFARULL Y DE PLANDOLIT P. de, 191.
BOFARULL Y DE PLANDour M 'A. de, 190.
Bomo G., 341.
BOLGIANI F., 33, 34 (y n. 26).
BOLOGNA G., 354 (n. 58).
BOLLATI G., 417 (n. 12).
BONA C., 160 (nn. 2, 3), 249 (n. 47).
BONALD VGA de, 160 (n. 3).
BONCOMPAGNI C., 319 (y nn. 6, 7).
BONET I BALTÁ J., 189 (n. 66), 203 (n. 141).
BONETTI G., 42 (y n. 16), 43, 46, 48 (y n. 36),
55, 56, 81, 132, 148, 180 (n. 19), 208 (n. 6),
306 ( nn. 13, 15), 309 (n. 20), 348 (n. 40),
408 (n. 92), 446, 500, 543.
BONGIOANNI D., 44.
BONGIOANNI M., 431 (n. 8).
BONGIOVANNI G., 402.
BONOMELLI G., 157 (y n. 43), 428 (n. 54).
BORDAS T., 82 (y n. 6), 83, 84 (n. 12).
BOREL G., 81, 161, 233, 300, 304, 396, 543.
BORIO E., 341.
BORREGO J., 11, 12, 17, 31, 457, 458 (n. 5), 462
(nn. 21, 23), 468 (n. 40), 541, 544, 545.
BORRONEO C., (s.), 147, 156, 328, 429.
BORSARELLI RM, 170 (n. 33).
BOSELLI P., 400 (n. 32).
Jefe I.-B., 160 (n. 3), 254 (n. 68).
BOTTA B., 414 (n. 3), 445.
Boura £, 47 (n. 34).
BoyE G., 462 (y n. 23).
BGWERS E., 74 (n. 11).
BRACCO G., 12, 17, 77 (n. 16), 231 (y n. 1), 351
(n. 49), 543.
BRAMO P., 11, 12, 17, 22 (n. 4), 23 (y n.7), 24
(n.8), 25, 26 (n. 13), 29, 30 (y n. 21) , 37 (n.
3), 58 (n. 59), 77 (n. 16), 106, 114 (n. 21),
122 (n. 55), 124 (n. 62), 125 (n. 66), 127 (y
nn. 74, 77), 131 (n. 97), 132 (n. 102), 134 (y
n. 110), 147 (nn. 6, 7, 9), 162 (n. 7), 172 (n .
37), 240 (n. 17), 244 (n. 28), 245 (n. 32), 247
(n. 39), 253 (n. 65), 255 (n. 71), 259 (n. 2 ),
260 (y mi. 3, 4, 6), 261 (mi. 7, 8), 262 (n.
10), 263 (n. 15), 265 (nn. 22, 23), 266 (n. 28), 267 (n. 29), 268 (mi. 31, 33), 272 (mi. 49-51) , 273 (mi. 52, 54), 274 (y nn. 55, 57), 279 (n. 71), 280 (n. 74), 281 (n. 78), 284 (y nn. 86, 88, 89), 288 (mi. 99, 101), 299 (n. 1), 300 (n. 3), 304 (n. 10), 306 (n. 15), 307 (n. 17), 314 (n . 30), 317 (y n. 4), 320 (n. 9), 322 (y nn. 18, 19), 326 (n. 30), 339 (n. 16), 359 (n. 12), 360 (y n. 17), 361 (n. 17), 365 (y n. 34), 373 (n. 1), 391 (y n. 85), 392 (y nn. 86, 87), 416 ( n. 8), 419 (n. 19), 420 (nn. 21, 23), 426 (n. 50), 441 (y n. 2), 449 (n. 31), 455, 458 (nn. 5). , 6), 465 (n. 32), 469 (y n. 43), 471 (n. 49), 509 (n. 9), 511 (y n. 22), 515 (n. 1), 526, 538 (y n. 2) 539 (n. 3), 541 (mi. 4, 5), 542 (nn. 6-8), 545.
BRANDA G., 44, 48, 192 (n. 85), 354, 500 (y n. 100).
BRASIER V., 168 (n. 20).
BRAVO GM, 237 (y n. 1), 416 (n. 8).
BRESCIANI A., 159, 417 (y n. 10).
BRE = C., 151 (n. 25).
BRIGNOLE GC, 160.
BROC.ARDO P., 73 (n. 10), 86 (n. 16), 128 (n. 83), 373 (n. 2), 538 (n. 2).
BRONSINO, 303 (n. 9).
BRUNO C., 31, 458 (n. 5), 466 (n. 36), 470 (n. 45).
BULFERETIT L., 416 (n. 8).
BURDÉUS A ,, 179 (n. 7).
BURZIO G., 264 (y mi. 19, 20).
BUZZETIT G., 347, 402.
CACCIATORE G., 164 (n. 12), 169 (n. 27).
CAFASSO G. (s.), 33 (n. 25), 42, 52-54, 131 (n. 98), 136, 155, 161, 162, 164 (y n. 11), 168, 170 (n. 30), 173 (y n. 41), 174, 233, 238, 245 (n. 30), 260, 261 (y n. 7), 264, 300, 304, 305, 310, 375, 376, 383, 390, 396, 541, 543.
CAGLIERO Giov., 44, '48, 122 (n. 56), 180 (n. 14), 192 (n. 85), 211 (n. 17), 216 (y n. 41), 222 (mi. 15) , 16), 223 (nn. 16, 17), 228 (y n. 41), 348 (n. 42), 388 (y n. 77), 408, 453, 462 (n. 22), 465 (n 33), 468 (nn. 41, 42), 478481 (y mi. 22, 23), 484, 489, 497 (y mi. 84, 87), 503, 540, 543.
GAGUEA () Gius., 408.
CAIROLI B., 248 (n. 42).
CALABIANA L., 402.
CALAFELL Y CALAFELL SM, 192.
CALONGHI L., 26 (n. 13).
CALOSSO G., 46, 52, 53, 364.
CALvEsio, 131, 151, 152 (n. 26), 154.
CALmAiu P., 161 (n. 5).
CALLOIU C., 400 (n. 32).
CAMACHO CARBAJO V., 488 (n. 52).
CAMAIANI PG, 96 (n. 1), 128 (n. 80), 151 (n.
25).
CAMIN A., 204.
CAMPANINI G., 531 (y n. 12).
CAMPI G., 211 (n. 17), 213 (y n. 29), 223 (mi.
15, 16).
CAMPOS Y FABRÉS A., 192.
CANALS PUJOL J., 509 (n. 10), 538 (n. 2).
CANDELORO G., 413 (n. 2).
CANESTRI G., 319 (n. 8), 346 (n. 36), 423 (n.
32).
CArrni C., 415 (n. 6), 417 (y n. 9), 418.
CAPITÁN G., 31, 221 (n. 10).
CAPPELLARI M., 148.
CAPR1LE C., 151 (n. 24).
CARBAJAL L., 464 (n. 27), 465 (n. 31), 466 (mi.
35, 36), 467 (n. 38), 469 (n. 44).
CARBONERO Y SOL L., 476 (y n. 5), 483, 499.
CARLO ALBERTO, 237, 393, 416 (y n. 8).
CARLO FELICE, 318.
CARLOMAGNO, 55, 56.
CARPANO G., 305.
CARTIER L., 352.
CASACCIA G., 377 (n. 15), 379 (y n. 25).
CASALIS G., 308 (y n. 19).
CASAÑAS S., 192, 193 (n. 88), 195 (y n. 102).
CASATI (min.), 279, 319 (y n. 8), 336, 401.
CASATI M., 254 (y n. 68).
CASELLE S., 54 (n. 51).
CAsorn M., 360 (n. 13), 368 (n. 42).
CASSANO G., 216 (n. 41), 228 (n. 41).
CASTELLANI A., 172 (n. 35), 261 (n. 9), 339 (n.
17).
CASTELLI F., 414 (n. 3).
CASTELLINO 0., 436.
Crasis JM, 188 (n. 59).
CASTILLO LARA R., 457 (n. 1).
CASTRONOVO V., 529 (n. 9).
CAVAGLIA P., 31, 208 (n. 3).
CAVIGLIA A., 29 (n. 20), 209 (y n. 11), 267 (n.
29), 281 (y n. 79), 391 (y n. 83), 458 (y n.
4), 464 (y mi. 28, 30).
CAVOUR C., 73, 161 (n. 5), 238 (n. 5).
CAVOUR G., 73.
CAVOUR M., 161 (n. 5), 233, 234, 300 (y n. 3).
CAYETANO DE THIENE (s.), 156.
CAYS C., 125 (n. 69), 179 (y n. 4).
CECCA F., 389 (n. 79).
CECCARELLI P., 457 (n. 2).
CERIA E., 23 (n. 7), 24, 27, 37, 39 (y n. 10), 40,
45, 48, 51, 56, 60, 61, 62 (y n. 65), 63, 64 , 71
(n. 7), 75 (y n. 12), 76, 78, 191, 209 (n. 10),
333, 350 (n. 46), 452, 453, 457 (n. 3), 542 .
CERRATO N., 31.
CERRUTI F., 22 (y n. 3), 31, 42, 44, 324 (n. 23),
327, 328 (n. 39), 329 (y mi. 40, 41), 330 (y
n. 43 ), 540, 543.
CÉSAR J., 39.
CESAR 'A., 169 (n. 28), 172 (n. 35).
CESSAC M. de, 63 (n. 70).
CLAN L., 361 (y n. 22).
CIBRAMO L., 157.
CICERONE MT, 39.
CimArri V., 362 (y n. 27).
CINI Ch., 132 (n. 102).
CIPOLLA C., 436 (nn. 28, 30).
CIPRIANO D., 341.
CLÉMENCEAU, 102, 104.
QPmarr A., 48 (y n. 37).
CLEMENTE DE ALEJANDRÍA, 507.
Coccm G., 161, 244, 261 (año 9), 262 (y n.
10), 301-305, 310, 311, 337 (u. 11), 396 (n.
9).
CODIGNOLA E., 23.
COFFELE G., 11.
CTA. = A., 34 (n. 28).
COLBACHINI P., 463 (n. 25).
CoLomso A., 11.
CoLomso R., 455.
CoLomPo U., 156 (n. 40).
COLL Y VEHI J., 191 (n. 82), 197 (y n. 115).
COLLAVERI F., 151 (n. 24). .
CoLLET P., 389 (n. 79).
Carbón C., 209 (y n. 12), 359 (n. 10).
COMBES E., 102, 104.
COMBONI D., 459 (y n. 10).
COMENIO A., 508.
Como = L., 42, 177 (y n. 61), 249, 263 (y n.
18), 264 (n. 20), 365, 375, 376, 380 (y n.
35), 382 (y ti. 42), 384 (y n. 57), 386 (n. 66),
388, 430, 444 (y n. 13).
CONDREN Ch. de, 171, 172 (n. 35).
CONFORTOLA F., 405 (n. 58).
CONGAR YM, 130.
CONSALVI E., 159.
CONSTANTINO (Imp.), 36.
CORAZZIN L., 435 (y n. 24).
CORNO G., 44.
CORNOLDI CM, 146 (y n. 2).
CORRENTI C., 285 (y n. 91), 286.
CORTÉS D., 90, 98, 99, 149, 195.
COSTA A., 207 (n. 2).
COSTA G., 361 (n. 17), 365 (n. 34), 419 (n. 19).
COSTAMAGNA G., 216 (y n. 42), 229, 388, 453,
462 (n. 22), 471 (n. 51), 540.
COTTOLENGO G., (s.), 33 (n. 25), 155, 160, 170
(y n. 32), 237, 238 (y n. 6), 398, 541 (n. 4).
Comuna PA, 96 (n. 3).
CIUSPI F., 157.
CRISPOLTI F., 25.
CRIvELLIN EW, 435 (n. 23).
CROCE B., 417 (n. 9).
CUFFIA (hnos.), 409.
CURCI C.M '., 119, 124, 146 (y nn. 2, 3), 156,
157 (n. 42).
CUSMANO G., 242 (y n. 25).
CZARTORYSKI A., 405 (n. 58).
CHATEAUBIUAND F.-R., 149.
CHAUTARD J.-B., 104.
CHAuvEr LM, 393 (n. 93).
CHENIS C., 11.
CHERUBINI A., 246 (n. 34).
CHERUBINI L., 453.
CHULA C., 464 (n. 29), 465 (n. 35), 467 (n. 39),
405 (n. 58).
CHIAVEROTTI C., 161 (n. 5).
CHIEREGATI F., 154.
CIEROTTI L., 170 (nn. 30, 31).
CHIESA GB, 341.
ClitOCCHEITA P., 458 (n. 10).
Cmosso G., 12, 262 (n. 10), 266 (n. 28), 299,
361 (n. 17), 363 (n. 32), 416 (mi. 7, 8).
CarrroLimi G., 165 (n. 15).
CHOPITEA DE SERRA D., 179, 187, 190, 191, 192
(y n. 85), 195 (n. 102).
D'AGUAN ° R, 160, 161.
D'ALzom E., 94.
D'ORstomv A., 462.
D'AZEGLIO C., 329, 443.
DA FELTRE V., 507.
DA POIRINO CF, 377 (n. 13), 378 (n. 20), 379,
380 (n. 27), 388 (n. 78), 446.
DA VAI.ENZA E., 378 (n. 20).
DACQUINO G., 32 (y n. 24) 155 (n. 37), 239 (n.
10), 242 (n. 25), 245 (y n. 31), 246 (n. 33),
251 (n. 54), 253 (n. 61), 255, 361 (y n. 23),
368 (n. 42), 369 (n. 43), 541 (n. 49).
DAGHERO G., 403.
DAL CovoLo E., 11, 18.
DALmAzzo F., 44, 83, 175 (n. 49).
DALLE NOGARE L., 414 (n.
DALLY, 462.
DANNA C., 308 (y n. 18).
DANTE A., 453.
DAVICO M., 341.
DAVIS HF, 156 (n. 41).
DE AGOSTINI A., 250, 463 (n. 24).
DE FORT E., 414 (n. 5).
DE LUNA G., 414 (n. 4), 430 (n. 4).
DE MARTINO E.; 413 (n. 3).
DE 1VIArro P., 382 (n. 43).
DE MAURO T., 436 (y n. 29).
DE ROSA G., 164 (n. 12), 165 (n. 13), 433 (y n.
15), 435 (n. 22), 443 (n. 11), 530 (y n. 10).
DE SANcrts F., 413 (y n. 2), 417 (y n. 9), 418 (y
n. 16), 429 (y n. 2).
DE SANTA F., 435 (n. 25).
DEL BUFALO G. (s.), 165 (y n. 14), 167.
DELEHAYE H., 49.
DELEIDI A., 11, 12, 31, 207.
DELGADO B., 12, 505.
DELGROSSO G., 341.
DELUMEAU J., 153 (n. 31).
DELLA PERLITA F., 430 (n. 5).
DESANCTIS L., 376 (y n. 10), 377 (n. 15), 379 (y
n. 25).
DESCARTES R., 145.
DEsPAmAur F., 12, 17, 24, 25 (y n. 11), 57 (n.
57), 72 (n. 8), 116 (n. 28), 119, 120 (n. 41),
121 (n. 49), 133 (y n. 108), 155 (n. 37), 180
( n. 10), 292, 294, 395 (n. 3), 405 (n. 64),
542, 545.
DESROCHE H., 297.
DÉrrom GM, 162 (n. 8).
DEVECCHI G., 341, 388.
DHOTEL J.C1., 378 (y n. 19).
DI LIBERO G., 165 (n. 14).
DI MEO V., 170 (n. 32).
Di Pot, RS., 351 (y n. 49).
DIESSBACH NJ de, 160 (n. 2), 249.
DCILLINGER L von, 118.
DOGLIANI, 388, 453.
Domihrta E., 225 (y nn. 29, 30).
Dom-PÉ E., 42.
DONAT CARININ C., 33.
DONTZETIT G., 453.
DOUCHESNE L., 49.
Du BOYS A., 502 (n. 108).
DUGINI D., 74 (n. 11).
DUPANLOUP F., 99, 111, 118, 284, 296, 329.
DUPUY M., 259 (n. 1).
DURÁN Y BAS M., 187.
DURANDO C., 69 (n. 4), 323 (n. 21), 349 (n. 42).
DURANDO F., 543.
DURANDO M., 170 (mi. 30, 31), 310.
DURICA M., 168 (n. 20).
ENIUA P., 42, 44, 246 (y n. 35), 255.
ENRIQUE VIII, 154.
ENRIÚ, 341.
EtsiTRAtoAS R., 458 (n. 5), 465 (n. 32), 466 (n.
35), 467 (n. 38).
ERASMO, 507.
ESCOLANO A., 192 (n. 85).
ESPINEY Ch. d', 502 (n. 108).
ESPINOSA J.M., 6.
FABRITIO F., 439 (n. 40).
FAGNANO G., 132 (n. 103), 404, 457 (n. 2), 462
(n. 22), 468 (n. 41), 471 (n. 51).
FALZONE M.T., 242 (n. 25).
FAmautu G., 436.
FARINA G., 341.
FARINA M., 11.
FARINA R, 12, 17, 73 (n. 10), 81, 128 (n. 83), 86
(n. 16), 472 (n. 52), 538 (n. 2).
FARREL VINAY G., 444 (n. 22).
FASSATI E., 177, 178 (n. 62).
FAYA C., 70 (n. 5).
FAVALE A., 457 (n. 1), 458 (n. 7), 461 (n. 15).
FELIPE NERI (s.), 150, 155, 167, 169 (y nn. 26,
29), 175, 176 (y n. 54), 177 (n. 60), 254 (n.
68), 264 (y n. 22), 265 (y n. 25), 296, 400.
FELIÚ Y PÉREZ B., 183, 193 (y n. 90), 194 (n.
93), 204, 206.
FENYCI V., 81 (n. 1), 83, 84 (y n. 11).
FERNÁNDEZ C., 488 (n. 52), 489, 490 (y mi. 57,
58), 491, 494 (mi. 76, 77), 498 (y nn. 88, 89,
91), 499.
FERNANDO VII, 481 (n. 20).
FERRARI A., 417 (n. 10).
FERRARI° G., 462.
FERRÉ A., 544.
FERREIRA DA SILVA A., 31, 272 (n. 48), 541, 545.
FERRER BENEVIELI J.A., 151 (n. 24).
FERRERO C.A., 254, 340 (n. 20).
FERREITINO G., 226.
FERRY J., 97.
FIERRO TORRES R., 25, 113 (n. 12), 129 (n. 85).
Fu RPFT T o G., 44.
Fimo S., 435 (n. 23).
FLORA L., 209 (y n. 12).
Fmarri E., 11, 448 (n. 29).
FLAMIDIEN F., 104.
FoA S., 270 (n. 39).
FOGAZZARO A., 242 (n. 23), 248 (n. 42).
FOGLIO E., 37 (n. 1).
FOLENA G., 73 (n. 10).
Fusa Y DE BOTER J. de, 192, 194 (n. 91), 195, 203 (n. 140), 206.
FONTANA M., 169.
FONTCUBERTA C. de, 192.
FONTCUBERTA T. de, 192.
FRANCESCONI M., 463 (n. 25).
FRANCESIA G.B., 42, 44, 81, 209 (y n. 8), 210 (n.
14), 278, 324, 463 (n. 25), 384 (n. 56), 387 (y n. 70), 446, 463 (n. 25).
FRANCISCO DE Asís (s.), 52, 155, 251.
FRANCISCO DE SALES (s.), 63 (n. 70), 110, 167 (y n. 20), 168 (y nn. 20, 22, 23), 169, 171, 173 (n. 41), 174 (y nn. 48, 49), 175 (y n. 49), 177, 259, 264 (y n. 22), 265, 266 (y n. 25), 271, 296, 471, 447 (n. 29), 492, 494, 500, 535.
FRANCO G.G., 123 (n. 60).
FRANCO S., 390.
FRANCHE (card.), 287, 461 (n. 20), 468 (n. 40). FRANCHINI F., 246 (n. 34).
FRANSONI L., 77 (n. 15), 137, 305, 342, 400, 544.
FRASSINETTI G., 165, 211 (y n. 17), 212 (y n. ' 20), 217, 221 (n. 8), 222 (y n. 14), 223 (n.
16), 389 (n. 78), 405, 446.
FRÉMIOT DE CHANTAL J.F. (s.), 63 (n. 70), 168 (n. 20).
FREUD S., 32.
GALINO A., 12.
GALOT J.M°., 151 (n. 24).
GAIII DELLA LOGGIA E., 529 (y n. 9).
GALLINA G., 157 (n. 43).
GALUZIA P.G., 167, 168 (y n. 20).
GALLTZ2I G.B., 39 (n. 11).
GAMBARO A., 319 (nn. 6, 8).
GARCIA J.M., 6.
GARCÍA SARMIENTO (can.), 486.
GARCÍA VERDUGO A., 6.
GARCÍA VILLOSLADA R, 186 (n. 50).
GARELLI B., 260, 261, 490.
GARGANO F., 337 (n. 11).
GAIUGLIO B., 423 (n. 33), 424 (n. 36), 425 (n.
43).
GAIUN E., 74 (n. 11).
GARTNO G., 42.
GaRuta J.M., 476 (n. 4).
GASTALDI L., 62, 63 (y n. 66), 72 (n. 9), 135 (y
n. 1), 136-143, 147 (y n. 7), 162 (n. 8), 310,
369, 397, 403, 408 (n. 88), 428 (n. 54), 446,
533 (y n. 15), 544.
GATELL I., 196.
GAUME J.J., 329, 390.
GEBHARDT V., 190 (n. 71), 192.
GELABERT JORDA. M*.A., 190 (n. 69).
GEMELLI G., 437 (n. 34).
GEmmEnalto G., 34.
GENET F., 164.
GENGHINI C., 210 (n. 14), 233 (ñ. 15).
GÉRANDO J.M. de, 263 (n. 13).
Goma, 160 (n. 3).
GERMAN' G., 529 (y n. 8).
GERRATANA V., 413 (n. 2).
GBIGuorro F., 42.
GUILARDI (mons.), 376.
GHILARDI G.T., 341, 544.
GHIONE A., 341.
GHIVARELLO C., 354 (n. 58), 404.
GIACCONE G.M*., 254 (n. 68).
GIACOMILII G., 44.
GIAMMUSSO S., 165 (n. 13).
GiaNErro U., 359 (n. 11), 366 (n. 37).
GIANNATELLI R., 11, 18, 131 (n. 101), 221 (n.
9), 362 (n. 28), 375, 541 (n. 4).
GINZBURG G., 417 (n. 12).
GIOBERTI V., 122 (n. 53), 269 (y n. 35).
GIORDANO F., 264 (n. 19).
GIOVANNINI L., 418 (n. 15), 421 (n. 25), 422 (n.
29), 423 (n. 34), 424 (n. 37), 425 (nn. 40
44), 426 (nn. 46, 47, 49), 430 (n. 3), 433 (n.
12), 441, 442 (n. 6), 443 (n. 12), 445 (n.
23).
Grullo C.I., 302 (y n. 7), 329.
GOBETTI, 238 (n. 5).
GOBINET Ch., 168, 381 (n. 37), 266 (n. 27), 331
(n. 37).
GOETHE J.W. von, 453.
GOGARTEN F., 158 (n. 46).
GONELLA M. (cav.), 47.
GONZALEZ G., 6.
GONZÁLEZ Y DÍAZ TUÑÓN Z., 486 (y n. 44), 501.
GOUNOD Ch., 453.
GOUSSET Th., 161(n. 5), 390.
GRAMSCI A., 238 (n. 5), 413 (y n. 2), 417 (y n.
10).
GRASSDIO G., 401.
GRATRY A., 118.
GREGORIO 0., 165 (n. 13).
GREGORIO XVI, 114 (n. 17), 148.
GRESINO G., 42.
GRIBAUDI D., 463 (n. 24).
GRIFFIN, 509 (n. 8).
Giusaa J., 470 (y n. 47).
GROETHUYSEN B., 96 (n. 2).
GROPPO G., 386 (n. 65).
GRZESZCZYK T., 14 (n. 1).
GUALA L., 136, 137, 161, 162 (y n. 8), 164, 168,
170, 245 (n. 30), 260, 264, 300, 383, 390.
GUANELLA L. (s.), 131 (n. 98), 177 (n. 60), 403,
404, 409 (n. 90).
GUARDINI R., 158 (n. 46).
GUASCO M., 35 (y n. 32), 107, 238 (y n. 4), 437
(n. 32), 535 (y n. 17), 541 (n. 4).
GUERBER J., 161 (y n. 5).
GUERRA A., 405.
GUERRA J., 31.
Gurnots A., 389 (n. 79).
GUINNARD A., 462.
GutoL C., 400.
GUSMANO C., 83.
Guzzo A., 34.
HABER / sus J., 528 (n. 6).
HALINAN D., 399.
Hamo L., 340.
HARMEL T., 408.
HAYDN Fj., 453.
HEGEL GF, 451, 452, 455.
HEINE H., 451.
HERBART JF, 323 (n. 22).
HERVÉ DE LA CROIX Fr., 148 (n. 10).
HOFFMANN ETA, 451, 455.
HOMAIS H., 94.
HOMOLA J., 84 (n. 11).
HORACIO, 507.
HuGurr JMJ, 389 (n. 78), 390.
HUMBERT H., 385.
HUYSMANS JK, 25.
ISIDRO LABRADOR (S.), 421.
IvomE BFD, 493 (n. 72), 502 (n. 108).
JAEGER W., 506 (n. 3).
Jarrus, 118.
JavnEaRE JW, 475 (n. 2).
JAVIERRE ORTAS A., 12, 525.
JENOFONTE, 39.
JERONIMO (s.), 39. 132 (n. 103).
JIMÉNEZ F., 12, 395.
JOERGENSEN J., 25.
Jou H., 49.
JUAN B. DE LA SALLE (S.), 508.
JUAN DE DIOS (S.), 155.
JUAN DE LA CRUZ (S.), 166.
JUAN EUDES (s.), 166.
JUAN PABLO II, 256.
PAN XXIII, 99 (y n. 4), 114, 530 (n. 10), 534 (
n. 16), 535.
JUANA DE ARCO (S), 94.
1mA J., 196.
KLEIN J., 72 (n. 8). KORCZAK J., 331.
KRAMER SN, 505 (n. 2).
Lima JM °., 12, 17, 109, 544.
LABIUOLA A., 74 (n. 11).
LACATTA CG, 346 (n. 37), 414 (n. 5).
LACAN J., 32.
LACROIX F., 462.
LacrANcto LCF, 153.
LAGO A., 404, 405 (n. 58).
LAMBRUSCIHNI R., 416.
LAMENNAIS FR, 94, 110 (y n. 3), 160 (n. 3).
LANARO S., 415 (n. 6), 417 (n. 12).
LANTERI B., 159, 160, 161 (y n. 5), 162 (n. 8),
164, 168, 170, 249, 390.
LANZA G. (ministro), 73, 125 (n. 65), 157, 319.
LANZA G., 167 (n. 18).
LASAGNA L., 175 (n. 49), 462 (n. 22), 471 (n.
51), 541, 545.
LASTREILLE C., 110 (n. 2).
LAZZERO G., 42, 83, 335, 343 (n. 27), 345 (n.
31), 349 (y nn. 42, 43), 354 (y n. 58), 543.
LE CAMUS É., 168.
LE NAIN DE Tape/tour, 49 (y n. 38).
LE PLAY F., 97.
LEMOYNE G.B., 24 (y n. 9), 25, 27, 30 (y n. 21),
37 (y n. 3), 38-40 (y n. 13), 41, 42 (y n. 16),
43 (y n. 18), 44-46 (y n. 26), 47 (y nn. 31,
33), 49, 50-54 (y n. 50), 55-58 (y n. 59), 59,
60 (y n. 63), 61-64, 115, 121 (n. 49), 123 (11.
59), 133, 155 (n. 37), 208 (n. 7), 217 (y n.
43), 446, 464 (n. 29), 542.
LEÓN XIII, 73, 106, 142, 199, 200, 462 (n. 22),
488, 489, 492, 499, 525 (y n. 1), 531, 532.
LEONARDI P., 165.
LEONARDO DE PUERTO MAURICIO (s.), 389 (n.
78).
T .pssoNa M., 421 (n. 26).
LEVI-STRAUSS C., 32.
LHOMOND Ch.-F., 389 (n. 79).
LIGORIO L., 302 (y n. 7).
LIOY P., 421 (n. 26).
LISIAS, 39.
LivilDER R., 471 (n. 49).
LORIQUET J.-N., 146.
LOTH A., 204 (n. 144).
LUCATELLO E., 44 (n. 22).
Lunovic M., 466 (n. 36).
Luis DE FRANCIA (s.), 94.
Luis GONZAGA (s.), 155 , 167, 251, 254, 381 (y n. 35), 383 (y n. 43), 387, 429, 444.
LUPO T., 161(n. 5).
LUTERO M., 111 (n. 6), 131, 145, 151, 152 (y n. 26), 154.
Luz[ G., 75 (n. 12).
LLAUDER L.1W de, 192, 198 (n. 120), 199 (n. 126).
LLucH Y GARRIGA J., 475, 476 (y n. 4), 477, 478 (y n. 15), 479, 480 (y n. 19), 481 (y nn. 23, 25), 482-486 (n. 44), 488, 489, 491, 497, 502, 503.
Li.m. R, 507.
MACCAGNO A., 212 (y n. 20), 221 (n. 8), 226.
MACCONO F., 207 (n. 2), 209 (y nn. 8, 9), 210
(n. 14), 211 (nn. 16, 17), 222 (n. 13), 223
(nn. 15, 16).
MACHIAVEIII N., 329.
MAGNANI L., 455.
MAGONE M., 42, 47, 178, 281 (n. 79), 282 (y n.
81), 311, 312 (y n. 26), 327, 394, 420, 430,
375, 376, 385 (nn. 59, 60, 62), 386 (n. 68),
388, 394 (y n. 96), 510 (n. 12).
MAISTRE J. de, 109 (y n. 3), 149, 160, 179.
MALATESTA A., 436 (n. 34).
MALAURIE J., 96 (n. 3).
MALGERI F., 12, 17, 161 (n. 3), 422 (n. 29), 441,
435 (n: 22).
MANNING H.E., 124, 377 (n. 13).
MANOLINO G., 44.
1VIANTEin B., 414 (n. 3).
MANZONI A., 111, 156 (y n. 40).
MAFIÉ Y FLAQUIBt J., 187.
MARANGON P., 241(n. 23).
MARCEL G., 451.
MARCHIS V., 351(n. 49).
MARCHISIO S., 42, 44, 46.
MARCOCCEII M., 12, 17, 159, 264 (n. 22).
MARCORA C., 157 (n. 43).
MARENCO G., 62 (n. 65), 355 (n. 60), 481 (y n.
23).
MARFSC.ALCHI A., 436.
MARET (mons.), 118.
MARGOTTI G., 444 (y n. 22).
MARTA CRISTINA (reina), 480 (y n. 20).
~ni G., 160, 250.
MARrriffisi J., 34 (y n. 28), 145 (y n. 1).
MARROU H.-I., 47 (n. 35), 50 (n. 42), 317 (n.
2).
MARSIII S., 393 (n. 91).
MARTÍ C., 193 (n. 88).
MARTÍ GELABERT L., 190 (n. 69).
MARTÍ M., 74 (n. 11).
MARTÍ Y CODOLAR J., 190 (n. 69).
MARTÍ-CODOLAR L., 187, 190, 191.
MARTÍN A., 83, 180 (n. 14), 341, 477 (nn. 10,
11), 478 (mi. 12-14), 479 (n. 17), 480 (n.
19), 481 (n. 22-25), 482 (n. 28), 487 (n. 46),
488 (n. 51), 497 (n. 87), 500 (n. 100).
MARTÍN Y BEYA M., 204 (n. 146).
MARTINA G., 5, 12, 111 (n. 6), 118 (n. 36), 119
(n. 38), 120 (n. 42), 123 (n. 60), 127 (n. 78),
150 (n. 20), 220 (y nn. 3, 5).
MARTmEin A., 132 (n. 102).
MARTINELLI G.M., 165.
1V1ARTINELLI R., 74 (n. 11).
MARTDIENGO F., 446.
MARTÍNEZ AZCONA A., 509 (n. 10), 538 (n. 2).
MARTINI C.M°., 17.
MASFERRF.R J., 196.
MASON T., 529 (y n. 7).
MASSARA L., 162 (n. 8).
~OS GAGO F., 476.
MATrAi G., 34.
MAUPASSANT G. de, 96 (n. 3).
MAzzARELLo A., 341.
MAzzARELLo F., 226 .
~REID M*.D. (s.), 207-218, 219-230, 341,
545.
MAZZARELLO P., 211, 212 (y n. 25), 226.
MAzzARELLO DI GIUSEPPE M*., 226.
MAZZINI G., 453.
MEDICA G., 116 (n. 26).
MEILLE J.P., 376.
MELLA L. de, 192.
MENDRE L. , 489, 490, 493 (n. 72), 494, 498,
502 (n. 108).
METASTASIO, 329.
METz J.B., 158 (n. 46).
MEZZADRI L., 150 (n. 20), 166 (n. 16).
MIALARET G., 342 (n. 24).
MICCOLI G., 165 (n. 15).
MiainErii A., 436.
MmAn M., 11, 17, 124 (n. 62), 209 (y n. 12),
210 (n. 13), 230 (n. 51), 373 (n. 2).
MIELE M., 147 (n. 9).
11112s. Y FONTANAIS M., 187.
MHANESI G., 262 (n. 12), 288 (n. 101).
MILANESIO D., 469 (n. 44).
MINGHETTI M., 73.
MOCQUEREAU, 453.
MOGLIA D., 46.
MOGLIA Gior., 44, 46 (y n. 28).
MOGLIA Giov., 46.
MOHANIED II, 153.
MOLA A., 151 (n. 24).
MOLINARI F., 12, 114 (n. 21), 129 (n. 87), 145,
147 (n. 9), 151 (n. 24), 155 (n. 37), 161 (n.
4), 420 (n. 23).
MOIINEIUS M., 29 (n. 20).
MONTALE B., 442 (n. 22).
MONTALEMBERT Ch., 111.
MONTBOISIER H., 55.
MoI'mcoNE A., 530 (n. 10).
MORAZZETTI S.P., 225 (n. 29).
MORENO (mons.), 375 (n. 9), 423, 443, 445,
462, 544.
MORÉ Y Boscs J., 204 (n. 146), 191.
MORÉU LACRUZ E., 190 (n. 74).
MORGADES Y Gni J., 187, 195, 203.
MORGANTI E., 168 (n. 20).
MoRicHim C.L., 262 (y n. 13).
MORO R, 438 (n. 35), 530 (n. 11).
MORO T. (s.), 154 (n. 36).
MossE G.L., 422 (n. 28).
Morro F., 11, 12, 17, 28 (y n. 17), 29, 42 (n.
15), 53 (n. 48), 146, 147 (y n. 6), 67, 281 (n.
76), 300 (n. 2), 370 (n. 46), 539, 540, 545.
MUCCI G., 119 (n. 37), 146 (n. 3), 157 (n. 42).
MONTADAS Y VILARDELL J.F., 187 (n. 53), 197 (n.
117), 199 (n. 124), 201 (n. 131).
MunALoo L., 44, 155, 161, 170 (n. 30), 171,
172 (n. 35), 233, 238, 261 (n. 9), 339 (y n.
17).
MUIUALDO R., 262.
MescEnA C., 413 (n. 2).
NAI L., 354.
NAMUNCURA C., 467 (n. 38).
NAMUNCURA. M., 467 (n. 38).
NANNI C., 16 (n. 2), 29 (n. 18), 260 (n. 3), 275
(n. 59), 367 (n. 40), 541 (mi. 4, 5).
NAPOLEÓN, 148, 149.
NAZARI CALABIANA (mons.), 428 (n. 54).
NEGRI B., 377 (n. 15).
NESTI A., 414 (n. 4).
NEWMAN E., 98, 111, 120, 130, 156 (y n. 41).
NORDERA L., 121 (n. 51), 254 (n. 68).
NÚÑEZ M`.F., 12, 475, 476 (mi. 4, 6).
OBERTI E., 500 (n. 100).
OCCHIENA M., 41.
ODASSO G., 245 (n. 29).
OLIER JJ, 171.
° UVERAS Y DE ESrAÑoL JM °. de, 192.
ORBIGNY A. d ', 462.
ORIOL DODERO J., 194.
ORLANDI G., 164 (n. 12), 165 (n. 13). ORTEGA M °., 47 (y n. 34).
ORTOLEVA P., 414 (n. 4), 430 (n. 4). OssOLA C., 415 (n. 6), 417 (nn. 11, 13). OZANAM F., 161, 180.
PABLO VI, 145, 626 (n. 2).
PABLO DE LA CRUZ (S.), 165 (y n. 14).
PADILLA A., 471 (n. 49).
PAESA P., 458 (n. 5), 470 (n. 45).
PAGANI GB, 172 (n. 35).
PAGANO T., 169.
PAGLIA F., 341.
PALESTRINA GPL, 453.
PALUMBIERI S., 31, 241 (n. 22), 358 (n. 5), 363
(n. 30), 527 (n. 3), 541 (n. 4).
PALLARÉs N., 478, 497.
PALLAVIcINI CE, 390.
PALLAVICINO P., 160.
PALLarri V., 165 (y n. 14), 166, 396.
PANFILO L., 351 (n. 48).
PAPA ER, 246 (n. 34).
PARQUE A., 83.
PARRAVICINI LA, 418.
PASCUAL DE BOFARULL C., 190.
PASCUAL DE BOFARULL MM *, 190 (n. 74), 204.
PASCUAL DE BOFARULL N.M '., 187, 190 (y n. 74),
206, 284 (n. 146).
PASCUAL DE BOFARULL 0., 190.
PASCUAL DE BOFARULL P., 190.
PASCUAL DE BOFARULL S., 190.
PASCUAL E INGLADA S.A., 190 (y n. 71), 192.
PASOLINI G., 250.
PASSAGIIA C., 117.
PASSAVANTI J., 377 (n. 13).
PASZTOR L., 81 (n. 2).
PAVERIO 405 (y n. 58).
PAVIA (gen.), 189.
PAVIA G., 279 (n. 70), 341.
PAZZAGLIA L., 12, 17, 64, 238 (n. 4), 259, 262
(n. 10), 272 (n. 47), 280 (n. 73), 286 (n. 93),
309 (n. 21), 344 (n. 30), 348 (n. 41), 351 (n.
50), 363 (n. 32), 420 (n. 21), 528 (y n. 4).
PEDRINI A., 172 (n. 41).
PELLEGIUNO M., 34 (y n. 27).
PELLEREY M., 11, 362 (y n. 29), 363 (y n. 31).
PELLICO F., 73, 159.
PELOSO C., 43.
PENCO G., 389 (n. 80).
PERADOTTO F., 370 (n. 47).
PERRINI M., 240 (n. 15).
PERROT P., 354 (y n. 58).
PESTARINO D., 211 (nn. 16, 17), 212 (y n. 27),
213, 216 , 217, 221 (n. 8), 222 (y n. 13), 224 (n. 22), 223 (nn. 15-20), 224 (nn. 24, 25,
27), 226 ( y nn. 32, 34), 227, 228 (n. 42).
PEI MI DI RORETO C.I., 262, 263 (n. 13).
PEYRON A., 310.
Pucarrnsio G., 341.
Pro G.B., 44.
PILCA J., 11, 168 (n. 22), 175 (n. 50).
Picattn..Lo C., 157 (n. 42).
PIEDRA BUENO L., 462.
PIEPER I., 252 (n. 60).
PrE,Rarri A., 170 (n. 30).
PINAMONIT G.P., 160 (n. 3).
Pío IX, 73, 77, 99, 111 (y n. 6), 115, 117 (II.
29), 119 (y n. 39), 120 (n. 42), 121 (n. 51),
123, 127 (y nn. 74-79), 131, 133, 136, 139
141, 147 (y n. 6), 151 (y n. 25), 157, 166,
186 (n. 49), 199, 278, 279, 307, 396, 406,
439, 470, 492, 494, 531, 532, 533.
Pío VI, 149.
Pío VII, 149, 159.
P10 X, 228 (n. 41), 254 (n. 68), 393 (n. 91).
Pío XII, 151 (n. 24), 530 (n. 10).
Pum P., 159 (n. 1).
PIRRO D., 409.
PISA B., 285 (n. 91).
PLSCETTA L., 44.
PIVA F., 435 (n. 22).
PIVATO S., 12, 32, 365 (n. 34), 367 (nn. 40, 41),
415 (n. 6), 418 (n. 15), 419 (n. 19), 422 (n.
28) 429, 431 (n. 7), 434 (n. 17), 436 (n. 26),
438 (n. 36), 442 (y n. 9).
PLANS Y PUJOL F., 194 (n. 91).
PLATÓN, 506.
PLONGERON B., 158 (n. 47).
POLACEK J., 83.
PONS Y SERRA I.,191.
PONTE P., 311.
PORCIANI I., 423 (n. 32).
PORTEI.LI A., 414 (n. 4), 430 (n. 4).
POSADA M.E., 12, 31, 207, 208 (n. 3), 209 (n.
12), 210, 211 (n. 15), 214 (n. 33), 216 (n.
41), 217 (nn. 43, 44), 219, 221 (nn. 8, 9),
222 (n. 14), 224 (n. 23), 229 (n. 49).
POULAT É., 17, 93, 531 (n. 13), 544.
POUPARD P., 12.
POURRAT P., 49.
PRELLEZO GARCÍA J.M., 6, 11, 12, 16 (n. 1), 17,
22 (n. 5), 29 (y n. 18), 30 (y n. 21), 36 (n.
34), 277 (n. 67), 283 (n. 85), 324 (n. 24), 326
(n. 32), 333, 337 (n. 13), 542 (n. 8), 543.
PRINI P., 241 (y n. 22), 527.
PRINZIVALII V., 436.
PROVANA DI COLI FGNO L., 160, 161.
PROVENA F., 42, 402. PROVERBIO G., 366 (n. 38). PRUDENCIO C., 507 (n. 6). PUIG Y BENTTEZ A., 190. PULINGATHIL M., 282 (n. 82). PUTHOTA B., 11.
QUADRUPANI C.G., 160 (n. 3).
QUESADA V., 462.
QUINTIIIANO M.F., 507 (y n. 4).
QUINZIO S., 33 (y n. 25) 238 (n. 6), 248 ( y n
43), 541(n. 4).
RABAGLIATI E., 47 (y n. 34).
RAMELLO G., 324.
RASTELLO S., 388 (n. 77).
RATrAzzi U., 147, 157, 272, 273 (y n. 53), 402.
RAVENNA G., 55, 56.
RAVINA F., 426 (n. 45).
RAYNEIU A., 254 (n. 67).
REFFO E., 261 (n. 9), 304 (n. 9), 310 (y n. 23).
REINHARD W., 35 (n. 29).
REMOM T., 341.
RÉmY J., 21 (n.1).
RENAU F. de A., 196.
RENZI G., 22 (n. 14).
REPOSSI C., 435 (n. 20).
REVELLI M., 414 (n. 4), 430 (n. 4).
REVIGLIO F., 44, 251.
REY A., 165 (n. 14).
REY-MERmEr Th., 164 (n. 12).
RIBER L., 510 (n. 13).
RICALDONE P., 23, 26, 252 (n. 56), 317 (y nn. 2,
3), 326 (n. 30).
RICASOLI B., 73, 132 (n. 100), 157.
RiccAitni DI NErRo A., 137, 544.
RICCERI L., 27, 457 (n. 3), 463 (n. 26).
RICUPERATI G., 319 (n. 8), 346 (n. 36), 423 (n.
32).
RiGoLni M., 367 (n. 40), 455.
RILKE R.M., 455.
RINALDI F., 39, 404, 470.
RINGEISEN D., 398 (n. 24).
RimER11., 159 (n. 1).
RIPA P., 116 (n. 27), 129 (n. 86).
RIvA C., 150 (c. 21).
RIZZINI F., 246 (n. 36), 247 (n. 37), 250 (n. 49).
RosEwri G.B., 177 (n. 61), 178 (n. 61).
ROBESPIERRE M. de, 151, 152, 153 (n. 30).
RocA (presidente), 469.
RoccA G., 220 (n. 4), 228 (n. 44), 341.
ROCCIIMITI G., 401.
RODA G., 29.
RODRIGUEZ SAN PEDRO L.E., 509 (n. 7).
RODRIGUEZ-CARBALLO J.M's., 205.
ROJAS R., 469 (n. 44).
ROMANÍ Y PUIGDENGOLAS F., 198 (n. 120), 199
(n. 126), 200.
ROMANO L., 54 (y n. 50).
ROMEO R., 161 (n. 5), 342 (n. 24).
ROMERO C., 31, 221 (n. 9), 227 (n. 39), 539,
545.
Romo J.J., 483 (y n. 31).
ROMUALDO (s.), 155.
RONCHAR. G.B., 352, 354 (n. 58).
ROOTHAAN G., 159 (y n. 1), 162 (n. 8), 164.
ROSA E., 63.
Rogara A., 21, 58, 73, 111 (y n. 7), 118, 125,
150 (y n. 21), 156 (y n. 41), 160, 162, 169 (y
n. 29), 250, 302 (y n. 8), 396, 416.
Rosas G.F., 157 (n. 43), 450 (n. 8).
Rossi A., 248, 354.
Rossi G., 44, 46 (n. 27), 478, 484.
Rossim G., 453. ROSTAGNO, 141. ROUQUAUD E., 462.
ROUSSEAU 145, 151, 153 (n. 30), 377.
ROUSSEAU 0., 393 (n. 91).
RUA M., 30 (n. 21), 37 (n. 3), 38, 39, 42-44, 81, 83, 123 (n. 57), 223 (n. 19), 224 (nn. 22, 24), 226 (n. 31), 278, 318 (n. 5), 327, 330, 334 (y n. 4), 340 (n. 20), 341, 355 (n. 59), 402, 408, 479, 495 (y n. 80), 497 (y n. 84), 510, 540, 543.
RUFFINO D., 42, 43, 46, 81.
RuscoNI R., 165 (n. 14).
Rimo L., 413 (y n. 1).
SABAITNI A., 33.
SACCARELLI C.A., 168 (n. 20).
SACCARELLI G., 314.
SAINT-SIMON Cl.H., 153 ( y n. 31).
SALA A., 42, 340 (n. 19), 354 (n. 58).
SALAS J.H., 459 (n. 9).
SALOM C., 25.
SALZANO T.M., 147 (n. 9).
SANS J. de, 197, 199 (n. 124), 200, 201 (n
131).
SANTUCCI U., 83.
SARDA Y SALVANY F., 192, 196, 201, 206 ( y n
148), 475.
SARmtErrro (presidente), 469.
SAVIO Ang., 44, 48.
SAVIO Asc., 44, 53 (y n. 49).
SAVIO D. (s.), 42, 178, 282 (y n. 81), 311, 312 (n. 26), 327, 365, 375, 376, 380 (y n. 35), 388, 391 (n. 83), 394 (y n. 96), 430, 447 (n. 29).
SCALABRINI G.B., 147 (n. 7), 157 (y n. 43). SCIANDRA G.11*., 226.
Scir Lic,o P., 31.
SCOPPOLA P., 12, 17, 34, 35 (n. 29), 49, 50 (n. 40), 107, 238 (y n. 5), 240 (n. 16), 241 (y n.
21), 359 (n. 9), 419 (n. 19), 442 (y n. 7), 466
(y n. 37), 470, 471 (n. 48), 541 (n. 4), 542,
544.
Sconi P„ 463 (n. 24).
Scuitim C., 12, 357 ( y n. 1).
SCEIEEBEN MJ., 111.
SCHEIBE S., 74 (n. 11).
ScHELER M., 505 (y n. 1).
ScHauNG F.W.A., 451.
SCHEPENS J., 11, 12, 18, 29 (y n. 19), 64, 164 (n.
11), 174 (n. 46), 375 (n. 8).
ScHLAPFER G., 83.
SCIIMIECHEN J.A., 35 (n. 29).
SCHOPENHAUER A., 455.
SCHUMANN, 451.
SEATON WATSON C., 146 (n. 5).
SEGUR G. de, 389 (n. 78), 390.
SEGURA, 509 (n. 8).
SEmERARo C., 252 (n. 60).
SEME1UA G., 438 (n. 38).
SERRA JIM., 191.
SERRA Y CHOPITEA 11/1°J., 187.
SERRA Y MuÑoz J.W., 187, 190.
SERVET M., 154.
SFORZA G., 12, 451, 455.
SINISTRERO V., 319 (nn. 6, 7).
SMEDT Ch. de, 49.
SMILES S., 421 (n. 26).
SOAVE F., 146.
SÓCRATES, 506.
Son' M., 367 (n. 40).
SOLDAN' S., 336 (nn. 9, 10).
SOLDEVITA F., 189 (n. 65).
SOPEÑA A., 12, 515.
SPINI G., 270 (n. 39).
SPÍNOLA Y MAESTRE M., 499, 500 (y mi. 99, 101),
501-503, 475 (y n. 2).
STAGNOLI S., 367 (n. 40).
STELLA P., 11, 12, 17, 22 (n. 6), 24 (n. 8), 31 (n.
22), 36 (n. 34), 44, 81 (n. 2), 83, 86 (n. 15), 112 (n. 8), 116, 117 (nn. 29, 30), 120 (mi. 47, 48), 121, 122 (y n. 54), 124 (y mi. 62, 64), 125 (n. 70), 129 (n. 84), 131 (n. 96), 147 (n. 8), 150 (n. 22), 157 (n. 44), 160 (n. 2),
162 (n. 8), 163 (n. 10), 164 (n. 11), 168 (nn. 21-23), 169 (n. 26), 172 (nn. 35, 36), 173 (n. 40), 175 (n. 49), 178 (n. 63), 220 (n. 6), 225 (n. 31), 230 (n. 51), 243 (n. 26), 245 (n. 30), 246 (n. 35), 247 (nn. 37-39), 250 (y nn. 4850), 254 (n. 67), 255 (n. 69), 263 (nn. 14, 17), 264 (nn. 21, 22), 266 (y n. 27), 269 (y nn. 34, 36), 271 (nn. 42, 44), 276 (n. 63), 278 (n. 68), 279 (n. 72), 280 (n. 74), 284 (Y n. 86), 285 (n. 90), 301 (n. 5), 306 (n. 14), 309 (n. 21), 313 (n. 28), 314 (nn. 30, 31, 32), 315 (n. 33), 317 (y n. 4), 322 (nn. 16, 19), 326 (n. 31), 335 (n. 7), 336 (n. 8), 337 (n. 12), 338 (n. 15), 339 (n. 16), 366 (n. 38), 369 (y n. 44), 373 (n. 2), 375 (n. 7), 383 (n. 44), 384 (n. 55), 385 (y nn. 59, 63), 387 (y nn. 69, 71), 388 (nn. 73-76), 389 (n. 80), 394 (n. 97), 395 (nn. 1, 2, 3), 397 (n. 17), 398 (n. 19), 400 (nn. 31, 32), 401 (n. 35);402 (nn. 36, 40), 404 (n. 50), 405 (n. 64), 408 (n. 89), 418 (u. 15), 420 (n. 24), 423 (nn. 30, 34, 35), 424 (nn. 36, 39), 425 (y nn. 41-43), 426 (nn. 46, 47, 48), 427 (nn. 51-53), 441 (y nn. 1, 5), 444 (y n. 21), 445 (n. 24), 446 (n. 27), 449 (n. 31), 458 (nn. 5, 7), 459 (n. 8), 461 (nn. 15, 16), 471 (u. 50), 538, 542 (y n. 8), 543, 544, 545.
STRAFFORELLO G., 421 (n. 26).
Suma' V.M., 167.
STRANIERO M.L., 153 (n. 32), 358 (nn. 2-4), 424 (n. 38).
STRANO S., 385 (n. 61).
STEuS J., 168 (n. 22), 174 (n. 50).
STURZO L., 435 (y n. 22).
SZANTO E., 462 (n. 21), 470 (n. 45).
TALAMANCA A., 286 (n. 93).
TÁLAMO G., 319 (n. 8), 416 (u. 7).
TAIIBURINI L., 21 (n. 2).
TAPARELLI D'AZEGLIO C., 160.
TAPPARELLI D'AZEGLIO P., 318.
TAVANO L., 83.
TAVERNA, 418.
TEJEDOR J.M., 476 (n. 5), 483 (n. 32).
TERESA DE JESÚS (S.), 166.
TERRONE L., 179.
TmIVENOT X., 31, 57 (y n. 58), 361 ( y n. 24),
368 (n. 43).
THOURET A., 160, 170 (n. 30).
TmoN-DAvro J., 340.
Trro Livio, 39.
Tow F., 433 (n. 14).
TOMA'FIS D., 462 (n. 22).
TOMMASEO N., 73.
TONELLI A., 336 (n. 9).
Toms A., 82 (n. 7), 85 (n. 14).
TORRAS Y BAGES J., 196.
Tos', 172 (u. 35).
TRABUCCO C., 435.
TRAMONTIN S., 12, 18, 237, 247 (n. 39), 254 (n.
68), 528.
TRANFAGI1A N., 414 (n. 4), 430 (n. 4).
TRANIELLO F., 12, 17, 21 (y nn. 1, 2), 22 (n. 6),
31-33 (n. 24), 35 (n. 29), 64 (n. 72), 107, 146
(nn. 3, 4), 157 (n. 43), 162 (nn. 8, 9), 238
(nn. 4, 7), 262 (n. 10), 270 (n. 40), 306 (n.
15), 309 (u. 21), 358 (n. 8), 361 (n. 32), 365
(n. 34), 366 (nn. 36, 38), 418 (u. 15), 419 (n.
17), 420 (nn. 20, 21), 422 (n. 28), 423 (n.
33), 437 (n. 33), 438 (n. 37), 442 (y nn. 8,
10), 446, 458 (n. 8), 527 (y n. 2), 528 (y n.
4), 535, 541 (n. 4), 542, 544.
TRANSFT F G.T., 74 (n. 11).
TREBILIANI M°.L., 32.
TRIONE S., 446.
TRIVERO G., 305.
TarYTER Ch.L., 379 (y n. 24).
TROCHU F., 170 (u. 30).
TUNINETIT G., 12, 72 (n. 9), 135 (y n. 1), 162
(n. 8), 306 (n. 15), 428 (n. 54), 533 (n. 15),
544.
TURATI F., 439.
TURCHI G., 44, 141.
TURCO G., 44.
UBALDI P., 34.
ULYSSE G., 71 (n. 6).
ULLOA (marqués de), 477, 478, 481, 484. USSEGLIO G., 162 (n. 8).
VALENTIN J.M., 509 (n. 8).
VALENTINI E., 37 (n. 6), 39 (n. 10), 72 (n. 8),
113 (n. 13), 175 (n. 50), 403 (n. 48), 422 (n.
29), 441 (n. 3), 445 (n. 25), 447 (y n. 29).
VALEIU0 L., 301 (y n. 6), 416, 423.
VALFRÉ S., 169.
JAISECCHI T., 83.
JALLAITIU T., 73.
TALLE A., 169 (n. 29).
TECCHI A., 169 (nn. 28, 29), 172, 542 (u. 8).
/ECCE" J.E., 16 (n. 1), 22 (n. 5), 36 (n. 34),
296.
TENÉ G.F., 421 (n. 27).
TENERUSO D., 240 (n. 17), 248 (y nn. 40, 42),
420 (n. 21).
TERCESI 25.
VERDAGUER J., 196.
VERDI G., 452, 453.
VERGÉS F., 196.
VERGÉs J.M*., 186, 187.
VERHULST M., 325 (n. 28).
VERNA A.M., 170 (n. 30).
VERONESI M., 42.
Volum G., 165 (u. 15), 416 (n. 7), 418 (n. 14),
421 (n. 26), 422 (n. 28), 423 (n. 32).
VIAL J., 342 (n. 20).
VICENT R., 6.
VICENTE DE PAUL (S.), 155, 165, 166, 169, 170,
176, 259, 487.
VmussEnc G., 416.
VIGANÓ E., 14, 42-44, 157, 241 (y n. 20), 245
(n. 29), 256 (u. 74).
VIGLIETIT C.M°., 42, 44, 65, 182 (n. 23), 181,
184, 185, 196 (n. 105), 204 (n. 145).
VIGNOLO G.B., 42.
VIGO G., 436 (n. 27).
VILARRASA E., 192, 196.
VILLA G., 44.
VILLENEUVE (conde), 179.
VINAY V., 376 (n. 10), 379 (n. 24).
VIRGILIO P.M., 39.
Vrrromo EmANUELE II, 73, 146, 157, 400 (n.
32).
VIVES F., 204 (n. 146).
VIVES L., 507, 510 (n. 13).
VIVES Y AMAT F., 192.
VIVES Y Tino J.C., 31.
VoLA G.I., 305.
VOLTAIRE F.-A. de, 94, 151, 152, 153 (u. 30),
377.
VON BALTHASAR U., 158 (n. 46).
VON HALLER, 160 (n. 3).
VoRAGNE J. de, 62.
WACICENRODER W.H., 451, 454, 455.
WAST H., 25.
WEINSCHENK R., 31.
WESSEtS G., 476 (n. 4).
'111TARTH M., 106 (n. 106).
ZANELLA G. 241 (y n. 23), 242 (n. 23), 256 (y n
73).
ZAPPATA G., 137, 402.
ZIGGIOTTI R., 23.
ZOFFOLI E., 165 (n. 14).
Zow P., 366 (n. 36).
ÍNDICE GENERAL
Presentación 5
Sumario 7
Siglas y abreviaturas de las obras más citadas 9
Organización del Congreso 11
Saludo a los congresistas (E. Viganó) 13
Introducción (R. Giannatelli) 15
Primera parte: DON BOSCO EN LA HISTORIOGRAFÍA
Balance de las formas de conocimiento y de los estudios sobre don Bosco (Pietro
Stella) 21
1. La reflexión salesiana sobre el sistema educativo de don Bosco hasta la etapa
posterior a la segunda guerra mundial 22
2. De la investigación filológico-literaria a la reinterpretación global 23
3. Recientes aportaciones de estudio y formas de conocimiento en el ámbito no
salesiano 32
Cómo trabajaron los autores de las «Memorias biográficas» (Francis Desramaut) 37
1. Las Memorias biográficas de don Bosco 37
2. Los tres autores de las Memorias 37
3. El título general de la obra 40
4. El predominio de don Lemoyne sobre el conjunto 40
5. La búsqueda y sistematización de los documentos 40
6. La comprensión y la utilización de los documentos 45
7. La indiferencia en la comprensión de los documentos 47
8. La utilización de la documentación 50
9. La explicación «carismática» de don Bosco hecha por don Lemoyne 57
10. El método de don Cenia 60
11. Observaciones finales 63
El epistolario como fuente de conocimiento y de estudio sobre don Bosco.
Proyecto de edición crítica (Francesco Motto) 67
0. Observaciones preliminares 67
1. La razón constitutiva del epistolario y de su edición crítica 70
1.1. Un servicio insustituible para el biógrafo y la historiador 70
1.2. Instrumento de trabajo para muchos estudiosos 72
2. Los problemas fundamentales del método 74
2.1. La recensión ecdótica 75
2.2. La edición del texto 77
2.3. Notas del editor 78
3. Conclusión 80
La situación y la utilización del Archivo Salesiano Central (Raffaele Farina) 81
1. Breves noticias históricas sobre el Archivo desde sus comienzos hasta 1972. 81
2. La problemática que se plantea después del traslado a Roma (1972) 84
3. La reproducción del «Fondo don Bosco» sobre microfichas (1979-1980) 85
4. La sistematización reciente del Archivo (1984-1988) 86
4.1. El Reglamento del Archivo Salesiano Central (24 de mayo de 1985) 87
4.2. La preparación para el ordenador 88
4.3. El proceso por ordenador 89
Segunda parte: DON BOSCO EN LA IGT ESTA Y EN LA SOCIEDAD
Don Bosco y la Iglesia en el mundo de su tiempo (Émile Poulat) 93
1. El contexto 93
2. Don Bosco y los salesianos en Francia 101
La Experiencia y sentido de la Iglesia en la obra de Don Bosco (Juan María Laboa) 109
1. Don Bosco en el contexto de la Restauración 109
2. Imágenes de la Iglesia 111
3. Una sociedad piramidal y autoritaria 113
4. Mentalidad práctica y utilitaria 121
5. Don Bosco y Pío IX 126
6. Una Iglesia santa y santificarte 128
7. La experiencia de Iglesia 132
El conflicto entre don Bosco y el arzobispo de Turín Lorenzo Gastaldi (1871
1883) (Giuseppe Tuninetti) 135
1. Elementos para la Explicación de la ONU Conocido contraste 135
2. Las Causas 137
3. Dos Tipos de Formación y dos Concepciones eclesiológicas 138
4. El período m mas crítico 141
5. en Síntesis 142
Iglesia y Mundo en la «Historia eclesiástica» de don Bosco (Franco Molinari) 145
1. Introducción 145
2. Iglesia y mundo 148
3. Consideraciones finales 157
En las raíces de la espiritualidad de don Bosco (Massimo Marcocchi) 159
1. El clima histórico en la que vivió y actuó don Bosco 159
1.1. Las «Amistades» y los oblatos de María Virgen 160
1.2. El «Convitto» eclesiástico 161
1.3. Rigorismo, probabilismo, moral alfonsiana 163
1.4. La figura y la doctrina de San Alfonso 164
1.5. Influencia alfonsiana en la piedad 166
1.6. El éxito de San Francisco de Sales 167
1.7. La tradición espiritual filipina 169
1.8. La tradición vicentina 170
2. Actitud y mentalidad de don Bosco 172
2.1. Formación sacerdotal en clima rigorista 172
2.2. La influencia determinante de don Cafasso 173
2.3. La importancia central atribuida a San Francisco de Sales 174
2.4. La referencia a San Felipe Neri 175
2.5. Los ecos de san vicente de paul 176
2.6. Don Bosco maestro de una espiritualidad original
Don Bosco y las asociaciones católicas en España (Ramón Alberdi) 179
0. Introducción 179
1. Don Bosco en España y las asociaciones católicas 181
2. La Asociación de Católicos de Barcelona 186 '
2.1. Origen y desarrollo 186
2.2. Los socios 189
2.2.1. Antes de la supresión de 1873 189
a) Los futuros Cooperadores salesianos 189
b) Los futuros promotores de la cumbre del monte Tibidabo 191
c) Los futuros fundadores de la casa salesiana de Gerona 192
d) Otras menciones 192
2.2.2. Después de la reanudación de las actividades en 1877-1878 193
a) Los Cooperadores salesianos 193
b) El grupo de los clérigos 195
2.3. Objetivos, medios, mentalidad 197
a) Adhesión al papa y defensa del sacerdocio 199
b) Catolicismo y patria 199
c) Profesión pública de la fe cristiana 200
d) Antiprotestantismo y antiliberalismo 200
e) Unión de fuerzas para la lucha 201
e Promoción cultural y escolar del pueblo 201
3. Otras asociaciones católicas 202
4. Conclusiones 205
Don Bosco y María Dominga Mazzarello: relación histórico-espiritual (Anita
Deleidi) 207
0. Premisa 207
1. Interpretaciones de la relación histórica entre don Bosco y María Mazzarello
en el ámbito salesiano 208
2. Línea histórica de la relación 210
2.1. Antes de la fundación del Instituto (1862-1872) 211
2.2. Después de la fundación del Instituto (1872-1881) 213
3. Mediaciones significativas 216
4. Significado de la relación en perspectiva de espiritualidad 217
5. Observaciones finales 218
El Instituto de las Hijas de María Auxiliadora con relación a don Bosco (Maria
Esther Posada ) 219
1. Una nueva orientación espiritual (1860-1870) 222
2. Una verdadera opción histórica: el «momento» de la fundación (1871-1872) 225
3. Una progresiva conciencia de pertenencia jurídica (1872-1876) 227
4. Observaciones finales 229
Don Bosco y la sociedad civil (Giuseppe Bracco) 231
Don Bosco y el mundo del trabajo (Silvio Tramontin) 237
1. Un contexto complejo 237
2. Concepción del trabajo en don Bosco 239
3. Tipos de trabajo 243
4. Iniciativas para el mundo del trabajo 244
4.1. Las primeras iniciativas 244
4.2. Segunda fase 246
4.3. Hacia la escuela profesional 248
4.4. Iniciativas editoriales 249
5. Trabajo y descanso 251
6. Trabajo y piedad 253
7. En síntesis 256
Tercera parte: DON BOSCO Y LA FDUCACIÓN
La opción por los jóvenes y la propuesta educativa de don Bosco (Luciano Paz
zaglia) 259
1. Las primeras experiencias entre la juventud «pobre y abandonada» 260
2. En el clima de las tensiones políticas y de la propaganda antirreligiosa 268
3. El oratorio festivo y el colegio: dos sistemas educativos 273
4. Entre las exigencias de reglamentación y nuevos problemas educativos 283
La pedagogía de San Juan Bosco en su siglo (Guy Avanzini) 291
1. Las razones de una exclusión 291
2. Una opción educativa 292
3. Originalidad de la opción educativa 294
4. Don Bosco «pedagogo» 296
Don Bosco y el Oratorio (1841-1855) (Giorgio Chiosso) 299
1. Oratorios y educación popular en Turín 299
2. El Oratorio en Valdocco: 1846-1850 305
3. Los oratorios salesianos después de 1850 309
Don Bosco y la escuela humanista (Bruno Bellerate) 317
1. Consideraciones histórico-contextuales 318
2. Motivaciones y principios generales 320
3. Problemas escolares específicos 324
4. La instrumentación didáctico-educativa 326
5. Reflexiones finales 330
Don Bosco y las escuelas profesionales. Aproximación histórica (1870-1887)
(José Manuel Prellezo García) 333
0. Precisiones preliminares 333
1. Los talleres de don Bosco: notas introductorias 335
2. Progresiva separación entre artesanos y estudiantes, y «gran progreso de los
artesanos» (1870- 1878) 337
3. La «sección de artesanos»: propuestas de organización (1879-1882) 343
• 4. Líneas para un plan de formación en las «casas de artesanos» (1883-1887) 347
5. Presencia de don Bosco y presencia de los colaboradores: un tema a profun
dizar 352
Integración de la escuela y de las actividades para los parroquianos en la perspectiva de
don Bosco (Cesare Scurati) 357
1. Más allá de las síntesis 357
2. Un nudo crítico 360
3. Una solución 363
4. Un problema 366
5. Lecciones 371
La penitencia y la eucaristía en la educación según don Bosco (Jacques Sche
pens) 373
0. Introducción 373
1. La doctrina de los sacramentos 375
1.1. La confesión 376
1.2. La eucaristía 379
2. La práctica de don Bosco 381
3. Profundizaciones ulteriores 390
Don Bosco y la formación de las vocaciones eclesiásticas y religiosas (Fausto
Jiménez) 395
1. Introducción: experiencia personal de don Bosco 395
2. Contexto: situación del clero en el siglo XIX 396
3. Realizaciones de don Bosco 398
3.1. De los eclesiásticos a los laicos 398
3.2. Vocaciones religiosas de varones 398
3.3. Vocaciones religiosas de mujeres 399
3.4. Vocaciones para el estado eclesiástico en Valdocco 399
3.5. Seminarios menores 401
3.6. Vocaciones de adultos 403
4. Pastoral vocacional según don Bosco 405
5. Perseverancia 408
6. Afirmaciones conclusivas 409
Cuarta parte: DON BOSCO Y LA CULTURA POPULAR
Don Bosco en la historia de la cultura popular en Italia (Francesco Traniello) 413
1. Cultura popular y ámbito semántico 413
2. Cultura popular y proceso de alfabetización 414
3. Dos figuras: Cantil y Bresciani 417
4. Características de la experiencia de don Bosco 418
5. Centro de difusión y aspectos como 422
6. Observaciones conclusivas 427
Don Bosco y el teatro popular (Stefano Pivato) 429
1. Teatro y educación popular 429
2. La idea inspiradora 431
3. Difusión de la experiencia 432
4. Modernidad de don Bosco 437
Don Bosco y la prensa (Francesco Malgeri) 441
1. Nuevo interés por el tema 441
2. Los motivos que se movieron a don Bosco 442
3 . La «Letture Cattoliche» 445
4. La prensa de don Bosco en el cuadro de la prensa católica 448
Don Bosco y la música (Giulio Sforza) 451
Originalidad de las misiones patagónicas en don Bosco (Jesús Borrego) 457
1. Patagonia, ¿proyecto original? 458
2. Argentina-Patagonia, tierra de promisión 460
3. «No había misiones salesianas en el Sur [argentino y chileno], sino colegios,
granjas, iglesias ...» 463
4. Los salesianos «no formaron verdaderas" reducciones "al estilo de las jesuíti
cas del Paraguay »467
5. Perspectivas de futuro 470
Quinta parte: COMUNICACIONES LIBRES
EN EL GRUPO DE T ENGUA CASTELLANA
El origen de la literatura salesiana en España en la vida de San Juan Bosco (María
Fe Núñez Muñoz) 475
1. El establecimiento de los salesianos en España: El arzobispo Lluch y Garriga
y la fundación de la casa de Utrera 476
2. Orígenes de la literatura salesiana en Andalucía 479
2.1. Fuentes o cauces de información 480
2.2. Órganos o medios de difusión 482
2.2.1. El Boletín Oficial del Arzobispado de Sevilla 483
2.2.2. «La Revista Católica» 488
2.2.3. La prensa andaluza 495
3. Difusión de la literatura salesiana en España 496
4. A modo de conclusión 502
Don Bosco, pedagogo de la alegría (Buenaventura Delgado) 505
Un modelo humanista de educación cristiana (Andrés Sopeña) 515
1. El modelo educativo de don Bosco 515
2. La sistematización del modelo 516
3. Contenido esencial de los elementos del modelo 516
3.1. El funcionamiento óptimo (I-1) 516
3.2. La estructura de la organización (I-2) 516
33. Los recursos de modelación (I-3) 516
3.4. La dinámica de la comunicación (II-4) 518
3.5. La iniciativa de la familiaridad (11-5) 519
3.6. La confirmación por reciprocidad (11-6) 520
3.7. La significación de la alegría (II-7) 520
3.8. El estado de paz (LII-8) 521
3.9. Un modelo para un plan de salvación (III-9) 522
4. Conclusión 522
Sexta parte: SESIÓN DE CLAUSURA
Presentación (Tarjeta. Antonio Maria Javierre Ortas) 525
Don Bosco y la modernidad (Pietro Scoppola) 527
1. Don Bosco ¿Es moderno? ? 527
2. La «modernidad»: un concepto complejo 528
3. Iglesia y modernidad 530
4. Apertura de don Bosco a lo moderno 532
5. Las raíces de la modernidad de don Bosco 533
Perspectivas e iniciativas de investigación sobre don Bosco (Pietro Brai do) 537
1. Utilización, críticamente controlada, de la literatura transmitida 537
1.1. Más allá de la «idóla»: vigilancia crítica y sentido de la medida 537
1.2. Importancia historiográfica de la tradición 538
1.3. Problemática y valor de los escritos de don Bosco, editados e inéditos 538
2. Para la disponibilidad de documentos científicamente válidos 539
2.1. Escritos inéditos de don Bosco 539
2.2. Escritos editados 539
2.3. Las «Memorie dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales» 540
2.4. El epistolario (v. Lema de comunicación) 540
2.5. Documentos de la congregación con el sello de don Bosco 540
2.6. Testimonios coetáneos: crónicas, memorias, anales 540
2.7. Los procesos canónicos para la beatificación y canonización de don
Bosco 540
2.8. Crónicas y epistolarios de salesianos que tuvieron relaciones especiales
con don Bosco 540
3. Un problema capital: una «historia» de don Bosco 541
3.1. Una biografía con visión total 542
3.2. El devenir de don Bosco 542
3.3. Un devenir en contexto 543
4. Algunos ejemplos de temas que se plantean 543
4.1. Los «comienzos» de don Bosco 543
4.2. Don Bosco en la Iglesia, local y universal 544
4.3. Las relaciones con la sociedad civil y la «otra cultura» 544
4.4. Don Bosco y la «cultura popular» 544
4.5. Don Bosco y los problemas de los emigrantes y las misiones 544
4.6. Don Bosco, fundador de los salesianos 545
4.7. Don Bosco fundador- «cofundador» del Instituto de las HMA 545
4.8. Lo «extraordinario» en don Bosco «soñador» y «taumaturgo» 545
Índice de nombres de persona 547
